Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev (2 March 1931 – 30 August 2022) was a towering figure in late 20th-century geopolitics, serving as the final leader of the Soviet Union from 1985 until its dissolution in 1991. His tenure as General Secretary of the Communist Party commenced in 1985, and he concurrently assumed the role of head of state from 1988. Initially a proponent of Marxism–Leninism, his ideological trajectory shifted towards social democracy by the early 1990s.
Born in the village of Privolnoye, in the North Caucasus Krai, to a peasant family of Russian and Ukrainian heritage, Gorbachev's formative years were spent under the formidable rule of Joseph Stalin. In his youth, he operated combine harvesters on a collective farm before joining the Communist Party, which held a firm grip on the Soviet Union as a one-party state. His academic pursuits led him to Moscow State University, where he met and married fellow student Raisa Titarenko in 1953, subsequently earning his law degree in 1955. His early career saw him active in the Komsomol youth organization in Stavropol, and following Stalin's death, he became an ardent supporter of the de-Stalinization reforms initiated by Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev.
Gorbachev's ascent within the Communist Party was marked by his appointment as First Party Secretary of the Stavropol Regional Committee in 1970, a position through which he oversaw significant infrastructure projects, including the Great Stavropol Canal. His return to Moscow in 1978 brought him into the heart of the party apparatus as a secretary of the party's Central Committee. He joined the influential Politburo as a non-voting member in 1979, and a year later, he became a full, voting member. The passing of Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev, followed by the brief tenures of Yuri Andropov and Konstantin Chernenko, created a political vacuum that Gorbachev, then 53, filled. In 1985, the Politburo elected him as general secretary, a pivotal moment that would irrevocably alter the course of Soviet and global history.
Early life and education
1931–1950: Childhood and adolescence
Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev entered the world on March 2, 1931, in the rural village of Privolnoye, nestled within the North Caucasus Krai of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, a constituent republic of the Soviet Union. At the time of his birth, Privolnoye was a community shared by ethnic Russians and Ukrainians. Gorbachev's paternal lineage traced back to Russians who had migrated from Voronezh generations prior, while his maternal family hailed from the Ukrainian region of Chernihiv. Initially christened Viktor, his mother’s insistence led to a secret baptism, during which his grandfather bestowed upon him the name Mikhail. His relationship with his father, Sergey Andreyevich Gorbachev, was one of warmth and closeness, a stark contrast to his mother, Maria Panteleyevna Gorbacheva (née Gopkalo), whose demeanor was often described as colder and more punitive. The family lived in poverty, subsisting as peasants. They married as teenagers in 1928, and in adherence to local customs, initially resided with Sergey's father in an adobe-walled dwelling before constructing their own home.
The Soviet Union at this time was a rigid one-party state under the absolute control of the Communist Party, with Joseph Stalin at its helm. Stalin had vigorously pursued mass rural collectivization as a cornerstone of his project to transform the country into a socialist society. Gorbachev's maternal grandfather, a member of the Communist Party, played a role in establishing the village's inaugural kolkhoz, or collective farm, in 1929, eventually assuming its leadership. This collective farm was situated 19 kilometers (12 miles) outside Privolnoye, and it was to this commune that a three-year-old Gorbachev moved, leaving his parental home to live with his maternal grandparents.
The nation was reeling from the devastating famine of 1930–1933, a period during which Gorbachev lost two paternal uncles and an aunt. This was followed by the notorious Great Purge, a brutal campaign of repression where individuals branded as "enemies of the people" faced internment in labor camps or execution. Both of Gorbachev's grandfathers experienced imprisonment in labor camps. Following his maternal grandfather's release in December 1938, he recounted his experiences of torture at the hands of the secret police, an account that left a profound impression on the young Gorbachev.
The outbreak of the Second World War in June 1941 saw the German Army invade the Soviet Union. German forces occupied Privolnoye for a harrowing four and a half months in 1942. Gorbachev's father served on the front lines; he was mistakenly declared dead during the conflict, only to later fight valiantly in the Battle of Kursk before returning home, albeit injured. After Germany's defeat, Gorbachev's parents welcomed a second son, Aleksandr, in 1947; Mikhail and Aleksandr were their only children.
The village school was disrupted by the war, resuming operations in the autumn of 1944. Despite his initial reluctance to return, Gorbachev excelled academically. He became an avid reader, progressing from the adventurous Western novels of Thomas Mayne Reid to the profound works of Russian literary giants such as Vissarion Belinsky, Alexander Pushkin, Nikolai Gogol, and Mikhail Lermontov. In 1946, he joined the Komsomol, the Soviet Union's political youth organization, rapidly rising to leadership of his local chapter and subsequently being elected to the district Komsomol committee. His education continued at the high school in Molotovskoye, where he resided during the week, making the 19-kilometer (12-mile) trek home for weekends. Beyond his academic and organizational roles, he participated in the school's drama society, organized sporting and social events, and led the morning exercise classes. For five consecutive summers, beginning in 1946, he returned to assist his father in operating a combine harvester, often working shifts of up to 20 hours. Their remarkable achievement in harvesting over 8,000 quintals of grain in 1948 earned his father the prestigious Order of Lenin and young Mikhail the Order of the Red Banner of Labour.
