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European New Right

A far-right political movement, not content with the conventional currents of thought, emerged from the intellectual ferment of Europe in the 1960s. This was the birth of the European New Right (ENR), a phenomenon that, much like a persistent, inconvenient truth, has continued to shape political discourse, particularly in Conservatism in France, where its roots run deepest.

Ideologies

The tapestry of the European New Right is woven from a complex array of historical and philosophical threads, each contributing to a distinct, often challenging, worldview. At its core, the movement draws heavily from:

  • Gaullism, albeit often interpreted through a lens of national sovereignty and resistance to external influence.
  • Integralism, which advocates for the complete integration of religious and political life, leaving little room for secular compromise.
  • A fervent nationalist stance, prioritizing the interests and identity of a defined national group.
  • Various forms of Monarchism, including Bonapartism, Legitimism, and Orléanism, reflecting a longing for traditional, often dynastic, authority.
  • The intellectual framework of Maurrassisme, a doctrine that champions a hierarchical, organic society rooted in a romanticized vision of French history and culture.
  • The very Nouvelle Droite from which it sprang, a self-proclaimed intellectual and metapolitical movement.
  • Echoes of the Révolution nationale of Vichy France, hinting at a desire for profound societal restructuring.
  • More contemporary iterations such as Sarkozysm, which, despite its mainstream appearance, at times flirted with themes resonant with conservative identity.
  • Ultramontanism, advocating for the supremacy of papal authority in ecclesiastical and often secular matters, a testament to a deeply traditionalist Catholic strain.

Principles

The principles upheld by the ENR are less a set of negotiable policies and more a declaration of philosophical intent, a defiant stance against what its proponents perceive as the corrosive effects of modernity. These include:

  • Unwavering Anti-communism, a legacy of the Cold War era that continues to inform their critique of collectivist ideologies.
  • A commitment to Counter-revolution, seeking to reverse the perceived societal decay brought about by liberal progress.
  • Dirigisme, advocating for a strong state role in guiding the economy and national development, often for strategic, nationalistic ends.
  • Ethnopluralism, a concept that, with unsettling grace, suggests separate but equal co-existence of distinct ethnic groups, a polite veneer over more exclusionary tendencies.
  • Emphasis on Family values, seen as the bedrock of social order and traditional morality.
  • Preservation of French culture, often viewed as under siege by globalist forces.
  • A romanticized view of Imperialism, recalling a past era of national grandeur and influence.
  • The belief in Meritocracy, where societal positions are earned through ability, often implicitly linked to natural hierarchies.
  • The practice of Metapolitics, focusing on shaping cultural discourse rather than direct political action.
  • A profound sense of Nationalism, prioritizing the nation above all else.
  • Nativism, advocating for the interests of native-born inhabitants over immigrants.
  • The principle of Noblesse oblige, suggesting that those in positions of power or privilege have a moral obligation to society.
  • A belief in a Natural order, implying a pre-ordained social structure that should not be tampered with.
  • Fervent Patriotism, a deep love for one's country.
  • Royalism, the belief in a monarchical system of government.
  • A clear articulation of Social hierarchy, rejecting egalitarian ideals in favor of structured societal layers.
  • The maintenance of Social order, often through strong, traditional institutions.
  • Souverainisme, emphasizing national sovereignty and independence from supranational bodies.
  • Respect for Traditional authority, drawing legitimacy from historical precedent and established institutions.

History

The historical lineage feeding into this movement is long and storied, reflecting centuries of French political and intellectual evolution:

Intellectuals

The intellectual lineage of French conservatism and the European New Right is a veritable pantheon of thinkers, often controversial, whose ideas have shaped generations. From the early counter-revolutionary philosophers like Joseph de Maistre and Louis de Bonald, who critiqued the Enlightenment with an almost prophetic despair, to literary figures such as François-René de Chateaubriand and Charles Baudelaire, whose works often explored themes of tradition, decline, and the human condition. Historians and sociologists like Numa Denis Fustel de Coulanges, Augustin Cochin (historian), and Hippolyte Taine provided historical and sociological justifications for hierarchical societies.

The rise of modern nationalism saw figures like Maurice Barrès and Charles Maurras articulate a vision of France rooted in ancestral soil and traditional institutions, with Léon Daudet further popularizing these ideas. In the 20th century, philosophers such as René Guénon delved into traditionalism and esotericism, while Gustave Thibon offered a Catholic, ruralist perspective.

