QUICK FACTS
Created Jan 0001
Status Verified Sarcastic
Type Existential Dread
city university of new york, cuny, /ˈkjuː.ni/, public, university system, new york city, united states, campuses, senior colleges, community colleges

City University Of New York

“The City University of New York, often abbreviated as CUNY (and pronounced /ˈkjuː.ni/, KYOO-nee, for those who insist on phonetic precision), stands as the...”

Contents
  • 1. Overview
  • 2. Etymology
  • 3. Cultural Impact

The City University of New York , often abbreviated as CUNY (and pronounced /ˈkjuː.ni/ , KYOO-nee, for those who insist on phonetic precision), stands as the premier public university system within the bustling confines of New York City , United States . It is, quite simply, the largest urban university system in the nation, a sprawling academic organism composed of 26 distinct campuses . These include a formidable array of eleven senior colleges , seven community colleges that serve as crucial entry points, and eight specialized professional institutions, all working (or perhaps, merely existing) under one umbrella. This vast network educates well over 275,000 students, a number that tends to fluctuate like the city’s aspirations. Its alumni roster boasts an impressive thirteen Nobel Prize winners and twenty-four MacArthur Fellows , a testament to what can be achieved when raw talent meets, if not always optimal, then at least accessible, opportunity.

The very foundation of what would become CUNY dates back to 1847, with the establishment of the City College of New York . This institution, venerable and persistent, holds the distinction of being the first free public institution of higher learning in the United States – a concept that, even then, was viewed with a mixture of radical hope and profound skepticism. The formal consolidation into the City University of New York was a more recent affair, occurring in 1961. This legislative act, signed into law by Governor Nelson Rockefeller , was not so much a spontaneous genesis as it was a pragmatic amalgamation of existing, disparate institutions, alongside the strategic addition of a new graduate school . Prior to this, in 1960, John R. Everett had already taken the helm as the inaugural chancellor of the Municipal College System of New York City, which would soon be rebranded as CUNY .

Governance of this increasingly complex system was initially overseen by the Board of Higher Education of the City of New York, an entity established way back in 1926. This board, eventually and rather uncreatively renamed the Board of Trustees of CUNY in 1979, brought together a collection of institutions that had, for decades, provided crucial educational pathways. Among these foundational colleges were the Free Academy (which, as mentioned, later became City College of New York ), the Female Normal and High School (which evolved into Hunter College ), Brooklyn College , and Queens College . Historically, CUNY carved out its niche by offering education to those who were often excluded from, or simply couldn’t afford, the more exclusive private universities – a mission that, despite periodic attempts to dilute it, has largely endured.

The landscape of higher education in New York City saw another significant development with the establishment of the city’s first community college in 1955. This venture was a shared financial burden between the state and the city, but with a notable distinction: unlike the senior colleges, students attending these community colleges were, from the outset, expected to pay tuition. The formal integration of all of CUNY ’s colleges into a single, cohesive university system in 1961 marked a new era, complete with a dedicated chancellor and, perhaps more importantly, state funding. That same year saw the birth of the Graduate Center , intended to be the system’s primary institution for granting doctorate degrees. By 1964, Mayor Robert F. Wagner Jr. , in a move that seems almost quaint today, extended the policy of free tuition from the senior colleges to include the community colleges, briefly creating a truly tuition-free public system.

The 1960s were a period of intense social and political ferment, and CUNY was no exception. Student protests, fueled by demands for greater racial diversity and more inclusive academic representation, swept through the campuses. These efforts were not in vain, leading directly to the establishment of Medgar Evers College and, perhaps most famously, the implementation of the Open Admissions policy in 1970. This policy, designed to open the doors of higher education to every high school graduate in New York City , dramatically broadened student diversity, but also, predictably, introduced new challenges, notably in the form of lower retention rates . Such grand experiments rarely proceed without complications. The era of truly free tuition , however, proved to be fleeting, a casualty of the severe 1976 fiscal crisis that gripped New York City . With the city teetering on the brink of bankruptcy, tuition fees were reintroduced across all CUNY colleges, a stark reminder that even the most noble ideals often bow to economic realities.

History

19th century

Social context

Historians Willis Rudy and Harry Noble Wright, with a somewhat romanticized lens, pinpoint the “growing democratization of American life,” alongside rapid urban expansion and an unprecedented surge in immigration, as the defining socio-cultural currents that inevitably led to the genesis of the Free Academy . They observed, with a touch of historical irony, that “the birth of the Free Academy in the metropolis of the New World came at the very time that European revolutionists were struggling for freedom and democracy in the Old.” One might argue that the struggle for freedom, both political and intellectual, is a constant, merely shifting its geographical coordinates.

The mid-19th century witnessed an educational renaissance across the United States , a period when free elementary and high schools emerged with surprising alacrity. This blossoming was largely fueled by the organized labor movement, the progressive expansion of suffrage, and the relentless march of industrialization. New York City , a booming metropolis rapidly solidifying its position as the predominant seaport in the Western hemisphere, found itself uniquely poised to spearhead ambitious educational initiatives. The city’s educational roots stretched back to 1633, with the establishment of the first free denominational schools on Manhattan Island . A system of secular schools followed in 1805. The demographic shifts were dizzying: from 1825 to 1860, New York City ’s population swelled from a modest 166,000 residents to a staggering 814,000, cementing its status as the third-largest city in the Western world. This influx included numerous mercantilists drawn from New England by the undeniable advantages of New York’s harbor, while “in the decades prior to the Civil War the farms of Ireland and the villages of Germany were the chief sources of New York’s newcomers.” This kaleidoscopic shift in the city’s population inevitably ignited fervent debates concerning the imperative need for public higher education.

Debates on the Free Academy

On March 15, 1847, Townsend Harris , then serving as the rather influential president of the city’s Board of Education, took to the pages of The Morning Courier and New York Enquirer to publish a letter. In it, he laid out a vision for a free public school, a place where the children of the poor might, against all odds, find a path to advancement. His words, though perhaps a touch idealistic, resonated:

“No, Sirs, the system now pursued by that excellent society and by our ward schools is the true one, and may be advantageously applied to higher seminaries of learning. Make them the property of the people - open the doors to all - let the children of the rich and the poor take their seats together and know of no distinction save that of industry, good conduct, and intellect. A large number of the children of the rich now attend our public schools, and the ratio is rapidly increasing.”

This declaration, a bold pronouncement for its time, heralded the establishment of the Free Academy , which was proudly acclaimed as “the first municipal institution for free higher education to appear on this globe.” Such a revolutionary concept, naturally, did not materialize without considerable public debate, a discourse vigorously played out across the city’s newspapers. Townsend Harris found vocal advocates in figures such as James Gordon Bennett of the New York Herald and William Cullen Bryant of the Evening Post , who lent their editorial pages to champion the cause. Conversely, Horace Greeley , the formidable founder and editor of the influential New-York Tribune (and later, somewhat ironically, a member of the Board of Education), staunchly opposed the allocation of public funds for the school, even while, one presumes, grudgingly supporting its overarching mission. Greeley, ever the fiscal hawk, continued to advocate for the closing of the Free Academy well into its existence, arguing it “should be sloughed off in the interests of retrenchment.” The counter-argument, articulated by Harris and his supporters, was that funds drawn from “The Literature Fund,” a state budget specifically earmarked for public education, “ought to be apportioned on the principle of the greatest good to [the] greatest number.” This, they firmly believed, would be most effectively realized through the Free Academy .

