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2014 International Court Of Justice Judges Election

Ah, another chronicle of humanity’s persistent attempts at order. Fine. If you insist on knowing how the gears of global justice turn, or rather, grind, let’s dissect the rather momentous, or at least meticulously documented, 2014 International Court of Justice election. This particular electoral drama, I'm told, officially commenced its intricate dance on 6 November 2014, precisely within the confines of the United Nations Headquarters in that sprawling metropolis known as New York City. It was, apparently, an event significant enough to warrant multiple dispatches, as evidenced by the footnotes.

This triennial exercise, a ritual performed with unwavering regularity, saw the venerable General Assembly and the ever-watchful Security Council engage in a concurrent, and presumably suspenseful, process. Their collective mission? To meticulously select five individuals deemed worthy of the title of judge for the International Court of Justice. These chosen few would then embark on a nine-year tenure, a commitment that, in this specific instance, was slated to begin its inexorable march on 6 February 2015. One imagines the calendars were marked with an almost religious fervor.

Background

The International Court of Justice (ICJ), an institution that grandly positions itself in The Hague, is not merely a court; it is, in fact, one of the principal organs of the United Nations. It holds the rather weighty, and often thankless, responsibility of adjudicating legal disputes that arise between states – a task that, if you’ve been paying attention, suggests a never-ending supply of work. Beyond settling these sovereign squabbles, it also deigns to provide advisory opinions on complex legal questions, usually when other UN organs or agencies find themselves sufficiently perplexed to seek external wisdom. It’s also colloquially, and perhaps a touch optimistically, referred to as the World Court.

This august body is composed of a rather specific number: 15 judges. To ensure a steady, if not entirely fresh, rotation of judicial minds, five of these positions are subject to election every three years. Should fate intervene, in the form of a death or some other unforeseen vacancy, a replacement judge is, of course, elected to serve out the remainder of the departed’s term. One must maintain continuity, after all. These judges, it is stipulated, are expected to embody independence and impartiality – qualities that, in the messy realm of international relations, must be perpetually reaffirmed. They are explicitly forbidden from exercising any political or administrative function, a sensible precaution, and are not to act as mere mouthpieces or representatives of their home states. Because nothing says "impartial justice" like a judge openly lobbying for their nation's interests.

The intricate ballet of electing these members of the Court is not left to chance or whim. It is, rather, meticulously governed by a series of articles, specifically numbers 2 through 15, enshrined within the sacred Statute of the International Court of Justice. These articles lay out the rules, the nuances, and the inevitable loopholes that define this particular process.

Prior to the 2014 election, the composition of the Court presented a snapshot of global legal expertise, or at least, global political appointments. The roster, and the duration of their respective tenures, was as follows:

Judge Term starts / renewed Term ends
Mohamed Bennouna 2006 2015
Bernardo Sepúlveda Amor 2006 2015
Leonid Skotnikov 2006 2015
Kenneth Keith 2006 2015
Joan Donoghue 2010 [4] 2015
Ronny Abraham, President 2005, [4] 2009 2018
Abdulqawi Yusuf, Vice-President 2009 2018
Christopher Greenwood 2009 2018
Dalveer Bhandari 2012 [4] 2018
Antônio Augusto Cançado Trindade 2009 2018
Peter Tomka 2003, 2012 2021
Hisashi Owada 2003, 2012 2021
Xue Hanqin 2010, [4] 2012 2021
Julia Sebutinde 2012 2021
Giorgio Gaja 2012 2021

From this rather exhaustive list, it became abundantly clear which seats were ripe for contention in the 2014 election. The positions held by Judges Sepúlveda Amor, Keith, Bennouna, Skotnikov, and Donoghue were precisely those slated for renewal. Of these, only Judges Bennouna and Donoghue apparently possessed the fortitude, or perhaps the sheer stubbornness, to stand for re-election. The other three, presumably, had seen enough of the world's legal conundrums.

Election procedure

The election of members to the Court is a process that, in its very design, seems to revel in complexity. The General Assembly and the Security Council embark upon this task independently of one another, a curious separation of powers that often leads to intriguing, if not outright frustrating, impasses.

