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Antonis Samaras

Ah, Antonis Samaras. A name that echoes through the halls of Greek politics like a persistent draft. You want to know about his time as Prime Minister, do you? Fine. Just try not to bore me with the minutiae.

Prime Minister of Greece (2012–2015)

Antonis Samaras, a figure whose political trajectory is as complex as a particularly stubborn knot, held the reins of Greece as Prime Minister from June 20, 2012, to January 26, 2015. This period was, to put it mildly, tumultuous. It was a time when Greece was grappling with the suffocating grip of a severe economic crisis, a situation that demanded drastic measures and offered little room for error. As Prime Minister, Samaras presided over a coalition government that included the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) and the Democratic Left (DIMAR), a rather precarious alliance forged in the crucible of necessity.

His tenure was marked by the implementation of a series of stringent austerity measures, a bitter pill swallowed by the nation in an effort to stabilize the economy and appease international creditors. These reforms weren't exactly popular, mind you. We're talking about significant layoffs in the public sector – approximately 15,000 souls, including teachers and municipal police, were shown the door. Simultaneously, there were attempts to stimulate certain sectors, like reducing the value-added tax (VAT) on restaurants. A rather peculiar balancing act, wouldn't you agree? One hand giveth, the other taketh away with a vengeance.

The government also introduced the Single Property Tax, a move that inevitably led to the auctioning of homes. The Minister of Administrative Reform and e-Governance, a certain Kyriakos Mitsotakis (a name that might ring a bell), was tasked with streamlining the public sector, identifying and, shall we say, reallocating surplus personnel. It was a period of intense economic recalibration, a desperate attempt to pull Greece back from the brink.

On the international stage, Samaras navigated delicate negotiations, engaging with figures like Angela Merkel and José Manuel Barroso. The aim, ostensibly, was to secure Greece's position within the Eurozone and restore confidence in its economy. And, to be fair, there were glimmers of progress. Greece managed to achieve a primary government budget surplus in 2013. It even returned to the global bond market, selling €3 billion worth of five-year government bonds. Fitch, a credit rating agency, upgraded Greece's rating. The economy, after years of decline, showed signs of recovery, with growth reported in the second quarter of 2014 and Greece becoming the eurozone's fastest-growing economy in the third quarter. Tourism, a vital sector, also saw a significant uptick, with millions of visitors flocking to the country.

However, the political landscape was anything but stable. The coalition government, already fragile, was further destabilized by the Democratic Left’s departure in June 2013, a protest against the closure of the Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation (ERT). This left Samaras with a razor-thin majority, a constant tightrope walk in the Hellenic Parliament.

The endgame of his premiership was precipitated by the 2014–15 Greek presidential election. Samaras’s nominated candidate, Stavros Dimas, failed to secure the necessary parliamentary support. This constitutional hurdle triggered snap elections, which were ultimately won by Syriza, led by Alexis Tsipras. Samaras stepped down as Prime Minister, and subsequently as leader of New Democracy on July 5, 2015, after the "No" vote prevailed in the bailout referendum. He had, rather conspicuously, backed a "Yes" vote.

Early Life and Education

Born in Athens on May 23, 1951, Antonis Samaras emerged from a family steeped in intellectual and professional prominence. His father, Dr. Konstantinos Samaras, was a respected Professor of Cardiology, while his mother, Lena (née Zannas), was the maternal granddaughter of the esteemed author Penelope Delta. This lineage, it seems, provided fertile ground for a mind inclined towards both rigorous analysis and a certain narrative flair. His paternal uncle, George Samaras, was no stranger to the political arena either, serving as a long-standing Member of Parliament for Messinia during the mid-20th century.

Samaras's formative years were spent amidst the sophisticated milieu of Athens' well-connected families. Even as a teenager, his competitive spirit was evident; at seventeen, he clinched the Greek Teen Tennis Championship. His academic journey began at Athens College, an institution with deep roots in his family history, founded by his maternal great-grandfather, Stefanos Delta, and his great-great-grandfather, Emmanouil Benakis. He then pursued higher education in the United States, graduating from Amherst College in 1974 with a degree in economics, followed by an MBA from Harvard University in 1976. It's worth noting that during his time at Amherst, he shared dormitory quarters with a future political rival, George Papandreou. A rather ironic twist of fate, that.

He is married to Georgia Kretikou, and they have two children. Tragically, their daughter, Lena, a civil engineer, passed away at the age of 34 on August 7, 2025, due to cardiac arrest and a seizure. A somber note in an otherwise publicly scrutinized life.

Political Career

Samaras's foray into national politics began in earnest in 1977 when he was first elected as a Member of Parliament for Messenia. His early ascent saw him appointed Minister of Finance in 1989, a role that placed him at the heart of Greece's economic policy. He later transitioned to become the Minister for Foreign Affairs within the New Democracy government led by Prime Minister Konstantinos Mitsotakis, serving from 1990 to 1992, with a brief interlude. It was during this period that the Macedonia naming dispute flared, a complex issue Samaras actively engaged with. His stance on the matter, presented in a critical meeting of Greek political leaders on April 13, 1992, was ultimately rejected by both President Konstantinos Karamanlis and Prime Minister Mitsotakis, leading to Samaras's dismissal from his ministerial post. This marked a significant rupture in his relationship with Mitsotakis and the party establishment.