The New York State Legislature , after much deliberation and undoubtedly some political maneuvering, granted the Free Academy its official charter on May 7, 1847. Construction of the institution commenced in November of the same year. Harris was subsequently succeeded as President of the Board of Education by Robert Kelley in 1848. It was Kelley and his appointed committee who selected Dr. Horace Webster , a distinguished graduate of the United States Military Academy and a professor of mathematics, to serve as the school’s first principal. At the formal opening ceremony on January 21, 1849, Webster delivered a speech that eloquently articulated the ambitious intent behind the academy, declaring:

“The experiment is to be tried, whether the children of the people, the children of the whole people, can be educated; and whether an institution of the highest grade, can be successfully controlled by the popular will, not by the privileged few.”

This “experiment,” as Webster termed it, was bold. In the immediate aftermath of the Civil War , and at the rather insistent behest of students who felt that the designation “Academy” lacked the gravitas and prestige of “College” in the wider world, the Free Academy underwent a rebranding, emerging as the College of the City of New York. The post-war years witnessed a palpable acceleration of campus activity, particularly in the burgeoning realms of student organizing and self-governance. Richard Rodgers Bowker inaugurated the first issue of The City College Collegian in November 1866. Though this publication ran for only a single year, its brief existence proved instrumental in advocating for the formation of what would become the nation’s first student-led academic senate , a remarkably progressive step for the era.

Founding of Hunter College

The next significant institution to emerge within this nascent public university system was the Normal College , an entity that would eventually evolve into Hunter College . The concept of normal schools , dedicated institutions for teacher education, had already taken root in New York by 1834. These early establishments included separate schools for white men, white women, and women of color, though the “separate” often implied “unequal.” For instance, the women’s schools were notoriously only open on Saturdays, and their curriculum was conspicuously limited in its attention to pedagogical skills, often reducing female instruction to little more than basic mathematics. The first state normal school dedicated to teacher instruction was officially established in Albany, New York, on May 7, 1844, an institution now recognized as the University of Albany . This pioneering effort soon inspired the creation of numerous other normal schools across the state.

By 1851, the state legislature, in its characteristic bureaucratic fashion, sought to “amend, consolidate, and reduce to one act, the various acts relative to the Common Schools of the city of New York.” This legislative overhaul formalized a dedicated board of education for the city, explicitly tasking it with the mission of continuing to “furnish through the free academy, the benefit of education, gratuitously, to persons who have been pupils in the common schools of the said city and county, for a period of time to be regulated by the board of education not less than one year.” This mandate was comprehensive, even including the formation of new schools, such as evening schools . The persistent call for the establishment of a normal school specifically for women in New York City gained renewed traction in 1854, once again directly linked to the successful founding of the Free Academy just five years prior. That same year, the state legislature further amended the 1851 act, explicitly granting the Board of Education the authority to:

“continue the existing Free Academy, and organize a similar institution for females, and if any similar institution is organized by the board of education, all the provisions of this act, relative to the Free Academy, shall apply to each and every one of the said institutions, as fully, completely, and distinctly as they could or would if it was the only institution of the kind.”

Despite these legislative pronouncements, it wasn’t until 1868 that the Board of Education once more formally called for the establishment of a female institution of higher education. This persistent advocacy finally bore fruit on November 13, 1869, when the Committee on Normal, Evening and Colored Schools adopted a definitive resolution to establish a daily Female Normal and High School. This institution officially opened its doors on February 14, 1870, occupying the third floor of a building located at the southeast corner of Broadway and Fourth Street. The school’s founder was the formidable Irish schoolmaster and exiled republican Thomas Hunter. Hunter, a man ahead of his time, “insisted on admitting students of all racial and ethnic backgrounds and teaching a combined curriculum of liberal arts, science, and education.” His progressive vision set the stage for a truly inclusive institution. The school’s name was soon, and perhaps inevitably, changed to Normal College , and in September 1873, it relocated to a magnificent Gothic revivalist building, designed by Hunter himself, situated between 68th and 69th Street on Park Avenue. A broad and ambitious curriculum, encompassing both the humanities and the sciences, was meticulously implemented. In the decades that followed, the school steadily expanded its initial focus on teacher education, incorporating an ever-growing array of academic departments and diverse disciplines.

20th century

The College of the City of New York and the Normal College

The turn of the century brought new leadership and renewed discussions about the structure of New York City ’s public higher education. In 1903, John Huston Finley ascended to the presidency of City College , succeeding Alexander Stewart Webb . A few years later, in 1906, President Thomas Hunter of the Normal College retired, and with his departure, the first faint whispers of a potential merger between the two prominent colleges began to circulate. A hotly contested coeducational proposal suggested uniting the Normal College with the College of the City of New York . Predictably, the Normal College , guarding its unique identity and mission, vehemently opposed this measure. President Finley eventually resigned from City College to pursue the position of commissioner of education for New York State , later serving as an associate editor of the esteemed The New York Times . Finley was succeeded as City College President by the American philosopher Sidney E. Mezes , who arrived from the University of Texas System . Before his departure, Finley had collaborated with the philanthropist Adolph Lewisohn and the architect Arnold Brunner to construct an outdoor amphitheater for City College student use. This reinforced concrete stadium, perched on New York City Parks Department land between Convent and Amsterdam Avenues, hosted its inaugural event on May 29, 1915, a performance of the classic play, The Trojan Women . For the ensuing five decades, the field at Lewisohn Stadium became a vibrant hub for college events, including baseball, track, football, and even ROTC exercises. Beyond academic pursuits, Lewisohn Stadium also famously hosted a long-running summer concert series, produced by Stadium Concerts Inc., under the capable direction of Minnie Guggenheimer, bringing culture to the masses.

In 1908, George Samler Davis officially became the second president of the Normal College . Under his forward-thinking administration, the college curriculum underwent a significant liberalization, embracing the concept of electives, a progressive pedagogical model then being introduced by Harvard University . Davis also demonstrated considerable foresight by persuading the Interborough Rapid Transit Company to complete the initial section of the Lexington Avenue station at 68th Street. This strategic infrastructure development made the Normal College far more accessible for students commuting from distant corners of the city, a recognition of the growing urban sprawl. Late in his distinguished career, Davis also meticulously laid the groundwork for a future campus site in the Bronx . It was under the sustained leadership of George Samler Davis that the Normal College was fittingly renamed Hunter College , a direct homage to its visionary founder. This renaming also served a pragmatic purpose: it clarified the institution’s true mission. Previously, its “Normal” designation implied a purely technical or professional school, yet as early as 1888, it had already begun granting degrees and diplomas in the arts. The school was in a perpetual state of expansion, and the ever-increasing student body, coupled with persistent issues of overcrowding, necessitated the creation of a dedicated Board of Trustees in 1915, a pivotal moment in the history of education in New York City .

Formation of the Board of Higher Education and the founding of Brooklyn College

The idea of a free university gracing the borough of Brooklyn had been percolating since the early days of the 20th century. As far back as 1905, Brooklyn Controller Edward M. Grout put forth a proposition for the establishment of a free public university in the borough. The suggestion, rather ambitious for its time, envisioned merging all the various private institutions into a cohesive public entity, drawing inspiration from the undeniable success of City College and the Normal College (now Hunter College ). A significant driving force behind this push for a Brooklyn-based school was the sheer geographical distance of the existing institutions in Manhattan , rendering attendance “practically prohibitive” for residents of Brooklyn and Queens . Grout, in an interview with The New York Times, was quoted articulating his vision:

“What I propose is that we unite in asking of the Legislature an act to authorize a public university in Brooklyn, the Trustees to be appointed by the Mayor, with authority to the city by its Board of Estimate and Apportionment to locate its site in these east side lands or to provide another site, if the city so chooses, and also to make such appropriation as the Board of Estimate may see fit for buildings and maintenance, and with authority to make agreements of consolidation with such other educational institutions as may be willing and as the Board of Estimate may approve.”