To be deemed successfully elected, a candidate must achieve nothing less than an absolute majority of votes in both the General Assembly and the Security Council. The term "absolute majority" here isn't some vague suggestion; it's interpreted with painstaking precision as a majority of all electors, irrespective of whether they actually cast a vote or are even permitted to. Practically, this translates to a daunting 97 votes required in the General Assembly and a rather more attainable 8 votes in the Security Council. Notably, the architects of this system made no distinction between the permanent and non-permanent members of the Security Council for this purpose, a rare moment of egalitarianism in that particular body.

When it comes to the actual casting of votes, only those candidates whose names have been meticulously printed on the ballot papers are considered eligible for election. Each elector, whether residing in the General Assembly or the Security Council, is initially permitted to vote for a maximum of five candidates on the very first ballot. On subsequent ballots, however, the number they may vote for decreases by the number of candidates who have already managed to secure an absolute majority. One can only imagine the diligent tallying.

Once five candidates have, through some combination of strategic voting and sheer luck, obtained the requisite majority in one of these organs, the president of that particular body is then obliged to notify the president of the other organ of the names of these five victorious individuals. However, and here’s where the procedural drama often peaks, the president of the latter organ is explicitly forbidden from communicating these names to its own members until that organ itself has independently bestowed the required majority of votes upon its own list of five candidates. It's a delicate dance of information control, ensuring no undue influence.

After both the General Assembly and the Security Council have each, in their own time and with their own distinct majorities, produced a list of five names, these two lists are then, finally, compared. Any candidate fortunate enough to appear on both lists is declared elected. But, and this is where things often get interesting, if fewer than five candidates manage this dual endorsement, the two organs must then proceed, once again independently of one another, to a second meeting. And, if necessary, a third. They continue to elect candidates through further ballots for the remaining vacant seats, with the results, naturally, being compared after each round until the required number of candidates has achieved an absolute majority in each organ. It's a process designed to test patience, if nothing else.

Should this elaborate charade persist, and after the third meeting, one or more seats still stubbornly refuse to be filled, a rather extraordinary measure can be invoked. The General Assembly and the Security Council are then empowered to form a joint conference. This conference, a rare beast, consists of six members, with three appointed by each organ. This select group, by an absolute majority vote of its own, is tasked with agreeing upon one name for each seat that remains vacant. These names are then submitted for the respective acceptance of both the General Assembly and the Security Council. In a truly exceptional scenario, if this joint conference manages to achieve unanimous agreement, it even possesses the power to submit the name of an individual not originally included in the list of nominations. The only proviso, of course, is that this dark horse candidate must fulfill all the required conditions of eligibility to be a judge on the ICJ. Because, heaven forbid, they compromise on qualifications.

And finally, if all else fails, if the General Assembly and the Security Council prove utterly incapable of filling one or more vacant seats despite this exhaustive process, then the responsibility falls to the existing judges of the ICJ who have already been elected. They are tasked with proceeding to fill the remaining vacant seats by making a selection from among those candidates who had, at some point, managed to garner votes either in the General Assembly or in the Security Council. In the highly improbable, yet statistically possible, event of a tie vote among these already-seated judges, the eldest among them is granted the rather decisive, and perhaps unenviable, casting vote. One can only imagine the tension of such a moment.

This article, like many official pronouncements that have thankfully outlived their copyright, incorporates text from a source which now resides comfortably in the public domain: United Nations document A/69/253–S/2014/521.

Candidates

Before one can even contemplate the intricate dance of ballots and majorities, one must first consider the candidates themselves.

Qualifications

Article 2 of the Statute of the ICJ lays out, with characteristic bureaucratic elegance, the fundamental prerequisites for becoming a judge. These individuals, it declares, shall be elected "from among persons of high moral character, who possess the qualifications required in their respective countries for appointment to the highest judicial offices, or are jurisconsults of recognized competence in international law." "High moral character," of course, is a wonderfully subjective phrase, much like "good intentions" in human affairs – often declared, rarely truly assessed. The more concrete requirement centers on a proven track record in legal excellence, either domestically at the highest judicial echelons or internationally as a recognized expert in international law.

