The twenty-second census of the United States, a monumental undertaking by the Census Bureau, was officially conducted on April 1, 2000. Its purpose was to establish the resident population of the nation, a figure that climbed to a staggering 281,421,906. This represented a significant leap, a 13.2 percent increase from the 248,709,873 souls counted in the 1990 census. At the time, it stood as the largest civilian operation conducted during peacetime in the history of the United States, a testament to the sheer scale of organizing such an endeavor.
This census marked a significant shift in methodology. Approximately 16 percent of households were presented with the "long form," a questionnaire that delved into over 100 questions, seeking to capture a far more granular understanding of American life. This, however, would be the final census to employ the extensive "long form." Subsequent enumerations, beginning with the 2010 census, would revert to a "short form" approach. The detailed inquiries previously found on the long form were eventually transitioned to the American Community Survey, a more continuous data collection effort. For those seeking the intricate details and historical context, the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series offers comprehensive documentation, including the actual census forms and a procedural history, a rather dry but essential record of how this massive count was managed.
A notable demographic milestone was reached with the 2000 census: it was the first time any single state, California, surpassed the 30 million mark in population. Furthermore, it was the inaugural census where two states, California and Texas, recorded populations exceeding 20 million. These figures, while seemingly just numbers, represent the ebb and flow of human lives, the silent migrations, and the persistent growth that reshapes the very fabric of the nation.
Data Availability
The granular microdata from the 2000 census is readily accessible through the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series. For those interested in the aggregation of data for smaller geographic areas, or for those who prefer to visualize the demographic landscape, electronic boundary files are available for download from the National Historical Geographic Information System. As for the more personal details, the Census Bureau adheres to a strict "72-Year Rule," meaning personally identifiable information will not become publicly accessible until the year 2072. A rather long wait for secrets, wouldn't you agree?
State Rankings
The census data paints a vivid picture of population distribution, highlighting the growth and shifts across the 50 states and the District of Columbia. California, predictably, remained the most populous state, its numbers swelling by over 4 million to reach 33,871,648. It was a growth of 13.8 percent, a significant, if not explosive, increase. Texas followed, demonstrating a more robust percentage growth of 22.8 percent, adding nearly 4 million people to its rolls, pushing its total to 20,851,820. These two giants were the only states to break the 20 million threshold.
New York, a perennial powerhouse, saw a modest 5.5 percent increase, bringing its population to 18,976,457. Florida continued its rapid ascent, a testament to its allure and continued development, with a substantial 23.5 percent growth, adding over 3 million residents to reach 15,982,378. Illinois and Pennsylvania maintained their positions, showing steady but less dramatic growth rates.
The data also reveals states experiencing significant percentage gains, often from smaller base populations. Arizona, for instance, saw a remarkable 40.0 percent increase, its population climbing to 5,130,632. Nevada was the standout, with a staggering 66.3 percent surge, its population more than doubling from 1,201,833 to 1,998,257. This kind of growth suggests a dynamic migration and expansion, a palpable shift in the nation's demographic center. Even Colorado experienced a 30.6 percent jump, reaching 4,301,261. Meanwhile, West Virginia saw the slowest growth, a mere 0.8 percent, adding only 14,867 people to its count of 1,808,344. The District of Columbia itself experienced a decline of 5.7 percent, a curious anomaly in a generally growing nation.
City Rankings
Beyond the state-level figures, the census provided a detailed look at urban centers. New York City, as expected, was the most populous city by a wide margin, housing 8,008,278 residents, a number that dwarfs most entire states. Los Angeles followed, a sprawling metropolis with 3,694,820 inhabitants, and Chicago held its ground as the third-largest city at 2,896,016. The usual suspects of Houston, Philadelphia, and Phoenix rounded out the top tier, each with populations exceeding one million.
The list of the top 100 cities reveals the continued urbanization and the emergence of new population centers. Cities like San Antonio and Dallas in Texas, San Diego in California, and San Jose demonstrated significant growth, reflecting the economic and social magnetism of these regions. Even cities further down the list, such as Omaha or Minneapolis, represented substantial communities, each with its own unique demographic profile and story. It's a mosaic of human settlement, each dot on the map representing countless lives.