In 1909, City College tentatively extended its reach, opening a teacher extension program in Brooklyn . By 1917, this had evolved into a more comprehensive evening program within the borough. A 1923 bill, introduced by Assemblyman Joseph Reich, explicitly called for the establishment of a free public college in Brooklyn , but, like many well-intentioned legislative efforts, it failed to pass through the legislature. Just one year later, President George Samler Davis of Hunter College announced in The New York Times that the Board of Trustees had “authorized the establishment of a Brooklyn Branch of the evening sessions of the college in the Girls’ Commercial High School Building, Classon Avenue and Union Street.” These incremental developments, while beneficial, predictably stirred a degree of resentment among Brooklyn ’s political leadership, prompting Borough President Joseph A. Guider to formally request funds from the New York State Assembly for the establishment of a dedicated university within Prospect Park .

Through protracted debates concerning the optimal governance structure – with proposals emanating from both the Brooklyn Chamber of Commerce and the entrenched powers in Manhattan – a unified Board of Higher Education (BHE) was finally formed to oversee New York City ’s public colleges. This significant legislative achievement was enshrined in the passage of the Nicoll-Hearn Bill, which Governor Al Smith signed into law in April 1926. Moses J. Stroock was appointed as the board’s inaugural chairman. Crucially, this bill also specifically tasked the newly formed board with the establishment of a public college within Brooklyn , then the most populous district in the city. Following the passage of the Nicoll-Hearn Bill in 1926, the board swiftly approved the opening of new City College and Hunter College branches in downtown Brooklyn . Four years later, in a logical progression, Brooklyn College was officially born from the merger of these previously separate Brooklyn annexes. The fledgling institution initially operated out of a rented office space in downtown Brooklyn before its first president, William Boylan , acting on a proposal from architect Randolph Evans, settled on a sprawling, undeveloped tract of land in Midwood, Brooklyn . On October 2, 1935, Mayor Fiorello La Guardia ceremoniously broke ground on the new campus. In a symbolic gesture, Franklin D. Roosevelt himself would later lay the final stone, marking the official completion of this significant public undertaking.

Rapp-Coudert Committee and the anti-war movement

The late 19th and early 20th centuries witnessed a profound demographic shift within New York City , as a wave of Jewish refugees, many fleeing persecution, arrived and, in doing so, irrevocably transformed the social and political fabric of City College . As historian Conor TomĂĄs Reed astutely observes, “Jewish students from some of the most impoverished refugee families in the US flocked to City College to obtain a free college education. Over time, they turned the college into a hotbed of antifascism.” This wasn’t merely an academic shift; it was a cultural and political reorientation. In the post-World War I era, while elite Ivy League universities such as Yale and Columbia notoriously implemented stringent quotas on Jewish student admissions, City College stood out as a vibrant crucible of working-class intellectualism. It earned a formidable reputation, often being hailed as “the Harvard of the proletariat” and a “Citadel on a Hill,” a sanctuary and a battleground for radical discourse among those systematically excluded from the hallowed halls of more privileged institutions.

Early forms of student activism at City College were notably directed against compulsory military training on campus, a contentious issue that students successfully managed to eliminate in 1926. Numerous accounts from the era vividly document the alcoves within the cafeteria as impromptu, yet fervent, sites of political debate, where ideologies clashed and futures were forged. However, Frederick B. Robinson , who served as president of City College from 1927 to 1939, was a notoriously harsh disciplinarian. He actively participated in the intense repression of these burgeoning forms of student activism. This repression escalated throughout the 1930s, manifesting in student suspensions, the summary dismissal of professors, and a disturbing, willful compliance with the vehemently anti-Communist Rapp-Coudert Committee . This committee, ostensibly responding to the 1935 Teachers Union election which saw Communists gain greater control within the rank-and-file, embarked on a chilling mission to purge professors with alleged Communist affiliations from the universities. This campaign culminated in the dismissal of over fifty professors, an event that stands as the largest political purge of faculty in American history. The Rapp-Coudert Committee itself was modeled on the infamous House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), and in a grim historical echo, would in turn serve as a blueprint for future anti-communist investigations.

The 1930s were punctuated by numerous examples of student protest across the various municipal universities. On April 13, 1934, City and Hunter Colleges became focal points for the first National Student Strike Against War, an organized effort by the Student League for Industrial Democracy and the National Student League . At City College , approximately 600 students gathered defiantly at the campus flagpole, not only to protest the looming specter of war but also to demand the reinstatement of twenty-one students who had been expelled for their refusal to answer Dean Morton Gottschall’s inquiries regarding their involvement in an earlier protest against a visiting delegation of soldiers from fascist Italy on October 9. In April 1934, students at Hunter College also mounted demonstrations against then-president Dr. Eugene A. Colligan for his perceived lack of cooperation with the nationwide anti-war strike, “and especially his attempt to call a halt to an anti-war convention at Hunter College on mere technicalities.” On November 20, 1934, nearly 1,500 students converged on the CCNY Quad to protest the expulsions, a demonstration that famously culminated in the burning of a two-headed effigy representing CCNY President Robinson and Italian Prime Minister Benito Mussolini . Following this emotionally charged rally, more than 2,000 City College students cast votes calling for the reinstatement of the twenty-one expelled students, advocating this time for a “legal method” of struggle, a tactical shift from unauthorized demonstrations.

Brooklyn College , too, found itself caught in the paranoid crosshairs of the Red Scare era, infamously being referred to as a “hotbed of Communism.” Republican representative J. Parnell Thomas , a member of the notorious Dies Committee , went so far as to claim that he believed “25 per cent of the pupils in Brooklyn College, which is part of the City College of New York, are either affiliated with or sympathetic to the Communist party and that 33 per cent of the professors of Brooklyn College are just as sympathetic as the students.” In the words of Brooklyn College archivist Marianna Labatto, President Harry Gideonse , who presided over the college from 1939 to 1966, held a firm conviction that if academia failed to provide moral, social, and intellectual guidance, “the void would be filled by popular culture and totalitarian regimes.” This rather paternalistic belief led to the establishment of committees designed to oversee student activities, ostensibly to deter Communist influence. The work of the Faculty-Student Committee on Student Groups and Organizations, for instance, successfully prevented Communist Party USA leader Earl Browder from speaking to the Karl Marx Society of Brooklyn College in 1939. It also exerted significant pressure, suppressing student publications through suspensions and the revocation of organizational charters, demonstrating a heavy hand in shaping campus discourse.

Founding of Queens College

The impetus for a new institution in Queens gathered considerable momentum, culminating in a formidable 111,360-citizen alliance. This powerful coalition prompted County Judge Charles S. Colden to appoint the Committee for a Queens Free College, specifically tasked with exploring the feasibility of establishing a free college within the borough, eyeing the former New York Parental School for Boys as a potential site. The persistent advocacy bore fruit, and on December 25, 1936, Mayor LaGuardia formally agreed to the establishment of the school.