Nomination procedure

The path to nomination for election to the ICJ is not one open to just anyone with a penchant for justice. Nominations are exclusively made by individuals who hold positions on the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA). One might view this as an exclusive club, ensuring a certain pedigree. For this specific purpose, these members of the PCA operate within what are termed "national groups"—essentially, all the PCA members hailing from any given individual country. In a practical nod to inclusivity, for those UN member states that, for whatever reason, are not represented in the PCA, the state in question is permitted to select up to four individuals to serve as its "national group" solely for the purpose of nominating candidates to the ICJ.

Every such "national group" is granted the privilege, or perhaps the burden, of nominating up to four candidates. However, there’s a crucial caveat: no more than two of these nominees shall be of their own nationality. This mechanism, presumably, is designed to foster a degree of internationalism, preventing any single nation from unduly stacking the deck with its own citizens. Furthermore, before these nominations are formally submitted, each "national group" is strongly recommended to engage in consultations with its highest court of justice, its various legal faculties and schools of law, and its national academies and national sections of international academies dedicated to the meticulous study of law. It's a comprehensive, if not always followed, plea for wisdom from the legal establishment.

2014 nominees

In a bureaucratic communication dated 31 January 2014, the esteemed Secretary-General of the United Nations extended an invitation, as is customary, to these "national groups." The invitation urged them to undertake the solemn duty of nominating suitable persons to serve as judges of the ICJ, with a firm deadline for submissions set for no later than 30 June 2014. Deadlines, as we all know, are merely suggestions for some.

The resulting roster of nominated candidates for the 2014 election, thoughtfully grouped according to the informal, yet deeply entrenched, distribution of seats among the United Nations Regional Groups, presented a diverse, if somewhat predictable, array of legal minds:

| Regional group | Vacancy | Candidate | Nominating national groups | Africa | :--------------------------------------------- | :--------------------------------------------- | :----------------------------------------------- | 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2014 International Court of Justice election

The 2014 International Court of Justice election, a rather protracted affair in the grand scheme of international legal appointments, began its predictable course on 6 November 2014. The chosen arena for this display of global democratic process was, as expected, the United Nations Headquarters in New York City. This particular cycle represented one of the regular triennial elections, where both the General Assembly and the Security Council engage in the rather intricate task of concurrently electing five judges. These esteemed individuals are selected to serve a full nine-year term, with their duties officially commencing on 6 February 2015. One might assume the selection process for arbiters of international law would be swift and decisive, but then, one would be unfamiliar with the UN.

Background

The International Court of Justice (ICJ), often referred to with a touch of dramatic flair as the World Court, is not merely a quaint legal outpost. It stands as one of the six principal organs of the United Nations, a formidable institution based, not coincidentally, in The Hague, Netherlands – a city synonymous with international law and, perhaps, interminable legal proceedings. Its primary function, a rather demanding one, involves adjudicating legal disputes that arise directly between sovereign states. Beyond this, the Court also holds the unique prerogative to offer advisory opinions on complex legal questions, usually when prompted by other UN organs or specialized agencies seeking a definitive, if sometimes politically inconvenient, interpretation of law.

The Court itself is composed of 15 judges, a number carefully calibrated to ensure broad representation without becoming unwieldy. To maintain a degree of continuity and regular renewal, five of these judicial positions are put up for election every three years. Should the unfortunate event of a judge's death or another unforeseen vacancy occur, a replacement is elected specifically to serve the remainder of that original nine-year term. The judges are held to an exceptionally high standard: they are mandated to be fiercely independent and scrupulously impartial. This means they are explicitly prohibited from engaging in any political or administrative functions outside their judicial duties. Crucially, they do not serve as representatives of their home states – a vital distinction that aims to elevate their decisions beyond national interests to the realm of universal justice. It's a noble aspiration, at least on paper.

The entire electoral process, from nomination to final selection, is meticulously laid out and governed by a specific set of rules. These are detailed within articles 2 through 15 of the Statute of the International Court of Justice, a foundational document that dictates the very structure and operation of the Court. Deviating from these articles is simply not an option, which, in the UN, is as close to an immutable law as you're likely to find.

