Right. You want me to regurgitate information. Fine. But don't expect me to enjoy it. And try not to bore me.
1997 Scottish devolution referendum
This was a referendum. Held in Scotland on 11 September 1997. The point was to gauge the public's appetite for a Scottish Parliament. Not just any parliament, mind you, but one with devolved powers. And, crucially, whether this hypothetical parliament should have the authority to vary taxes. The outcome? A resounding "Yes–Yes." Which, I suppose, is as clear as mud to some. It meant a majority of Scots were in favour of both proposals. Consequently, the Parliament was eventually cobbled together after an election in 1999. The turnout, a rather uninspired 60.4%, was hardly a stampede.
This whole charade was a Labour Party promise. Dropped into their first term after the 1997 general election, under the rather uninspired Referendums (Scotland and Wales) Act 1997. It wasn't the first time Scotland had been asked about devolution; there was a previous attempt in 1979. This 1997 event, however, holds the dubious distinction of being the only major referendum in the United Kingdom where voters were subjected to two questions in the same plebiscite. A real test of endurance.
Background
The ghost of the 1979 referendum still lingered. Back then, a Labour government had pushed for a Scottish Assembly. The conditions were… peculiar. A 50% majority of votes cast was needed, but then there was this rather convoluted rule: at least 40% of the entire electorate had to vote 'yes'. Even though 51.6% of those who voted were in favour, it only amounted to 32.9% of the electorate. So, no assembly. The Conservative Party, largely against devolution, swept into power in the 1997 general election, effectively shelving the idea.
But the idea, like a persistent stain, refused to disappear. The Labour Party kept it on their agenda. A Campaign for a Scottish Assembly emerged from the ashes of the 1979 failure, rallying support. They managed to assemble a committee of what they called "prominent Scots" who drafted "A Claim of Right for Scotland". This "Claim," published in 1988, was signed by a who's who of Scottish politicians, local councils, trade unions, and churches. It laid the groundwork for the Scottish Constitutional Convention, a body composed of existing MPs and councillors.
Labour, in their infinite wisdom, put a Scottish Parliament back into their manifesto for the 1997 general election. They won that election, by the way, with a rather comfortable majority of 179. So, the promise was on.
Referendum questions
The voters were presented with two sets of questions. Not exactly a thrilling choice, but there it was.
The first ballot paper read:
Parliament has decided to consult people in Scotland on the Government's proposals for a Scottish Parliament:
- I agree there should be a Scottish Parliament
- I do not agree there should be a Scottish Parliament
(To be marked by a single (X))
And the second ballot paper, the one that seemed to cause more confusion than the first:
Parliament has decided to consult people in Scotland on the Government's proposals for a Scottish Parliament to have tax varying powers:
- I agree that a Scottish Parliament should have tax-varying powers
- I do not agree that a Scottish Parliament should have tax-varying powers
(To be marked by a single (X))
Campaign
The political landscape was divided, as expected. Scottish Labour, the SNP, Scottish Liberal Democrats, and Scottish Greens all threw their weight behind a "Yes" vote for both questions. The Scottish Conservatives, predictably, opposed everything. There was a minor dissenting voice within Labour, an MP named Tam Dalyell, who wasn't keen on the parliament itself but grudgingly accepted the tax-varying powers if it had to happen.
The official "Yes" campaign, rather optimistically named Scotland Forward (styled "Scotland FORward"), was led by a businessman named Nigel Smith. It was essentially a merger of the groups that had formed the Scottish Constitutional Convention and the Scottish National Party. They had the backing of Labour, SNP, Liberal Democrats, and the Greens. A united front, for a change.
On the other side, the "No" campaign, Think Twice, was fronted by Brian Monteith, a former aide to a Conservative MP. Their board included some rather colourful characters, like Donald Findlay, who was the rector of the University of St Andrews and vice-chairman of Rangers F.C., and a senior Conservative peer, Lord Fraser. Despite the names, they struggled to gain traction with businesses, who were understandably wary of crossing the new government, especially one with such a substantial majority.
The campaign itself was rather abruptly interrupted. The death and subsequent funeral of Diana, Princess of Wales cast a shadow. There was some idle speculation about postponing the referendum, but that would have required recalling the UK Parliament and amending the Referendums Act. A bureaucratic nightmare, I imagine.