In 1937, the previously separate Queens branches of City College and Hunter College were merged, giving birth to Queens College, City University of New York . Dr. Paul Klapper , who at the time served as the Dean of the School of Education at City College , was elected as the new institution’s first president. Klapper, clearly enthralled by the immense potential of the college, would affectionately refer to the school as “the people’s college on the hill.” In an interview published in The New York Times upon his election on May 26, 1937, he articulated a vision that, while grand, captured the spirit of the new endeavor:

“Many have been called to the leadership of institutions of higher learning in America, but to me there has come an opportunity unique in its richness: to help in the building of a great institution, to assemble its staff of teachers and scholars, to formulate its sphere of influence. We must build not another college but a new college, an institution whose identity stems from its distinctive aim and its distinctive staff. We must build more than a college for young people; we must develop a great cultural center for the Borough of Queens.”

A noble sentiment, indeed. Whether it fully materialized is, like most grand visions, subject to the relentless erosion of time and circumstance.

Community college expansion and the founding of CUNY

The conclusion of World War II unleashed an unprecedented surge in demand for higher education across the United States . This post-war boom, driven by returning veterans eager to utilize the transformative GI Bill , spurred a significant movement in the mid-1940s to establish community colleges . These institutions were envisioned as crucial conduits for providing accessible education and practical training to a broader segment of the population. The State of New York , with characteristic foresight, began assessing its postwar educational needs as early as 1940. This culminated in a comprehensive plan by the State’s Board of Regents to establish no fewer than twenty-two new two-year colleges, with a substantial eleven of these earmarked for New York City .

Further reinforcing this need, a 1944 report by the New York Adult Education Council, alongside another from the Rapp-Coudert committee’s survey staff, underscored the urgent necessity for increased attention to adult education in New York City . The sheer scale of the returning veterans was staggering: 270,000 full-time students were newly enrolled in New York State schools, a demographic wave hoping to leverage the opportunities afforded by the GI Bill . Beginning in 1946, considerable pressure was brought to bear upon Governor Thomas E. Dewey to establish a state university. As one historian notes:

“The principal arguments advanced in support of a public university were three: the general shortage of college facilities in the State; the special need to provide spaces for large numbers of returning war veterans; and growing evidence of discriminatory admission policies among the private institutions, especially the medical schools.”

The American Jewish Congress and the American Jewish Committee , recognizing the pervasive issue of admissions discrimination in higher education, vigorously advocated for the Board of Regents to conduct a thorough study of the matter. In response, a Temporary Commission on the Need for a State University was forged, bringing together a diverse coalition of Jewish, Black, labor, and legislative interests. This Commission published a seminal report in 1948, starkly titled “Inequality of Opportunity in Higher Education: A Study of Minority Group and Related Barriers to College Admission,” a document that would profoundly influence the subsequent development of New York City community colleges .

However, the expansion of the community college movement was not without its formidable obstacles. It was constrained by a multitude of factors, including “financial problems, narrow perceptions of responsibility, organizational weaknesses, adverse political factors, and other competing priorities.” A significant hurdle was the financial implication: new community colleges would inevitably draw from the same strained city coffers that were already funding the existing senior colleges. Higher education officials within the city firmly believed that the state should bear the primary financial responsibility. Adding to the complexity, a 1948 state law mandated that student tuition must be implemented at community colleges, immediately creating a barrier to truly free access. Furthermore, the municipal public colleges already offered a range of two-year and certificate programs in various subjects, which, to some extent, diminished the perceived urgency for the rapid development of entirely new community colleges. The State of New York had also taken its own initiatives, having already opened technical institutes within the city; for instance, the New York State Institute of Applied Arts and Sciences had been established in 1946 in downtown Brooklyn . Consequently, it wasn’t until the very end of the 1950s that the Board of Education finally authorized the establishment of three of its own community colleges. These institutions would eventually become the Staten Island Community College (later evolving into the College of Staten Island ) in 1956, Bronx Community College in 1957, and Queensborough Community College in 1960.

The State University of New York (SUNY) system underwent a significant expansion under the administration of Governor Nelson Rockefeller . In 1959, Rockefeller established the Heald Commission, appointing Henry T. Heald , then President of the Ford Foundation , to chair it. The commission’s broad mandate was to:

“review the higher education needs and facilities in New York State and to make recommendations on the steps that the State could take to: (1) assure educational opportunities to those qualified for college study; (2) provide the undergraduate, graduate and professional training and research facilities necessary for the continued development of the State as a leading business, industrial, scientific and cultural center; and (3) contribute its proper share of trained personnel to meet the nation’s needs for education, health and welfare services.”

The Heald Commission’s report ultimately recommended a substantial “expansion of the SUNY system as well as public aid to private colleges, increased student scholarships, and an end to the tuition-free policy in New York City’s municipal colleges.” This last point, predictably, was a harbinger of change. In April 1961, Rockefeller signed an amendment to the New York State Education Law, formally establishing the City University of New York . This legislation, while implementing some of the Heald Committee’s recommendations, critically ended the state’s mandate for free tuition. The legislation integrated the four existing senior colleges and three community colleges, along with a newly created Division of Graduate Studies , into a coordinated system of higher education for the city, all placed under the control of the Board of Higher Education of the City of New York.

In 1962, the Board of Higher Education commissioned “A Long-Range Plan for the City University of New York, 1961-1975,” an extensive study designed to map the University’s future trajectory. This report, rather optimistically, called for the Board to “reaffirm its support of the policy of free tuition for resident matriculated baccalaureate students which has been maintained for 115 years,” and, even more ambitiously, recommended that this policy be extended to the community colleges. It also advocated for the crafting of more generous admissions requirements to facilitate a significant expansion of enrollment, coupled with a necessary expansion of the University’s physical facilities to accommodate this anticipated growth. In the years that followed, a number of new community and senior colleges were indeed founded. In 1964, both the Borough of Manhattan Community College and Kingsborough Community College were established. The system also integrated the New York City Community College (which would later become the NYC College of Technology ). Furthermore, the College of Police Science (COPS), later renamed John Jay College of Criminal Justice , was founded with the rather idealistic premise that “police should be educated to better deal with the social and political issues of the time period.” A noble goal, one might observe, though its practical implementation has always been a matter of ongoing debate.

College Discovery and SEEK

Albert H. Bowker assumed the mantle of CUNY Chancellor in 1963. He was, to put it mildly, “struck by CUNY ’s unresponsiveness to the burgeoning college-age population and to the changed ethnic composition of the city.” His observations were not entirely unfounded; the city was changing, and the university, perhaps, was not keeping pace. Bowker became a fervent advocate for a major expansion of the public university system, pushing forcefully for the radical policy of “open admissions ,” which, in his vision, would guarantee every New York City high-school graduate a place at the University. In the subsequent years, two crucial remedial programs were established to provide much-needed assistance to students deemed underprepared for college-level work. The College Discovery admissions program was introduced for the community colleges in 1964, followed by SEEK (Search for Education, Elevation, and Knowledge) in 1966. These programs, despite their remedial label, proved instrumental in the ongoing struggle for a truly accessible and diverse university system. As Conor TomĂĄs Reed notes, “within a few years, SEEK would become a nucleus for experimental study that challenged the institutional inequalities entrenched in City College ’s admissions, curriculum, and relationship to Harlem .” They were, in essence, an attempt to mend a broken educational pipeline, though the inherent challenges of such an undertaking were, and remain, formidable.