Before the 2014 election commenced, the composition of the Court reflected a global tapestry of legal expertise. The judicial bench, along with the commencement and conclusion dates of their terms, was as follows:

Judge Term starts / renewed Term ends
Mohamed Bennouna 2006 2015
Bernardo Sepúlveda Amor 2006 2015
Leonid Skotnikov 2006 2015
Kenneth Keith 2006 2015
Joan Donoghue 2010 [4] 2015
Ronny Abraham, President 2005, [4] 2009 2018
Abdulqawi Yusuf, Vice-President 2009 2018
Christopher Greenwood 2009 2018
Dalveer Bhandari 2012 [4] 2018
Antônio Augusto Cançado Trindade 2009 2018
Peter Tomka 2003, 2012 2021
Hisashi Owada 2003, 2012 2021
Xue Hanqin 2010, [4] 2012 2021
Julia Sebutinde 2012 2021
Giorgio Gaja 2012 2021

With the year 2015 looming, it was clear that the seats occupied by Judges Sepúlveda Amor, Keith, Bennouna, Skotnikov, and Donoghue were destined for contention in the upcoming 2014 election. Of these five, only Judge Mohamed Bennouna and Judge Joan Donoghue expressed a willingness to endure another nine years of international legal quandaries, choosing to stand for re-election. The other three, perhaps having found the experience sufficiently enlightening for one lifetime, opted not to pursue another term. A wise decision, some might say.

Election procedure

The election of members to the International Court of Justice is not a simple, consolidated vote. Instead, it unfolds as a meticulously choreographed, and often drawn-out, process where the General Assembly and the Security Council operate entirely independently of one another. Each body is tasked with electing five members to the Court, a parallel effort that sometimes leads to harmonious agreement and other times to stubborn deadlock.

To be successfully elected, a candidate is required to achieve an absolute majority of votes in both the General Assembly and the Security Council. The term "absolute majority" is interpreted with unwavering strictness: it means a majority of all eligible electors, regardless of whether they actually cast a vote or are even present to do so. In practical terms, this translates to a formidable 97 votes in the General Assembly and a more modest 8 votes in the Security Council. It is noteworthy that no distinction is made between the permanent and non-permanent members of the Security Council for the purpose of this majority, a rare moment of procedural parity.

Only those candidates whose names have been properly submitted and appear on the official ballot papers are considered eligible for election. Each elector, whether in the General Assembly or the Security Council, is initially permitted to vote for a maximum of five candidates on the very first ballot. Should the process extend to subsequent ballots, the number of candidates an elector may vote for is reduced by the number of individuals who have already secured an absolute majority. One assumes there's a meticulous counting process to keep track.

Once five candidates have successfully garnered the required majority in one of the organs – say, the General Assembly – the president of that organ is then obligated to formally notify the president of the other organ, in this scenario, the Security Council, of the names of these five chosen candidates. However, a critical procedural step ensures that this information isn't immediately disseminated. The president of the latter organ (the Security Council in our example) is explicitly instructed not to communicate these names to the members of their organ until that body has independently, through its own voting process, also managed to give five candidates the required majority of votes. This prevents one body's success from unduly influencing the other, ensuring parallel, rather than sequential, decision-making.

After both the General Assembly and the Security Council have each, through their respective independent processes, produced a list of five names that received an absolute majority of votes, these two lists are then brought together and compared. Any candidate whose name graces both lists is, at that point, definitively elected to the Court. However, the path to a full bench is rarely so straightforward. If fewer than five candidates manage this dual endorsement, the two organs must then embark on a second meeting, again independently of one another, and, if necessary, a third meeting. They proceed to elect candidates through further ballots for the seats that remain vacant, with the results once more being compared after the required number of candidates have obtained an absolute majority in each organ. It’s a mechanism designed for persistence, if nothing else.

Should this iterative process prove insufficient, and after the third meeting, one or more seats still stubbornly remain unfilled, the system offers a final, more collaborative, recourse. The General Assembly and the Security Council are then authorized to form a joint conference. This special body consists of six members, with three appointed by each of the two organs. This joint conference holds the power to agree, by an absolute majority vote, upon one name for each seat that stubbornly refuses to be filled. These agreed-upon names are then submitted for the respective acceptance of both the General Assembly and the Security Council. In a rare and specific circumstance, if this joint conference achieves unanimous agreement, it is even empowered to submit the name of a person not originally included in the initial list of nominations, provided, of course, that this individual fully satisfies all the required conditions of eligibility to serve as a judge on the ICJ. Because even in desperation, standards must be maintained.