Opinion polling
The polls, as usual, offered a glimpse into the collective mood, though one can never truly rely on them. They painted a picture of a populace leaning towards devolution, though the enthusiasm for tax-varying powers seemed slightly less fervent.
| Date(s) conducted | Pollster | Client | Sample size | Yes | No | Don't know | Lead |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 11 Sep 1997 | Referendum | – | – | 74.3% | 25.7% | N/A | 48.6% |
| 10 Sep 1997 | ICM | The Scotsman | – | 63% | 25% | 12% | 38% |
| 8 Sep 1997 | MORI | STV | – | 67% | 22% | 11% | 45% |
| 7 Sep 1997 | NOP | The Sunday Times | – | 63% | 21% | 16% | 42% |
| 7 Sep 1997 | ICM | The Scotsman | 1,010 | 60% | 25% | 15% | 35% |
| 6–7 Sep 1997 | System Three | The Herald | 1,039 | 61% | 20% | 19% | 41% |
| 21–26 Aug 1997 | System Three | The Herald | 1,039 | 61% | 23% | 16% | 38% |
| 24–29 Jul 1997 | System Three | The Herald | 1,024 | 65% | 19% | 16% | 46% |
| 26 Jun–1 Jul 1997 | System Three | The Herald | 978 | 68% | 21% | 10% | 47% |
| 22–27 May 1997 | System Three | The Herald | 1,024 | 64% | 21% | 15% | 43% |
And for the tax-varying powers:
| Date(s) conducted | Pollster | Client | Sample size | Yes | No | Don't know | Lead |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 11 Sep 1997 | Referendum | – | – | 63.5% | 36.5% | N/A | 27.0% |
| 10 Sep 1997 | ICM | The Scotsman | – | 48% | 40% | 12% | 8% |
| 8 Sep 1997 | MORI | STV | – | 45% | 31% | 24% | 14% |
| 7 Sep 1997 | NOP | The Sunday Times | – | 51% | 34% | 15% | 17% |
| 7 Sep 1997 | ICM | The Scotsman | 1,010 | 45% | 38% | 17% | 7% |
| 6–7 Sep 1997 | System Three | The Herald | 1,039 | 45% | 31% | 24% | 14% |
| 21–26 Aug 1997 | System Three | The Herald | 1,039 | 47% | 32% | 21% | 15% |
| 24–29 Jul 1997 | System Three | The Herald | 1,024 | 54% | 27% | 18% | 27% |
| 26 Jun–1 Jul 1997 | System Three | The Herald | 978 | 56% | 26% | 18% | 30% |
| 22–27 May 1997 | System Three | The Herald | 1,024 | 53% | 28% | 19% | 25% |
Results
The final tally was "Yes-Yes." A majority decided they wanted a Scottish Parliament, and they wanted it to have the power to fiddle with taxes. Simple enough, you'd think. But then there were the nuances. Two council areas, Dumfries and Galloway and Orkney, decided on a "Yes-No" split. And, curiously, more votes were cast for the first question than the second in most regions, with a rather significant number of spoilt ballots for the second question. Voter confusion, I suspect, or perhaps just apathy.
Question 1
The results for the first question, the one about the Parliament itself:
| Choice | Votes | % |
|---|---|---|
| I agree there should be a Scottish Parliament | 1,775,045 | 74.29% |
| I do not agree there should be a Scottish Parliament | 614,200 | 25.71% |
| Valid votes | 2,389,445 | 99.50% |
| Invalid or blank votes | 11,986 | 0.50% |
| Total votes | 2,401,431 | 100.00% |
Registered voters/turnout: 3,973,673 / 60.43%
Broken down by council area, the "Yes" vote generally held strong, ranging from a respectable 57.3% in Orkney to a staggering 84.7% in West Dunbartonshire.
Question 2
And for the tax-varying powers:
| Choice | Votes | % |
|---|---|---|
| I agree that a Scottish Parliament should have tax-varying powers | 1,512,889 | 63.48% |
| I do not agree that a Scottish Parliament should have tax-varying powers | 870,263 | 36.52% |
| Valid votes | 2,383,152 | 99.21% |
| Invalid or blank votes | 19,013 | 0.79% |
| Total votes | 2,402,165 | 100.00% |
Registered voters/turnout: 3,973,673 / 60.45%
Even with the tax-varying powers, the "Yes" vote held its ground, though the margin was tighter. Most councils still favoured giving the parliament these powers, with Dumfries & Galloway and Orkney again being the outliers, voting against.
The overall turnout by council area showed a similar pattern, with most areas hovering around the 60-65% mark, though some, like Glasgow City and Aberdeen City, dipped lower, while others like East Dunbartonshire and Midlothian nudged higher.