Civil rights and the struggle for open admissions

The echoes of the broader Civil Rights Movement resonated deeply within New York City , particularly in Brooklyn , where persistent calls for greater access to public higher education from the Black and Puerto Rican communities reached a crescendo. This sustained activism directly led to the founding of “Community College Number 7” (which later became Medgar Evers College ) during the academic years of 1966–1967. Hostos Community College also emerged from this same crucible of community-driven activism in 1968.

Meanwhile, student unrest simmered across the CUNY system. At Baruch College in 1967, over a thousand students protested a plan to transform the institution into an upper-division school, thereby limiting its enrollment to only junior, senior, and graduate students. Also in 1967, the Bronx campus of Hunter College underwent a significant transformation, becoming Lehman College and joining the ranks of CUNY ’s senior undergraduate colleges. The first senior college to be established entirely under the new CUNY system was York College , founded in 1967 in Jamaica, Queens . Student activism continued to escalate: at Brooklyn College in 1968, students attempted a sit-in, demanding the admission of more Black and Puerto Rican students and the expansion of the Black Studies curriculum. Students at Hunter College similarly demanded a dedicated Black Studies program. Members of the SEEK program, designed to provide crucial academic support for underprepared and underprivileged students, staged a building takeover at Queens College in 1969, protesting the decisions of the program’s director, who was subsequently replaced by a Black professor.

The year 1969 marked a pivotal moment when a determined group of Black and Puerto Rican students occupied City College , issuing a powerful demand for the racial integration of CUNY , which at the time remained overwhelmingly white in its student body. The aspirations of these minority students were meticulously articulated in a list of five demands issued by the Committee of Ten, a resolute coalition of Black and Puerto Rican students at City College :

  • A separate school of black and Puerto Rican studies.
  • A separate orientation program specifically for black and Puerto Rican freshmen.
  • A meaningful voice for students in the establishment of guidelines for the SEEK program, including the critical aspects of hiring and firing personnel.
  • That the racial composition of all entering classes reflect the black and Puerto Rican population of the New York City high schools.
  • That black and Puerto Rican history and the Spanish language be a mandatory requirement for all education majors.

In 1969, students and faculty across the CUNY system actively participated in widespread rallies, student strikes, and class boycotts, all demanding an end to CUNY ’s restrictive admissions policies. Puerto Rican students at Bronx Community College went so far as to file a formal report with the New York State Division of Human Rights in 1970, alleging that the intellectual level of the college was inferior and inherently discriminatory. Hunter College was effectively crippled for several days by a protest involving 2,000 students, who presented a comprehensive list of demands focused on securing greater student representation in college administration. Across the entire CUNY system, students boycotted their campuses in 1970 to protest a proposed rise in student fees and other pressing issues, including the then-proposed (and later implemented) open admissions plan. CUNY administrators and Mayor John Lindsay publicly expressed support for these demands, and the Board of Higher Education (BHE) ultimately voted to implement the open admissions plan immediately for the fall of 1970. This groundbreaking policy guaranteed entrance to the university for all high school graduates, regardless of whether they fulfilled traditional academic requirements such as exams or grades. The immediate effect was dramatic: the policy nearly doubled the number of students enrolled in the CUNY system to 35,000 (a significant leap from 20,000 the previous year). Black and Hispanic student enrollment, in particular, increased threefold. Consequently, remedial education , designed to supplement the academic preparation of under-prepared students, became a substantial and integral part of CUNY ’s offerings. Additionally, ethnic and Black Studies programs and centers were established on many CUNY campuses, contributing to the broader growth of similar programs nationwide. However, the retention of students within CUNY during this period remained a significant challenge; a sobering two-thirds of students enrolled in the early 1970s departed within four years without obtaining a degree.

In 1970, LaGuardia Community College was established in Long Island City, Queens , distinguished by its innovative focus on cooperative education , aiming to bridge academic learning with practical work experience.

Fear city: CUNY in the 1970s

The year 1970, a tumultuous period in American history, saw many college campuses, including CUNY , grappling with a wave of protests and demonstrations following the tragic Kent State shootings and the controversial Cambodian Campaign . The Administrative Council of the City University of New York , in a remarkable display of institutional conscience, dispatched a telegram to President Richard Nixon in 1970, stating, with a touch of blunt truth, “No nation can long endure the alienation of the best of its young people.” Some colleges, even those with rather distinct historical identities, joined the chorus of dissent. John Jay College of Criminal Justice , historically known as the “college for cops,” notably held teach-ins in addition to the more conventional student and faculty protests, a rather telling indicator of the pervasive societal anxieties of the era.

However, the relative idealism of the early 1970s soon crashed against the harsh rocks of economic reality. In the fall of 1976, during the agonizing throes of New York City’s fiscal crisis – an era so dire it spawned the infamous “Fear City pamphlets ” – the long-standing policy of free tuition at CUNY was unceremoniously discontinued. This decision was not a local one, but rather exerted under considerable pressure from the federal government, the financial community that had swooped in (or perhaps, merely hovered) to rescue the city from impending bankruptcy, and the State of New York , which was preparing to assume financial responsibility for CUNY ’s senior colleges. Tuition, which had already been a feature of the State University of New York (SUNY) system since 1963, was thus instituted across all CUNY colleges, marking the end of a truly free public university education in New York City .

Concurrently, CUNY students were integrated into the state’s existing need-based Tuition Assistance Program (TAP), a program originally conceived to assist private colleges. This inclusion meant that full-time students who met the income eligibility criteria could now receive TAP funding, theoretically ensuring that financial hardship would not, for the first time, entirely preclude a CUNY student from pursuing a college education. Within a few years, the federal government followed suit, creating its own need-based program, famously known as Pell Grants , which provided the neediest students with what amounted to a tuition-free college education. These programs, while welcome, were a distinct departure from the universal free access that had once defined CUNY .

Founding of CUNY School of Law

In 1981, Charles Halpern , a visionary who had previously founded one of the nation’s pioneering public interest law firms, was recruited by CUNY as the founding dean of a planned law school. The CUNY School of Law officially opened its doors in 1983, initially known as The CUNY Law School at Queens College . The explicit goal of CUNY Law was to forge a “new direction for teaching law,” with a determined focus on public interest law. It aimed to cultivate a cadre of legal professionals dedicated to social justice, and, crucially, to provide an accessible legal education to students who might traditionally have found the doors of law school closed to them.

CUNY Law eventually relocated from its original Flushing site to 2 Court Square in Long Island City at the close of May 2012. It proudly remains the sole publicly funded law school in New York City , a unique institution committed to a mission of public service in a city often dominated by private legal powerhouses.

Austerity and the end of open admissions

Joseph S. Murphy served as Chancellor of the City University of New York from 1982 to 1990. During his tenure, CUNY was a colossal educational enterprise, ranking as the third-largest university in the United States , with an enrollment exceeding 180,000 students. However, the re-establishment of tuition fees had a predictable effect: CUNY ’s enrollment dipped, and these declines persisted throughout the 1980s and into the 1990s, a stark illustration of the impact of financial barriers.