More directly influencing the ENR are figures like Alain de Benoist, the movement's intellectual architect, and Guillaume Faye, known for his concept of Archeofuturism. Other key intellectuals include Julien Freund, Pierre Boutang, and Georges Dumézil with his studies on Indo-European mythology. Contemporary thinkers like Pascal Bruckner, Chantal Delsol, Rémi Brague, and Michel Houellebecq continue to engage with themes of identity, decline, and Western civilization, often from perspectives that resonate with the New Right's critique of modernity. Even earlier figures like Alexis de Tocqueville, though liberal, are studied for their insights into democracy and its potential pitfalls.

Literature

The intellectual currents of the European New Right, and the broader conservative tradition it draws from, are meticulously documented in a library of seminal works. These texts, far from being mere academic exercises, often serve as manifestos, critiques, and visions for alternative futures.

Politicians

The ideas of the European New Right and its antecedents have, inevitably, found their way into the realm of practical politics, influencing or being embodied by a range of figures across different eras. From the Bourbon monarchs like Louis XVI, Louis XVIII, and Charles X of France, who sought to restore traditional order, to the "citizen king" Louis Philippe I, who tried to navigate a more liberal path. Early figures like Jacques Necker and Joseph de Villèle shaped fiscal and political policies.

The revolutionary and counter-revolutionary periods saw military leaders like Jacques Cathelineau and Jean-Charles Pichegru emerge. Later, nationalist and authoritarian figures like Georges Ernest Boulanger and François de La Rocque garnered significant popular support. The towering figure of Charles de Gaulle, though often seen as a unifying national leader, embodied a strong, sovereign vision of France that resonated with some aspects of the right. His successors, like Georges Pompidou and Pierre Messmer, continued this tradition.

In the late 20th and early 21st centuries, figures like Jean-Marie Le Pen and his daughter Marine Le Pen built powerful populist movements on nationalist and anti-immigrant platforms, directly influenced by New Right ideas. Other politicians such as Nicolas Sarkozy, Alain Juppé, Valérie Pécresse, Bruno Retailleau, Éric Ciotti, and Jordan Bardella represent various shades of the contemporary French right, often grappling with the legacy and influence of these intellectual currents. Éric Zemmour, a prominent commentator turned politician, explicitly champions many New Right themes.

Commentators

Beyond the direct political arena, a host of commentators and public intellectuals have shaped, disseminated, and often fiercely debated the ideas of the European New Right and associated conservative thought. Figures like Brigitte Bardot, surprisingly, have lent their public voice to nationalist and traditionalist causes. Journalists and polemicists such as Christophe Barbier, Franz-Olivier Giesbert, Dominique Jamet, Élisabeth Lévy, and Robert Ménard regularly engage with these themes in mainstream and right-wing media.

More directly aligned with the New Right are figures like Renaud Camus, known for his "Great Replacement" theory, and Laurent Obertone, whose works often focus on societal decline and security. Louis Pauwels, a co-founder of Éléments, was instrumental in establishing the intellectual foundations of the Nouvelle Droite. Others like Pierre Cassen, Thaïs d'Escufon, and Christine Tasin are active in anti-Islam and identitarian movements. Even members of the former royal family, like Jean, Count of Paris, occasionally weigh in on matters of national identity and tradition.

Parties

The political landscape shaped by these ideologies is populated by a diverse array of parties, both active and defunct, reflecting the fragmentation and evolution of the French right.

Active Parties:

Defunct Parties:

Organisations

The intellectual and political currents of the European New Right are often sustained and propagated through a network of organizations, ranging from think tanks to youth movements.

Active Organisations:

Defunct Organisations:

Media

The dissemination of these ideas relies heavily on media outlets, some overtly aligned, others more subtly sympathetic, providing platforms for debate and propaganda alike.

Active Media:

Defunct Media:

Related topics

The intellectual and political domain of the European New Right is intertwined with numerous related concepts and movements, highlighting its broad influence and complex ideological landscape. Archeofuturism, for instance, proposes a synthesis of archaic values and futuristic technology, a concept as unsettling as it is intriguing. The movement is often studied alongside the broader History of far-right movements in France and the phenomenon of Ligues d'extrême droite from the interwar period. The concept of Remigration, advocating for the return of non-European immigrants to their countries of origin, is a recurring theme. The Tocqueville effect, though originating from liberal thought, provides a framework for understanding how rising expectations can lead to discontent, a dynamic often exploited by the New Right.