Finally, in the highly improbable event that both the General Assembly and the Security Council ultimately prove incapable of filling one or more vacant seats, the responsibility then falls to the judges of the ICJ who have already been elected and are currently serving. These sitting judges are then tasked with proceeding to fill the remaining vacant seats by making a selection from among those candidates who had previously obtained at least some votes either in the General Assembly or in the Security Council. In the extremely rare instance of a tie vote among these already-elected judges, the eldest judge among them is granted the decisive casting vote, bringing a definitive, if somewhat anticlimactic, end to the process.

This article, in its unwavering commitment to public information, incorporates text directly from a source, United Nations document A/69/253–S/2014/521, which is comfortably nestled within the public domain.

Candidates

Before one can even dream of casting a ballot, there must first be candidates. And candidates, naturally, must meet certain rather demanding criteria.

Qualifications

Article 2 of the Statute of the ICJ outlines, with a precision characteristic of legal documents, the essential qualifications required for those aspiring to the judicial bench. Judges, it states, shall be elected "from among persons of high moral character, who possess the qualifications required in their respective countries for appointment to the highest judicial offices, or are jurisconsults of recognized competence in international law." "High moral character" is, of course, a wonderfully flexible concept, often more aspirational than empirically verifiable. The more tangible requirements demand individuals who have either attained the pinnacle of judicial office within their own national legal systems or are internationally acknowledged experts, "jurisconsults," in the complex field of international law. It's a selective pool, designed to ensure a certain caliber, or at least a certain reputation.

Nomination procedure

The process for nominating candidates for election to the ICJ is not an open call to all. It is, instead, a rather exclusive affair, with nominations made by individuals who serve on the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA). For this specific electoral purpose, members of the PCA operate in what are termed "national groups"—essentially, all the PCA members from a particular country. Recognizing that not all UN member states are equally represented in the PCA, a practical provision exists: any UN member state not represented in the PCA may select up to four individuals to serve as its "national group" solely for the purpose of nominating candidates to the ICJ. This ensures a semblance of global participation in the nomination phase.

Each of these "national groups" is entitled to nominate up to four candidates. However, a critical restriction applies: no more than two of these nominated individuals may be of their own nationality. This rule is a clear mechanism to promote a broader international slate of candidates, preventing any single nation from dominating the nomination process. Furthermore, before these nominations are finalized and submitted, each "national group" is, with the weight of official recommendation, encouraged to consult widely. This includes seeking input from its highest court of justice, its various legal faculties and schools of law, and its national academies and national sections of international academies that are dedicated to the study of law. It's an exhaustive, if sometimes perfunctory, consultation process designed to ensure that only the most qualified and respected individuals are put forward.

2014 nominees

In a formal communication dated 31 January 2014, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, acting in his official capacity, extended the customary invitation to these "national groups." The invitation was a call to action, urging them to undertake the vital process of nominating suitable persons to serve as judges of the ICJ. A firm deadline was imposed for the submission of these nominations: no later than 30 June 2014.

The subsequent list of nominated candidates for the 2014 election, carefully organized according to the informal, yet politically significant, distribution of seats among the United Nations Regional Groups, presented a comprehensive overview of the global legal talent pool vying for a seat on the World Court:

| Regional group | Vacancy | Candidate | Nominating national groups |

Election

Day 1: 6 November 2014

The initial day of voting, 6 November 2014, saw a flurry of activity as the Security Council and the General Assembly commenced their independent ballots. The objective was clear: elect five judges to the International Court of Justice. The process involved multiple rounds, as candidates vied for the necessary absolute majorities in both bodies.