The mid-1990s brought another severe test of CUNY ’s resilience. In 1995, the university found itself in the throes of yet another fiscal crisis when Governor George Pataki proposed drastic cuts in state financing. His proposals were not merely financial; they included a significant $500 tuition increase and, perhaps most controversially, the complete elimination of the SEEK and College Discovery programs, which had been vital lifelines for underserved students. In response, faculty members, pushed to the brink, cancelled classes, and students, ever the first line of defense, staged widespread protests. On March 23, 1995, a massive demonstration, organized by the CUNY Coalition Against the Cuts, saw between 10,000 and 20,000 students marching on City Hall. The organizers audaciously claimed this was the “largest student demonstration since Vietnam.” As meticulously detailed in The Banner, the student newspaper of the College of Staten Island , “scores of students were arrested and issued summonses,” with Governor Pataki and Mayor Giuliani “[denying] any responsibility for the violence that occurred at the rally.” The New York Times corroborated the intensity of the protest, reporting that “sixty people, mostly students, were arrested, and 16, including 11 police officers were injured. All of the injuries were minor, the police said.” Despite the students’ fervent efforts, by May, CUNY was compelled to implement deep cuts to college budgets and significantly reduce class offerings. By June, in an effort to save money previously allocated to remedial programs, CUNY adopted a stricter admissions policy for its senior colleges: students deemed unprepared for college-level work would simply not be admitted. This marked a profound and decisive departure from the universal access philosophy of the 1970 Open Admissions program. That year’s final state budget cut funding by $102 million, a deficit CUNY absorbed by increasing tuition by $750 and offering a retirement incentive plan for faculty. This period also saw the rise of the Student Liberation Action Movement (SLAM!) , an organization that branched out from the CUNY Coalition, embodying the persistent spirit of student resistance.

In 1999, a task force appointed by Mayor Rudolph Giuliani issued a scathing report that somewhat dramatically described CUNY as “an institution adrift.” The report urgently called for a more coherent university structure, improved management, and, perhaps most pointedly, more consistent academic standards across the system. Following this critical assessment, Matthew Goldstein , a mathematician and a graduate of City College who had previously led CUNY ’s Baruch College and briefly, Adelphi University , was appointed chancellor. Under Goldstein’s leadership, CUNY definitively ended its policy of open admissions to its four-year colleges. It simultaneously raised admissions standards at its most selective four-year colleges (Baruch , Brooklyn , City , Hunter , and Queens ), and, crucially, mandated that new enrollees requiring remediation begin their studies at one of CUNY ’s open-admissions community colleges. This policy shift, while intended to elevate academic standards, effectively created a tiered system, reinforcing the notion that access was no longer as universal as it once had been. It was a familiar pattern, really, of grand ideals meeting the cold, hard realities of policy reform.

21st century

2000-2010: The rapid expansion and centralization of CUNY

The initial decade of the 21st century, in response to the sweeping administrative directives outlined in the “An Institution Adrift” report, was largely characterized by escalating institutional tensions. These tensions were the direct consequence of an exponential surge in CUNY ’s student enrollment, an aggressive push for private fundraising campaigns, and a proliferation of program options, all orchestrated under Chancellor Goldstein’s determined direction. CUNY ’s enrollment of degree-credit students swelled to 220,727 in 2005 and further to 262,321 in 2010, as the university, in its relentless pursuit of growth, broadened its academic offerings across an ever-wider spectrum. During this period, the university added more than 2,000 full-time faculty positions, inaugurated new schools and programs, and significantly intensified its fundraising efforts to help defray the escalating costs.

However, this unchecked growth and the concurrent consolidation of decision-making authority inevitably led to mounting discord among CUNY administrators, faculty, staff, and students. The system, critics argued, “increasingly became stratified by race and class,” a predictable outcome when expansion outpaces equitable resource allocation. Furthermore, the disproportionate increase of CUNY ’s adjunct teaching workforce became a glaring point of contention, highlighting precarious labor conditions. In response to this burgeoning labor crisis, PSC CUNY (Professional Staff Congress) elected a “New Caucus” of progressive officers in 2000, effectively replacing a previous leadership that many rank-and-file organizers felt had not done enough to challenge the austerity measures that had been ushered in during the preceding decade.

Despite the palpable resistance from faculty and staff to the rapid expansion of the university system and the considerable financial strain it imposed, the pressure on CUNY ’s financial and personnel resources was only exacerbated by the profound economic upheaval of the Great Recession of 2008 . By 2011, a rather remarkable statistic emerged: nearly six out of every ten full-time undergraduates at CUNY qualified for a tuition-free education. This was not, however, a return to the old free tuition policy, but rather a testament to the efficacy of various state, federal, and CUNY financial aid programs. Fundraising efforts also saw a dramatic upswing, escalating from $35 million in 2000 to a formidable sum exceeding $200 million by 2012, a clear indication of a concerted effort to diversify revenue streams.

By autumn 2013, a new administrative directive took hold: all CUNY undergraduates were mandated to adhere to an “administration-dictated common core of courses.” These courses were ostensibly designed to meet specific “learning outcomes” or standards, and the administration posited that because these courses would be universally accepted across the university system, student transfer of course credits between CUNY colleges would become significantly easier. This initiative also had the effect of reducing the number of core courses some CUNY colleges had previously required, often to a level below national norms, particularly within the sciences. Unsurprisingly, this program became the target of several lawsuits initiated by both students and faculty, and was met with a resounding “no confidence” vote from the faculty, who rejected it by an overwhelming 92% margin. A clear case, one might observe, of administrative efficiency clashing with academic autonomy.

Chancellor Goldstein retired on July 1, 2013, and his successor, James Milliken , previously president of the University of Nebraska system and an alumnus of the University of Nebraska–Lincoln and New York University School of Law , assumed the chancellorship on June 1, 2014. Milliken, in turn, departed at the close of the 2018 academic year, moving on to become the chancellor for the University of Texas system .

On February 13, 2019, the Board of Trustees, after much deliberation, voted to appoint Queens College president Felix V. Matos Rodriguez as the new chancellor of the City University of New York . Matos made history, becoming both the first Latino and the first minority educator to lead the university system, assuming the prestigious post on May 1.

More recently, in April 2024, CUNY students joined a broader wave of protests across other campuses in the United States , demonstrating against the Israel–Hamas war . These student protestors issued clear demands, calling for CUNY to divest from companies with ties to Israel, for CUNY officials to cancel any upcoming trips to Israel, and for robust protection for students involved in the demonstrations. In a development that underscored the escalating tensions, in 2025, CUNY controversially terminated four professors and one student leader for their outspoken opposition to the Gaza war , a stark reminder of the potential consequences of political activism within academic institutions.

Schools founded in the 21st century

The 21st century ushered in a new era of institutional development for CUNY . Conceptualized during Chancellor Goldstein’s incumbency and formally approved by CUNY ’s Board of Trustees in 1999, the first CUNY Honors College was established in 2001. This senior honors college was subsequently renamed the William E. Macaulay Honors College in 2006, following a substantial $30 million donation from the late William E. Macaulay (an alumnus of the Baruch School of Business at City College , class of 1966) and his wife Linda. The Macaulay endowment proved transformative, enabling CUNY ’s honors program to provide each of its students with coveted four-year full-tuition merit scholarships, funded research projects, and enriching study abroad programs. It also facilitated the acquisition of a new, dedicated building located at 35 W. 67th Street, which opened its doors in April 2008. Eight senior CUNY colleges serve as “home campuses” for Macaulay Honors students, including Baruch College , Brooklyn College , City College , Hunter College , John Jay College of Criminal Justice , Lehman College , Queens College , and College of Staten Island , creating a distributed yet cohesive honors experience.