The European New Right (ENR), which one should be careful not to conflate with other "New Right" movements—such as the New Right in South Korea or other iterations that, rather quaintly, advocate for capitalism—is a far-right intellectual and political current. It first materialized in France as the Nouvelle Droite in the twilight years of the 1960s, largely under the intellectual guidance of Alain de Benoist. Its adherents are engaged in what they perceive as a global "anti-structural revolt" against the perceived pathologies of both modernity and, rather ironically, post-modernity itself. This revolt manifests not as a conventional political party, but rather as a constellation of loosely connected intellectual communities, each diligently striving to disseminate a coherent, if often provocative, philosophy throughout the societies of Europe. It’s a bit like trying to spread a virus of thought, only with more footnotes and less direct contagion.

Leaders and proponents of the ENR generally stand in stark opposition to the core tenets of liberalism, individualism, and egalitarianism—concepts they often view as the ideological architects of societal decay. Furthermore, they express a distinct disdain for the conventional nation-state as it has evolved, seeing it as an inadequate vessel for their grander visions. Instead, they champion a communitarian and profoundly organicist worldview, where society is imagined as a living, interconnected organism rather than a collection of atomized individuals. To this end, they advocate for the concept of a Third Position, aiming to transcend the tired dichotomy of left and right, and fervently promote ethnopluralism. This latter concept, which they describe as a global project, is presented as an alternative to multiculturalism, where distinct collective identities would supposedly coexist harmoniously within their own, clearly demarcated geographical and political spheres. How precisely this "peaceful coexistence" is to be enforced without significant friction is a detail often left to the imagination, or perhaps, to a future they’re still sketching out.

Crucially, the various factions and intellectual architects within the ENR do not share a uniform or collective political agenda concerning the specific governmental regime or institutional structures that should be adopted. Their ambition lies elsewhere. Rather than chasing fleeting electoral victories, ENR leaders prioritize the propagation of their ideas through a shared "metapolitical" practice. This strategy aims to gradually reshape the underlying cultural and intellectual landscape, with the ultimate goal of achieving cultural hegemony—a widespread popular acceptance of their fundamental ideas—before any direct political takeover. It’s a long game, played out in the realm of discourse, which, frankly, is often more effective than mere ballot boxes.

The influence of the European New Right is not confined to academic journals or obscure intellectual circles. It has demonstrably shaped the ideological and political architecture of more visible movements, notably the Identitarian Movement, which has gained considerable traction across Europe. Furthermore, segments of the alt-right in the United States openly acknowledge inspiration from the writings of Alain de Benoist, arguably the most influential intellectual figure within the ENR. One might almost say his ideas have a certain... stickiness.

History

The genesis of the European New Right (ENR) can be precisely traced to France, emerging from the intellectual crucible of the Nouvelle Droite. This movement was intrinsically linked to the ethno-nationalist think tank known as GRECE (Groupement de Recherche et d'Études pour la Civilisation Européenne), established in the pivotal year of 1968 by Alain de Benoist and Dominique Venner. Initially, the French intellectual nucleus held considerable sway, radiating influence across the continent. However, as the decades have worn on, its singular prominence has, perhaps inevitably, waned. The movement today presents itself less as a centralized French phenomenon and more as a sprawling European network, a web of various groups, political parties, and individual intellectuals. What binds these disparate entities is a shared ideological affinity, a common intellectual grammar, and a mutual recognition of shared objectives.

This network includes prominent groups such as the Neue Rechte in Germany, which sought to adapt the French intellectual framework to a German context. In the United Kingdom, the now-defunct New Right attempted a similar intellectual transplantation, while in the Netherlands and Flanders, groups like the defunct Nieuw Rechts and Deltastichting picked up the philosophical torch. Italy saw the rise of Forza Nuova, a more overtly political manifestation, and Imperium Europa emerged in Malta. Further east, Nova Hrvatska Desnica in Croatia and Noua Dreapta in Romania demonstrate the geographical breadth of the ENR's ideological reach.

It's worth noting the specific trajectory in Italy, where the Nueva Destra coalesced from the efforts of a cohort of young, intellectually inclined members within the neo-fascist party, the Italian Social Movement. This connection underscores the ENR's often-complex relationship with historical fascist and neo-fascist currents. In the 1980s, de Benoist's sophisticated, if often opaque, ideas found a fervent proponent in West Germany in the person of Neue Rechte philosopher Armin Mohler, who was instrumental in translating and promoting these concepts to a German-speaking audience. It seems some ideas, like certain invasive species, are remarkably adaptable to new environments.

Ideology

The ENR, much like any organism determined to survive, has undergone several intellectual re-syntheses since its initial emergence in the late 1960s. The most notable attempt to articulate a common doctrine, a sort of ideological Rosetta Stone, dates back to the manifesto titled "The New Right in the year 2000." This document served as a comprehensive outline of its leading ideas, a philosophical roadmap for the new millennium.