Population Profile
The U.S. resident population encompasses everyone within the 50 states and the District of Columbia. The Census Bureau also extended its count to the U.S. territory of Puerto Rico, where 3,808,610 people resided, an 8.1 percent increase from the previous decade.
The Census Bureau, in its introductory remarks on the population profile, highlighted several key demographic shifts and characteristics:
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Racial and Ethnic Composition: A significant majority, 75% of respondents, identified solely as White or Caucasian. The Hispanic population showed notable growth, constituting 12.5% of the U.S. total, a substantial jump from 9% in 1990. This reflects a changing ethnic landscape. German descent remained a significant identifier, with 12.4% of respondents claiming it. Black or African American individuals represented 12.3% of the population, numbering 34.5 million. The Asian population accounted for 3.6%. Crucially, the 2000 census was the first to provide options for identifying as multiracial (two or more races), with 2.4% of respondents selecting this option, totaling 6.8 million individuals. This acknowledgment was a significant step in recognizing the complex tapestry of American identity.
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Age Distribution: The population was aging. Between 1990 and 2000, the age cohort of 45 to 54 years grew by a substantial 49%, and those aged 85 and older saw a 38% increase. This demographic shift has profound implications for healthcare, social services, and the economy. It was also noted that among those aged 85 and older, women outnumbered men by a two-to-one ratio, a stark illustration of differing life expectancies.
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Disability and Health: In 1997, nearly one in five adults reported having some form of disability, with the prevalence increasing significantly with age. This highlights the ongoing need for accessibility and support services. The data also indicated that poverty was closely linked to health insurance coverage, with the poor being more likely to lack it.
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Household and Family Structure: While families remained the dominant household structure, their prevalence had declined compared to thirty years prior. Interestingly, since 1993, median household incomes had risen for both families and non-families. The fastest growth in income was observed in "households headed by a woman without a spouse present," suggesting evolving family dynamics and economic empowerment. Conversely, people in married-couple families continued to exhibit the lowest poverty rates.
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Education and Technology: The number of students in elementary and high school was nearing the all-time high set in 1970. Educational attainment was improving across various racial and ethnic groups, a positive sign for societal progress. On the technological front, the census revealed a growing digital divide: 51% of U.S. households had access to computers, and 42% had Internet access. These figures, while substantial, also indicated that a significant portion of the population was still on the periphery of the digital revolution.
Changes in Population
The regional distribution of population growth showed a clear trend: the South and the West absorbed the lion's share of the nation's increase. The South saw an addition of 14,790,890 people, while the West gained 10,411,850. This migration had a tangible effect on the mean center of U.S. population, which shifted westward and southward to Phelps County, Missouri. The Northeastern United States experienced more modest growth, adding 2,785,149, and the Midwest grew by 4,724,144. The maps, though not to scale, visually represent this demographic redistribution, a constant recalibration of where Americans choose to live.
Reapportionment
The fundamental purpose of the decennial census, beyond simply counting people, is to ensure fair representation in government. The census results are the bedrock upon which the allocation of congressional districts to each state is based. Congress, in its wisdom, defines the formula, as stipulated in Title 2 of the U.S. Code, to redistribute the 435 seats in the United States House of Representatives. The "apportionment population" includes not only state residents but also overseas military and federal civilian employees and their dependents, who are assigned to a home state. Each member of the House, at that time, represented approximately 647,000 constituents. The populations of the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico are excluded from this apportionment calculation, as they lack voting representation in the House.
Since the very first census in 1790, this decennial count has been the cornerstone of the United States representative democracy. Article I, Section II of the Constitution mandates that "The Number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand, but each State shall have at Least one Representative." Back in 1790, a representative spoke for about 34,000 people. Over the centuries, the House has expanded, but in 1911, the number of representatives was fixed at 435. Today, that number of constituents per representative is vastly larger.