In June 2003, Neil Kleiman, then-director of the Center for an Urban Future , addressed the Board of Trustees of the City University of New York , meticulously detailing the pressing need for the creation of the CUNY School of Professional Studies (CUNY SPS). CUNY SPS was designed as a senior college specifically aimed at addressing the unique educational needs of working adults, offering flexible and relevant academic pathways. In 2013, CUNY SPS inaugurated its principal campus in midtown Manhattan , occupying the former site of the iconic Gimbels department store. By 2022, CUNY SPS had emerged as a leading institution within a broader CUNY initiative to deliver excellence in online education, recognizing the evolving landscape of learning.

The Craig Newmark Graduate School of Journalism at the City University of New York opened its doors in 2006, initially known simply as the CUNY Graduate School of Journalism . This school was founded with a dual mission: to expand diversity within newsrooms across the nation and to provide an affordable, publicly supported graduate journalism school within the critical New York City region. It holds the distinct position of being the only public graduate school of journalism in the northeastern United States .

Guttman Community College was officially founded on September 11, 2011, and commenced operations in 2012 as the New Community College, adding another vital component to CUNY ’s network of accessible education.

In 2016, the Graduate School of Public Health & Health Policy was established with the strategic objective of centralizing CUNY ’s existing Public Health Programs. This consolidation saw students and faculty from CUNY ’s previously distributed Public Health programs at Brooklyn College , Lehman College , Hunter College , and the CUNY Graduate Center transfer to this new, unified school.

In 2018, CUNY further expanded its footprint, opening its 25th campus, the CUNY School of Labor and Urban Studies . This institution was named after former president Joseph S. Murphy and integrated some of the forms and functions of the Murphy Institute that had previously been housed at the CUNY School of Professional Studies .

A significant development occurred on November 19, 2024, when the School of Medicine was officially established as the 26th CUNY campus, thereby separating its scope and administration from that of City College of New York .

Looking ahead, on July 1, 2025, Governor Kathy Hochul signed into law a free community college program for both SUNY and CUNY students. This program represents an expansion of the CUNY Reconnect initiative, a program designed to allow “New York residents ages 25-55 with no prior degree” to earn “a tuition-free associate degree in high-demand fields,” a potential return to broader educational accessibility, albeit with specific parameters.

Enrollment and demographics

CUNY holds the distinction of being the fourth-largest university system in the United States by enrollment, trailing only the formidable California State University , State University of New York (SUNY), and University of California systems. It is a truly massive educational undertaking, serving more than 271,000 degree-credit students, alongside a substantial number of continuing and professional education students, spread across its campuses strategically located in all five New York City boroughs.

The university proudly boasts one of the most diverse student bodies in the United States , a vibrant tapestry woven from individuals hailing from virtually every corner of the globe. While its students are globally diverse, the vast majority, as one might expect, reside within New York City itself. The black, white, and Hispanic undergraduate populations each constitute more than a quarter of the total student body, reflecting the city’s rich multicultural mosaic, while Asian undergraduates make up a significant 18 percent. Demographically, the student body leans female, with 58 percent identifying as such, and a notable 28 percent are aged 25 or older, indicating a substantial population of non-traditional and returning students. In the 2017–2018 award year, a staggering 144,380 CUNY students received the Federal Pell Grant , underscoring the vital role the university plays in providing educational opportunities to financially underserved populations.

CUNY Citizenship Now!

Established in 1997 by the insightful immigration lawyer Allan Wernick, CUNY Citizenship Now! is a vital immigration assistance organization. It provides free and confidential immigration law services, offering crucial support to individuals and families navigating the often-complex path to U.S. citizenship . In 2021, CUNY further extended its commitment to immigrant communities by launching a College Immigrant Ambassador Program, a collaborative initiative undertaken in partnership with the New York City Department of Education , demonstrating a proactive approach to supporting its diverse student population and the wider immigrant community.

Academics

Academic rankings, while often a source of institutional pride and external scrutiny, place CUNY within the global educational landscape. According to the QS World University Rankings for 2026, CUNY is positioned at =613 globally. Such numbers, of course, rarely capture the full, messy reality of an institution of this scale and its unique mission.

This section, admittedly, requires further expansion to adequately capture the breadth and depth of CUNY ’s academic offerings, much like similar U.S. schools whose comprehensive profiles take more than a mere glance to compile.

Component institutions

The City University of New York is not a monolith, but a constellation of diverse institutions, each with its own history, character, and academic focus. These component institutions are spread across New York City , serving distinct communities and educational needs.

CUNY component institutions

The following table meticulously outlines the various component institutions that collectively form the vast City University of New York system, categorizing them by their establishment date and institutional type.

Est.TypeName
1847Senior CollegeCity College
1870Senior CollegeHunter College
1919Senior CollegeBaruch College
1930Senior CollegeBrooklyn College
1937Senior CollegeQueens College
1946Senior CollegeNew York City College of Technology
1964Senior CollegeJohn Jay College of Criminal Justice
1966Senior CollegeYork College
1968Senior CollegeLehman College
1970Senior CollegeMedgar Evers College
1976Senior CollegeCollege of Staten Island
2001Honors CollegeWilliam E. Macaulay Honors College
1957Community CollegeBronx Community College
1958Community CollegeQueensborough Community College
1963Community CollegeBorough of Manhattan Community College
1963Community CollegeKingsborough Community College
1968Community CollegeLaGuardia Community College
1970Community CollegeHostos Community College
2011Community CollegeGuttman Community College
1961Graduate / professionalCUNY Graduate Center
1973Graduate / professionalCUNY School of Medicine
1983Graduate / professionalCUNY School of Law
2006Graduate / professionalCUNY Graduate School of Journalism
2006Graduate / professionalCUNY School of Professional Studies
2008Graduate / professionalCUNY School of Public Health
2018Graduate / professionalCUNY School of Labor and Urban Studies

Management structure

The City University of New York , a sprawling educational entity, is currently governed by a board of trustees comprising 17 members. This board’s composition reflects a delicate balance of state and city influence, alongside internal academic representation. Ten of these members are appointed by the governor of New York , a process requiring “the advice and consent of the senate.” Five additional trustees are appointed by the mayor of New York City , also subject to “the advice and consent of the senate.” The final two trustees serve as ex officio members, ensuring a direct link to the academic and student bodies. One is the chair of the university’s student senate, while the other is the non-voting chair of the university’s faculty senate. Both mayoral and gubernatorial appointments to the CUNY Board are legally mandated to include at least one resident from each of New York City ’s five boroughs, a measure intended to ensure broad geographical representation. Trustees serve seven-year terms, which, in a testament to the enduring nature of public service (or perhaps, bureaucratic inertia), are renewable for another seven years. The chancellor, the chief educational and administrative officer of the City University , is elected by this very board of trustees, wielding considerable authority over the entire system.

The administrative offices, the nerve center of this vast operation, are conveniently located in Midtown Manhattan , a typically central, if somewhat detached, location from the day-to-day realities of its many campuses.

Faculty

CUNY employs a substantial academic workforce, consisting of 6,700 full-time faculty members. However, this number is significantly augmented by an even larger contingent: over 10,000 adjunct faculty members . This reliance on adjuncts, a common but often contentious practice in modern higher education, frequently raises questions about labor conditions and academic stability. Both faculty and staff are represented by the Professional Staff Congress (PSC), a robust labor union and a chapter of the American Federation of Teachers , which actively advocates for their collective interests within the complex CUNY system.

Notable faculty

The faculty of CUNY has included, and continues to include, an impressive array of scholars, artists, and public figures who have made significant contributions across diverse fields. Their presence has undoubtedly enriched the academic and cultural landscape of the university, often bringing a wealth of real-world experience and intellectual rigor to their respective institutions.