At its core, the ENR presents a profound "critique of liberalism and of the commodification of the world," arguing that modern society has reduced everything, including human relationships and cultural values, to mere transactional goods. This critique is coupled with an emphatic "rejection of individualism," seeing it as a destructive force that erodes social cohesion and fosters atomization. In its place, the ENR champions "an attachment to an organicist and communitarian view of society," where individuals are understood primarily through their roles within a larger, interconnected social body, much like organs within a living system.

A fundamental tenet is the "rejection of egalitarianism" and, rather provocatively, "of the various forms of monotheism from which it arose." This suggests a belief that the Abrahamic religions, with their emphasis on universal human equality before God, are historical precursors to modern secular egalitarianism—a lineage the ENR views with suspicion. Instead, they advocate for "the promotion of well-rooted collective identities and of the 'right to difference'," emphasizing the unique character and distinct rights of specific cultural and ethnic groups to exist and thrive in their own spaces.

Furthermore, the ENR expresses a "rejection of the nation-state as a form" in its current iteration, perceiving it as an artificial construct that often stifles genuine ethnic and cultural identities. In its stead, they propose "the promotion of a federalist model that applies the principle of subsidiarity," suggesting a decentralized European structure where decision-making power resides at the lowest possible effective level, presumably allowing for greater local and ethnic autonomy. Finally, their "view of international relations" is rooted in the idea of a multi-polar world, where Europe would assert its own distinct "nationhood," free from the perceived "American omnipotence, which is designated the chief enemy of the European peoples." It's a vision of a Europe defiantly independent, a continent reclaiming its destiny from the clutches of globalist uniformity.

While the term 'New Right' specifically designates an intellectual movement that sprang from several political organizations in France in 1968, it's often, and perhaps predictably, confused with other, more recent labels such as the Alternative Right or Alt-Right. Despite these distinctions, these various political groups often share common thematic ground. This includes a strong, often zealous, emphasis on nationalism and nationalist values, a persistent critique of the egalitarian principles that underpin many central and left-leaning political ideologies, and a consistent demand for the recognition of individual differences—differences that, rather conveniently, are frequently categorized along ethnic or civilizational lines.

According to the astute observations of Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg, the foundational idea animating the ENR is their vehement rejection of the "eradication of cultural identities." This perceived eradication, in the ENR's rather dramatic worldview, is largely attributable to the principles of standardization and egalitarianism that they argue are intrinsically woven into the fabric of the concept of human rights. Alain de Benoist, the movement's intellectual lodestar, famously decries what he terms the "ideology of sameness," lamenting a world where both inanimate commodities and, more disturbingly, human beings are increasingly viewed as interchangeable, stripped of their unique qualities. In his estimation, the "greatest" danger facing the world today is the "progressive disappearance of diversity from the world"—a sweeping claim that encompasses not only the biodiversity of animals but also the rich tapestry of human cultures and peoples. It's a stark vision, certainly, of a world bleached into bland uniformity.

New Right thinker Tomislav Sunić has further underscored the profound influence of Oswald Spengler on the ENR. Spengler's cyclical view of history, particularly his controversial assertion that mankind, as a singular, universal entity, does not exist, resonates deeply. Instead, Spengler posited that "each culture passes through various cycles" of birth, growth, and decay, and that the very concept of universal history is, in fact, a non-sense. For Sunić and the ENR, there are only a "plurality of histories and their unequal distribution in time and space," a perspective that conveniently undermines any notion of universal moral progress or shared human destiny.

ENR thinkers operate under the rather self-assured belief that the West is currently navigating an "interregnum"—a period of chaotic transition between old and new orders—which they are convinced will, sooner or later, give way to a new era where their particular worldview will not just thrive, but dominate. Roger Griffin notes that, in response to this apparent post-fascist "parenthesis," they have meticulously developed a worldview constructed upon a "maze-way re-synthesis" of both archaic and contemporary ideological and ritual elements. These are cunningly combined within a "palingenetic metanarrative." The existing political order is portrayed as inherently corrupt, needing to be either radically abandoned or thoroughly purged of its impurities, so that a "redemptive community" can emerge from this liminal crisis and usher in their envisioned new era. Furthermore, ENR leaders frequently invoke a legendary and mythical past, not out of a simple, sentimental yearning for a lost golden age, but rather with the deliberate intent "to create a rooted futurity, a new reality re-established on firm metaphysical foundations." This ambitious notion is particularly encapsulated in the concept of archeofuturism, passionately promoted by Guillaume Faye, which seeks to fuse ancient, traditional values with the most advanced technological and futuristic visions. It sounds almost poetic, until you consider the implications.