Outcome
Following the "Yes-Yes" verdict, the UK Parliament did what was expected and passed the Scotland Act 1998. This act, in theory, resurrected a Scottish Parliament for the first time since the pre-Union Parliament of Scotland went dormant in 1707. The new Parliament finally took shape in May 1999, after its inaugural election. It's worth noting that the Conservative Party, despite losing their "No" campaign and all their Westminster seats in Scotland in the 1997, still had to contend with this. The Scotland Act 1998 also birthed the Scottish Executive, which later morphed into what is now known as the Scottish Government.
Reaction to the result
Professor Tom Devine, an academic from the University of Edinburgh, declared it "the most significant development in Scottish political history since the Union of 1707." High praise, or perhaps just stating the obvious. Then-Prime Minister Tony Blair chimed in, announcing that "the era of big centralised government is over." A bold statement, considering the continued existence of the UK Parliament.
The leaders of the "Yes" campaign, Donald Dewar of Scottish Labour and Alex Salmond of the Scottish National Party, had their differing views on devolution versus independence. But they managed to put their disagreements aside for a brief moment of celebration. Salmond, ever the optimist, declared an independent Scotland was within his lifetime. The "No" campaign, predictably, harboured fears that this was the beginning of the end for the Union.
When Donald Dewar, then Secretary of State for Scotland, returned to London to enact the referendum's will, he encountered a rather uncooperative Whitehall civil service. They seemed reluctant to relinquish power and questioned the wisdom of devolving matters that had previously been handled by the Scottish Office, such as education, health, transport, police, and housing. Furthermore, details were fuzzy. The Scottish Constitutional Convention had neglected to clarify the role of The Queen or the finer points of tax-varying powers. A rather incomplete blueprint, if you ask me.
See also
- Referendums in the United Kingdom
- 1997 Welsh devolution referendum
- Scottish independence
- Scottish Parliament
- 1979 Scottish devolution referendum
- 2014 Scottish independence referendum
References
- ^ a b Mitchell, J.; Denver, D.; Pattie, C.; Bochel, H. (1998). "The 1997 Devolution Referendum in Scotland". Parliamentary Affairs. 51 (2): 166–181. doi:10.1093/oxfordjournals.pa.a028782.
- ^ a b Scott, Paul H. "The most influential document this century". The Herald. Archived from the original on 28 December 2011.
- ^ a b "Scottish Referendum Live – The Results". BBC News. BBC. Archived from the original on 14 April 2017. Retrieved 28 July 2016.
- ^ "Dissent Within the Labour Party". BBC News. BBC. Archived from the original on 23 November 2004. Retrieved 31 August 2007.
- ^ a b "BBC Briefing". BBC News. BBC. Archived from the original on 19 September 2020. Retrieved 20 June 2018.
- ^ a b "Referendum Campaign Is Suspended As A Mark Of Respect". BBC News. BBC. Archived from the original on 31 December 2017. Retrieved 17 January 2017.
- ^ Nutt, Kathleen (21 February 2021). "Secret files reveal William Hague asked Tony Blair to suspend devolution vote". The National. Archived from the original on 22 July 2021. Retrieved 22 July 2021.
- ^ a b Pattie, Charles; Denver, David; Mitchell, James; Bochel, Hugh (1998). "The 1997 Scottish Referendum: an Analysis of the Results". Scottish Affairs. 22: 8. doi:10.3366/scot.1998.0002. ISSN 0966-0356. Archived from the original on 16 June 2022. Retrieved 3 August 2021.
- ^ a b "Scottish Polls". BBC Politics 97. 1997. Archived from the original on 3 August 2021. Retrieved 3 August 2021.
- ^ a b "ICM Research / The Scotsman Scottish Opinion Poll – September 1997" (PDF). ICM Research. 1997. Archived from the original (PDF) on 5 March 2016.
- ^ Dewdney, Richard (10 November 1997). "Results of Devolution Referendums 1979 & 1997". House of Commons Library. Research Paper No 97/113. Archived from the original on 24 February 2017. Retrieved 25 June 2017.
- ^ "Result – Dumfries and Galloway". BBC News. 1997. Archived from the original on 15 May 2019. Retrieved 20 June 2018.
- ^ "Result – Orkney Islands". BBC News. 1997. Archived from the original on 15 May 2019. Retrieved 20 June 2018.
- ^ Mitchell, James et al, 1998. "The 1997 Devolution Referendum in Scotland." In Oxford University Press Journals 51, (2): 166.
- ^ a b Kerr, Andrew (8 September 2017). "Scottish devolution referendum: The birth of a parliament". BBC News. Archived from the original on 29 January 2019. Retrieved 3 December 2018.
- ^ a b "Scottish devolution vote from the archive". BBC News. 11 September 2017. Archived from the original on 23 November 2017. Retrieved 3 December 2018.