Safety & Security

CUNY maintains a unified public safety department , officially known as the City University of New York Public Safety Department , which operates distinct branches at each of the 26 CUNY campuses. This centralized structure aims to ensure a consistent approach to security across the vast university system.

It is important to note that the New York City Police Department (NYPD) retains its role as the primary policing and investigation agency within New York City , as stipulated by the NYC Charter . This jurisdiction naturally extends to all CUNY campuses and facilities, meaning that while CUNY has its own public safety personnel, the NYPD holds ultimate authority for serious criminal matters.

The Public Safety Department, however, has not been immune to criticism, particularly from student groups. A notable incident occurred on November 21, 2011, when several students protesting tuition increases attempted to occupy the lobby of Baruch College . The occupiers were forcibly removed from the area, and several arrests were made, leading to considerable public scrutiny and renewed debates about the balance between student protest rights and institutional security protocols.

Antisemitism at CUNY

In recent years, the issue of antisemitism on CUNY campuses has garnered significant attention, with a number of incidents being reported and documented.

  • In March 2014, Brooklyn College reached a settlement in a Title VI complaint that the Zionist Organization of America (“ZOA”) had filed, alleging antisemitic discrimination within the institution.
  • In 2017, a CUNY administrator was controversially recorded stating that there were “too many Jews on campus,” an incident that sparked widespread condemnation.
  • In 2020, a CUNY student was arrested for spray-painting antisemitic graffiti on a campus building, a disturbing act of hate speech.
  • A 2021 survey revealed a troubling statistic: nearly one in four CUNY students reported having experienced antisemitism on campus. The survey also indicated that Jewish students were more likely to report feeling unsafe on campus compared to students of other faiths, highlighting a significant concern for student well-being.
  • In May 2021, a student at John Jay College of Criminal Justice posted a picture of Adolf Hitler on Instagram accompanied by a message stating “We need another Hitler today.” Following this egregious incident, a group of Jewish students met with Karol Mason, the President of the college, who, to the dismay of many, reportedly refused to publicly condemn the action.
  • The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) cited CUNY in 2021 for its failure to adequately protect a Jewish professor after the Professional Staff Congress (PSC) allegedly discriminated against him and subjected him to a hostile work environment on the basis of his Jewish faith, raising serious questions about institutional accountability.

In response to these escalating concerns, CUNY has publicly stated that it has taken steps to address antisemitism on its campuses. In 2020, the university established a dedicated task force to combat antisemitism. This task force has since developed a number of initiatives, including specialized training programs for faculty and staff on how to effectively identify and address antisemitism.

More recently, in June 2024, the United States Department of Education concluded that CUNY had indeed failed to protect Jewish students from discrimination following the harrowing October 7 attacks . CUNY ’s Hunter College also faced particular scrutiny for incidents dating back to 2021. In response to these findings, Chancellor FĂ©lix V. Matos RodrĂ­guez issued a statement affirming CUNY ’s dedication to maintaining a discrimination-free and hate-free environment, and announced that new measures would be implemented to ensure consistent and transparent investigation and resolution of all complaints, a commitment that remains under close observation.

City University Television (CUNY TV)

Beyond its academic and administrative functions, CUNY also operates its own broadcast television service, CUNY TV . Accessible on channel 75 for Spectrum subscribers and digital HD broadcast channel 25.3, CUNY TV provides a diverse range of programming. This includes telecourses for distance learners, a curated selection of classic and foreign films, engaging magazine shows, and thoughtful panel discussions, often presented in various foreign languages, reflecting the rich linguistic diversity of New York City .

City University Film Festival (CUNYFF)

The City University Film Festival (CUNYFF) serves as CUNY ’s official showcase for cinematic talent. The festival, which was founded in 2009, provides a vital platform for student filmmakers and artists from across the university system to present their work, fostering creativity and collaboration within the diverse CUNY community.

Notable alumni

The legacy of CUNY is perhaps most vividly illustrated through the achievements of its vast network of alumni. Graduates of the City University of New York include an astounding 13 Nobel laureates , 2 Fields Medalists (the highest honor in mathematics), 2 U.S. Secretaries of State , a Supreme Court Justice, several New York City mayors, numerous members of Congress and state legislators, groundbreaking scientists, influential artists, and even Olympians. This diverse array of accomplishments underscores the profound impact CUNY has had, and continues to have, on both local and global stages, a testament to the enduring power of accessible public education.

CUNY notable alumni

The following table presents a selection of distinguished alumni from the City University of New York , providing a glimpse into the breadth of their accomplishments and the institutions from which they graduated. This table is ‘sortable’; simply click on a column heading to re-sort the table by the values of that particular column.

NameGrad.CollegeNotable for
Kenneth Arrow1940Cityeconomist and joint winner of the Nobel Prize in Economics
Robert Aumann1950Citymathematician and winner of the Nobel Prize in Economics
Albert AxelrodCityOlympic foil fencer
Herman Badillo1951Citycivil rights activist and first Puerto Rican elected to the U.S. Congress
Daniel BukantzCityOlympic foil fencer
Abram CohenCityOlympic foil, épée, and sabre fencer
Arlene Davila1996Cityauthor and Anthropology and American Studies professor at New York University
Rubén Díaz Jr.2005LehmanBronx Borough President
Rubén Díaz Sr.1976LehmanNYC Council Member, Pastor
Jeffrey Dinowitz1975LehmanNYS Assembly Member
Jesse Douglas1916Citymathematician and winner of one of the first two Fields Medals
Eliot Engel1969LehmanMember of the US House of Representatives , Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee
Abraham FoxmanCitynational director, Anti-Defamation League
Felix Frankfurter1902CityU.S. Supreme Court Justice
Denise Galloway1975CityCancer researcher and medical academic
Harold Goldsmith1952CityOlympic foil and épée fencer
Andy Grove1960CityChairman and CEO, Intel Corporation
Herbert A. Hauptman1937Citymathematician and winner of the Nobel Prize in Chemistry
Letitia James1982LehmanNYS Attorney General
Barbara Joans1974Cityanthropologist who researched biker culture
Jane Katz1963CityOlympic swimmer
Henry KissingerCityU.S. Secretary of State and National Security Advisor
Leonard Kleinrock1957Citycomputer scientist, Internet pioneer
Guillermo Linares1975CityNew York City Council member, first Dominican-American City Council member and Commissioner of the Mayor’s Office of Immigrant Affairs
Nathaniel Lubell1936CityOlympic foil, saber, and épée fencer
Samuel LubellCitypollster, journalist, and National Book Award for Nonfiction finalist
Lisa Nakamura1993, 1996CityDirector and Professor of the Asian American Studies Program at the Institute of Communication Research at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign
Charles NeiderCityAuthor, Scholar
Barnett Newman1927Cityabstract expressionist artist
John O’KeefeCity2014 Nobel laureate in Medicine
Colin Powell1958CityChairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and Secretary of State
Mario PuzoCitynovelist, Oscar -winning screenwriter for Best Adapted Screenplay (1972, 1974)
Faith Ringgold1955Cityfeminist, writer and artist
Saul RogovinCityProfessional baseball player
A. M. Rosenthal1949Cityexecutive editor of The New York Times who championed the publication of the Pentagon Papers ; Pulitzer Prize –winning journalist expelled from Poland in 1959 for his reporting on the nation’s government and society
Rochelle SaidelCityauthor, founder of the Remember the Women Institute
Jonas Salk1934Citydeveloped the first [