It must be acknowledged that some ENR thinkers, particularly those who lean towards the more radical Völkisch end of the movement's ideological spectrum, deliberately emphasize race and ethnicity as the paramount dimensions of their concept of "identity." This emphasis, rather predictably, has led to a violent rejection of "difference" when it deviates from their prescribed norms. Guillaume Faye, for instance, has chillingly called for a "total ethnic war," while Pierre Vial has openly advocated for an "ethnic revolution" and a "war of liberation." These pronouncements, stripped of their academic veneer, reveal a stark and often brutal underlying agenda.

Critics

The European New Right, despite its intellectual pretensions and claims of metapolitical nuance, has not escaped sharp and often damning criticism. Prominent scholars like Roger Griffin and Tamir Bar-On contend that the ENR essentially represents a sophisticated, subtle strategy to re-invent the general framework of fascism, meticulously preserving its original worldview and core ideas while shedding its more overtly unsavory historical associations. They draw a compelling parallel between the ENR's metapolitical stance and the strategic advice offered by the neo-fascist thinker Maurice Bardèche in his 1961 book, What is Fascism? In this work, Bardèche, with an almost chilling foresight, declared that fascism possessed an innate adaptability, capable of surviving the 20th century by adopting a new guise.

As Bardèche himself so eloquently, and disturbingly, put it:

The famous fascist methods are constantly revised and will continue to be revised. More important than the mechanism is the idea which fascism has created for itself of man and freedom. […] With another name, another face, and with nothing which betrays the projection from the past, with the form of a child we do not recognize and the head of a young Medusa, the Order of Sparta will be reborn: and paradoxically it will, without doubt, be the last bastion of Freedom and the sweetness of living.

— Maurice Bardèche, Qu’est-ce que le fascisme? (Paris: Les Sept Couleurs, 1961), pp. 175–176.

This quote, with its evocative imagery of rebirth and disguised continuity, serves as a powerful indictment of the ENR's alleged intellectual project. It suggests that beneath the veneer of philosophical debate and cultural critique, there lies a persistent, if transmuted, commitment to a deeply authoritarian and exclusionary vision.

Further reinforcing this critique, historian Roger Woods observes that Neue Rechte philosopher Armin Mohler "illustrates the New Right tendency to separate what it regards as a pure version of fascism from the various attempts to put it into practice." Mohler, in a move that some might find disingenuous, deliberately uncouples what he terms 'fascist style' from historical fascism itself. On the basis of this rather convenient distinction, he candidly declares: "'I am a fascist'". This admission, from a key figure in the ENR's German branch, serves to underscore the profound ideological continuities that critics argue underpin the movement, despite its efforts to present itself as a novel intellectual force.

The Digital Age and Metapolitical Impact

Alain de Benoist has, with a rather deliberate and calculated strategy, consistently prioritized the realm of ideas and intellectual discourse over direct, active political engagement. His declaration, "The value of an idea is not defined by its designation. Ideas do not have a set party-political residency," encapsulates this metapolitical approach. It’s a subtle way of saying that the truth, as they see it, should permeate culture regardless of who is currently holding the reins of power. This particular strategy, focusing on the long game of cultural influence, has had a considerable, almost insidious, impact on contemporary populist movements. These movements, often seeking to move beyond the conventional, and frankly, rather tiresome, "right-wing" and "left-wing" designations, are eager to engage in alternative conversations that challenge established norms.

For the better part of the twentieth century, the New Right's steadfast policy of rejecting mainstream political techniques and widely accepted popular ideas effectively relegated them to the intellectual fringes. They were, in essence, operating in a niche market of thought, often dismissed as academic curiosities. However, the advent of the internet—a tool of modernity they ostensibly critique—has proven to be an unforeseen catalyst. Its remarkable ability to swiftly and widely disseminate information has dramatically aided the broader transmission and, critically, the rising impact of New Right beliefs.

With the internet's capacity to spread complex ideas with unprecedented speed and reach, parties and movements like the Alt-Right have been able to readily embrace, adapt, and modify New Right ideologies, often stripping them of their academic complexities and presenting them in more digestible, often more aggressive, forms. As a direct consequence, the internet has dramatically increased the exposure and overall effect of New Right views, allowing them to interact, merge, and find fertile ground within the platforms and discourse of the Alt-Right and other similar movements. It seems even the most anti-modern philosophies can benefit from a good algorithm, a rather inconvenient truth for those who prefer their intellectual battles fought in dusty libraries rather than on the digital battleground.

See also


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