Foundation of Political Spring

Following his removal, Samaras charted his own course, establishing the Political Spring party (Politefsi Anoixi). Positioned to the right of New Democracy, this new political entity quickly made its presence felt. In September 1993, the defection of two MPs from New Democracy to Political Spring proved decisive, causing Prime Minister Mitsotakis's government to lose its parliamentary majority, resign, and trigger early elections. This move solidified the rift between Samaras and his former mentor.

Political Spring made a notable entrance into the parliamentary scene, securing 4.9% of the vote and ten seats in the 1993 general election. Its influence extended to the European level as well, garnering 8.7% in the 1994 European Parliament election and electing two Members of the European Parliament (MEPs). However, the party's momentum began to wane. By the 1996 general election, its support had dwindled to 2.94%, falling below the crucial 3% threshold required for parliamentary representation. Its participation in the 1999 European Parliament election yielded an even lower result of 2.3%, insufficient to elect any MEPs.

Return to New Democracy

Political Spring did not contest the 2000 general election, and Samaras publicly endorsed New Democracy. The formal dissolution of Political Spring preceded the 2004 general election, marking Samaras's return to the fold of New Democracy. He was subsequently elected as a Member of the European Parliament (MEP) in the 2004 European elections.

In the 2007 general election, he was elected to the Hellenic Parliament for his long-standing constituency of Messinia, leading to his resignation from the European Parliament. Margaritis Schinas succeeded him as MEP. A government reshuffle in January 2009 saw Samaras appointed Minister of Culture. During his tenure, he had the distinction of inaugurating the new Acropolis Museum in July 2009. He retained his parliamentary seat in Messenia in the 2009 legislative election.

The resounding loss of New Democracy in the 2009 elections prompted the resignation of Kostas Karamanlis as party leader, triggering a leadership race. Samaras entered the contest, finding himself in a close race with Dora Bakoyanni, the former Foreign Minister and mayor of Athens. Another contender, former Minister Dimitris Avramopoulos, eventually withdrew his candidacy to support Samaras. In a move that broke with tradition, the party congress decided that the new leader would be chosen by party members in a nationwide vote. Samaras's popularity surged in the polls, positioning him as the favorite.

Leader of the Opposition (2009–2012, 2015)

On the early morning of November 30, 2009, Antonis Samaras was declared the new President of New Democracy, securing victory in the party's leadership election. His main rival, Bakoyanni, conceded defeat and offered her congratulations. In his acceptance speech, Samaras pledged a comprehensive ideological and organizational reform, with the ultimate goal of restoring the party to its former majority status. His leadership was not without its internal controversies; he was instrumental in the expulsion of Dora Bakoyanni in 2010 for voting in favor of an austerity measure, a decision that went against the party's official line but was deemed necessary for securing crucial International Monetary Fund and Eurozone backed loans.

The political climate was further charged by Prime Minister George Papandreou's announcement on October 31, 2011, of a proposed referendum on the terms of a bailout deal, intended to be held in December 2011 or January 2012. Facing intense domestic and international opposition, Papandreou abandoned the referendum plan just days later, on November 3.

On November 5, Papandreou's government narrowly survived a confidence vote in the Greek Parliament, leading him to call for immediate elections. The following day, he met with opposition leaders to negotiate the formation of an interim national unity government. Samaras, however, only agreed to participate after Papandreou committed to stepping aside, allowing the EU bailout to proceed and paving the way for elections on February 19, 2012.

Following several days of intense negotiations, a grand coalition was formed, comprising the two major parties and the Popular Orthodox Rally. On November 10, George Papandreou formally resigned as Prime Minister, and on November 11, 2011, the new coalition cabinet, headed by former Vice President of the European Central Bank Lucas Papademos, was sworn into office.

Post-Premiership

The period following Samaras's premiership saw him continue to be a prominent, albeit sometimes controversial, figure in Greek politics. In 2023, he made public statements that drew significant backlash, particularly regarding LGBTQI+ rights, gender identity, and migrants. His remarks, which questioned LGBTQI+ rights and asserted the primacy of biological gender, were criticized as homophobic and transphobic. He also expressed concerns about migrants allegedly "tearing Europe apart," a statement perceived as xenophobic. Notably, the Minister of State, Akis Skertsos, declined to condemn these statements, asserting Samaras's right as a former Prime Minister to express his views freely.

A significant development occurred on November 16, 2024, when Samaras was expelled from New Democracy. This action followed his public criticism of Foreign Minister Giorgos Gerapetritis and his handling of negotiations with Turkey, as well as broader criticisms of the government's policies under Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis, voiced in an interview with the newspaper To Vima. Samaras responded to his expulsion by accusing Mitsotakis of "arrogance and loss of nerve," asserting his unwillingness to "sacrifice my conscience," and claiming the prime minister was disconnected from the party's base. He concluded by stating that "the judge of all of us will be the people and history." This expulsion marked another chapter in the complex and often fractious history of Antonis Samaras within the Greek political landscape.