Adjustment Controversy
The lead-up to the 2000 census was fraught with contention, particularly concerning the potential adjustment of census figures. The debate centered on whether to augment the raw count with data from a follow-up survey, known as the post-enumeration survey. The Supreme Court, in a 5–4 decision in 1999, ruled that the Constitution prohibited the use of such adjusted figures for apportionment purposes, though it might be permissible for other uses. This controversy was both technical and political. Data from the 1990 census suggested that such adjustments would likely lead to a slight increase in Democratic representation after redistricting, but it would also grant Utah an additional congressional seat, presumably for a Republican representative. The political stakes were undeniably high.
Ultimately, discrepancies between the adjusted figures and demographic estimates of population change could not be resolved in time to meet the legal deadlines for providing redistricting data. Consequently, the Census Bureau recommended, and the Secretary of Commerce accepted, the use of unadjusted results for apportionment. A pragmatic decision, perhaps, but one that left lingering questions.
Utah Controversy
Following the tabulation of the 2000 census, Utah lodged a formal challenge, contesting the results on two fronts. The state narrowly missed gaining a fourth congressional seat, falling short by a mere 857 people, with that seat ultimately being allocated to North Carolina. The margin was later revised to just 80 people after the federal government discovered an overcount of North Carolina's population by 2,673 residents.
Utah's argument was that individuals traveling abroad as religious missionaries, predominantly Mormons, should be counted as residents of Utah. The Census Bureau's policy at the time counted military and federal civilian employees abroad as residents of their home states but did not extend this to other individuals residing outside the United States. Since nearly half of all Mormon missionaries, over 11,000 individuals, hailed from Utah, and only 102 from North Carolina, changing this policy would have decisively shifted the congressional seat. However, on November 26, 2002, the Supreme Court upheld the lower court's decision, rejecting Utah's bid to have its missionaries counted.
Undeterred, Utah filed another lawsuit, alleging that the statistical methods used to calculate state populations were flawed and had cost them the seat. The Bureau employed a method called imputation to estimate the number of residents at addresses where individuals could not be reached after multiple attempts. While imputation added only 0.4% to the national population, Utah's imputation rate was lower, at 0.2%. The state argued that this imputation violated the Census Act of 1957 and failed the Constitution's mandate for an "actual enumeration" for apportionment. This case, Utah v. Evans, eventually reached the Supreme Court, but Utah's challenge was again unsuccessful.
Gay and Lesbian Controversy
The census forms themselves did not directly inquire about sexual orientation, rendering direct compilation of data comparing heterosexual and homosexual populations impossible. However, the inclusion of two specific questions on the long form allowed for the identification of same-sex partnerships. Households were asked about the sex of each person and their relationship to the head of the household. Respondents could indicate "Husband/wife," "unmarried partner," or other familial roles. Based on these responses, the Census Bureau reported over 658,000 same-sex couples heading households.
Yet, the interpretation of these figures was complex. Non-census surveys suggested that only about 25% of gay men and 40% of lesbians are in shared-household partnerships at any given time. This implies that for every same-sex couple tallied, there could be several un-partnered homosexual individuals who were not counted as such. The census reported 336,001 same-sex male couples and 329,522 female same-sex couples. Extrapolating from these figures and observed partnering habits, it was estimated that as many as 4.3 million homosexual adults might have been living in the U.S. in 2000. The precise number, however, remained elusive due to the census's methodology. Furthermore, populations identifying as bisexual or transgender were not explicitly counted, as no direct questions addressed these identities. The lack of precise data created challenges for lawmakers considering legislation related to hate crimes or social services for gay families, and it also impacted the accuracy of population fertility predictions.
A significant concern for gay rights advocates revolved around the automatic data allocation process. This automated software, designed to correct errors and discrepancies in returned questionnaires, treated forms filled out by two individuals identifying as "Husband/wife" in a same-sex relationship as a discrepancy. The Census Bureau explained that in 99% of such cases, same-sex "Husband/wife" data samples were reclassified as "unmarried partner" through computer processing. In the remaining 1%, the systems either altered one of the listed sexes to make the partnership appear heterosexual or, if the age difference was significant (over 15 years), reassigned the individuals into a parent/child relationship. This automatic reassignment was implemented to comply with the Defense of Marriage Act of 1996, which defined "marriage" exclusively as a union between one man and one woman. This process, while intended to adhere to legal definitions, unfortunately obscured valuable data regarding the social stability and self-identified marital status of same-gender couples.