Candidate Security Council
majority = 8
General Assembly
majority = 97
R1 R2
Joan Donoghue 14 14
Mohamed Bennouna 13 13
Kirill Gevorgian 14 14
Patrick Lipton Robinson 8 8
James Crawford 13 13
Susana Ruiz Cerutti 9 9
Sayeman Bula-Bula 3 3
Eugénie Liliane Arivony 1 1
Candidate Security Council
majority = 8
General Assembly
majority = 97
R3 R4
Joan Donoghue 14 14
Mohamed Bennouna 14 14
Kirill Gevorgian 15 15
Patrick Lipton Robinson 8 7
James Crawford 13 12
Susana Ruiz Cerutti 9 9
Sayeman Bula-Bula 2 3
Eugénie Liliane Arivony 0 0
Candidate General Assembly
majority = 97
R1
Joan Donoghue 155
Mohamed Bennouna 147
Kirill Gevorgian 143
Patrick Lipton Robinson 136
James Crawford 135
Susana Ruiz Cerutti 124
Sayeman Bula-Bula 42
Eugénie Liliane Arivony 50

Sources: [1] [2]

Prior to the commencement of the first round of voting, the Mauritanian delegation, perhaps seeing the writing on the wall, formally withdrew the candidacy of Jemal Agatt. As the day progressed and the votes were tallied, a similar strategic retreat occurred before the fourth round of voting in the General Assembly: the Congolese delegation withdrew Sayeman Bula-Bula, and the Madagascan delegation followed suit with Eugénie Liliane Arivony. By the close of the first day of voting, four candidates had successfully navigated the labyrinthine process, securing majority support in both the General Assembly and the Security Council. These newly elected judges were Mohamed Bennouna, James Crawford, Joan Donoghue, and Kirill Gevorgian. Four down, one to go.

Day 2: 7 November 2014

Day 1 concluded with four judges successfully elected, leaving a single, stubbornly vacant seat on the Court. The Security Council and the General Assembly, having completed their initial meetings, now faced the unenviable task of resolving the impasse. On Day 2, the Council and the Assembly reconvened, focusing their efforts on electing a judge to fill that last remaining seat. Only two candidates remained in the running: Susana Ruiz Cerutti and Patrick Lipton Robinson.

The procedure for this continued voting was, of course, needlessly specific. Each time a candidate managed to receive majority support in one of the bodies, the respective meeting of that body was deemed concluded. The two bodies would then compare their results. If the same candidate received majority support in both, they would be elected. However, if different candidates received majority support, then each body was compelled to proceed to a new vote, technically initiating a new meeting. This iterative process was set to continue until consensus, or exhaustion, prevailed.

Candidate Meeting 2 Meeting 3 Meeting 4 Meeting 5 Meeting 6 Meeting 7 Meeting 8
SC GA SC GA SC GA SC
Susana Ruiz Cerutti 9 77 9 71 9 69 9
Patrick Lipton Robinson 6 115 6 121 6 123 6

Sources: [9] [10]

The results of Day 2 were a testament to procedural gridlock. In every single meeting held on this day, Patrick Lipton Robinson consistently received the necessary majority support from the General Assembly. Simultaneously, and with equal consistency, Susana Ruiz Cerutti managed to secure majority support within the Security Council. This created a perfect, frustrating impasse: neither candidate could achieve the dual majority required for election. Consequently, further rounds of voting were, quite sensibly, postponed. The official reason given was to allow delegations much-needed time for consultations – a diplomatic euphemism for "we have no idea what to do, so let's think about it."

Day 3: 17 November 2014

After a ten-day hiatus, the election resumed on 17 November 2014. The extended period for "consultations" had evidently borne fruit, albeit in a rather decisive manner. Prior to the commencement of this third day of voting, the Argentine delegation, presumably after careful consideration of the persistent deadlock, formally withdrew the candidacy of Susana Ruiz Cerutti. This strategic withdrawal effectively cleared the path for the remaining candidate.

Candidate Meeting 9
SC
Patrick Lipton Robinson 15

Source: [11] [12]

With Susana Ruiz Cerutti's candidacy no longer in play, the ninth meeting saw Patrick Lipton Robinson receive overwhelming support in both the Security Council (15 votes) and the General Assembly (185 votes). Thus, with a final, almost anticlimactic vote, Patrick Lipton Robinson was officially elected for the last vacant seat at the Court, bringing the 2014 International Court of Justice election to its long-awaited conclusion.