1950–1955: University
In June 1950, Gorbachev achieved candidate membership in the Communist Party. His aspiration to study at the law school of Moscow State University, then the nation's most esteemed institution of higher learning, was realized without the need for entrance examinations, a testament to his worker-peasant background and his Order of the Red Banner of Labour. His choice of law was somewhat unconventional, as it was not a particularly esteemed field in Soviet society at that time. At the age of 19, he embarked on his first journey outside his home region, traveling by train to Moscow.
In Moscow, Gorbachev shared dormitory accommodations with fellow students at the university in the Sokolniki District. Initially feeling somewhat out of place among his urban peers, he soon found his footing. His dedication to his studies was notable, with fellow students recalling his persistent work ethic, often extending late into the night. He developed a reputation as a skilled mediator during disputes and was known for his outspokenness in class, though he remained reserved about his personal views. For instance, he privately expressed his disagreement with the Soviet legal principle that a confession alone was sufficient proof of guilt, recognizing the potential for forced confessions. During a period of escalating antisemitism across the Soviet Union, which culminated in the infamous Doctors' plot, Gorbachev publicly defended Volodya Liberman, a Jewish student accused of disloyalty.
Within Moscow State University, Gorbachev assumed the role of Komsomol head for his incoming class, and later, the deputy secretary for agitation and propaganda at the law school. One of his initial Komsomol responsibilities in Moscow involved overseeing election polling in the Presnensky District to ensure a high voter turnout, an experience that led him to observe that most individuals voted out of a sense of fear. In 1952, he was admitted as a full member of the Communist Party. Tasked with monitoring fellow students for any signs of subversion, some classmates later reported that Gorbachev performed this duty minimally and earned their trust for his discretion in safeguarding confidential information from the authorities. He formed a close friendship with Zdeněk Mlynář, a Czechoslovak student who would later emerge as a key ideologist of the 1968 Prague Spring. Mlynář recollected that their shared commitment to Marxist-Leninist ideals persisted despite their growing reservations about the Stalinist system. Following Stalin's death in March 1953, Gorbachev and Mlynář joined the throngs of mourners gathered to pay their respects to Stalin's body as it lay in state.
At Moscow State University, Gorbachev encountered Raisa Titarenko, who was pursuing her postgraduate studies in the university's philosophy department. Their relationship blossomed after her engagement to another individual dissolved. Their shared interests extended to exploring bookstores, museums, and art exhibitions. In early 1953, Gorbachev undertook an internship at the procurator's office in the Molotovskoye district, but he was quickly disillusioned by the incompetence and arrogance of the staff. That summer, he returned to Privolnoye to assist his father with the harvest, using the earnings to fund his impending wedding. On September 25, 1953, he and Raisa officially registered their marriage at the Sokolniki Registry Office, and in October, they moved into a shared dormitory on Lenin Hills. Raisa discovered she was pregnant, but due to complications, she underwent an abortion, a decision the couple made with regret.
Gorbachev graduated with distinction in June 1955, his final thesis focusing on the perceived advantages of "socialist democracy" over its "bourgeois democracy" (liberal democracy) counterpart. He was subsequently offered a position within the Soviet Procurator's office, which was then involved in the rehabilitation of innocent victims of Stalin's purges, but he found that there was no suitable work for him. He also declined an offer for a postgraduate specialization in kolkhoz law at Moscow State University. His desire to remain in Moscow, where Raisa was enrolled in a PhD program, was unmet; instead, he secured employment in Stavropol, and Raisa, in turn, deferred her doctoral studies to join him there.
Early CPSU career
1955–1969: Stavropol Komsomol
In August 1955, Gorbachev began his professional career at the Stavropol regional procurator's office. However, finding the work disagreeable, he successfully transferred to a position within the Komsomol, becoming the deputy director of the region's agitation and propaganda department. In this capacity, he engaged with the rural communities, endeavoring to improve the lives of their inhabitants. He established a discussion circle in Gorkaya Balka, aiming to foster social connections among the local peasantry.
Gorbachev and his wife, Raisa, initially resided in a modest room in Stavropol. Their evenings were often spent on walks around the city, and on weekends, they explored the surrounding countryside. In January 1957, Raisa gave birth to their daughter, Irina. By 1958, they had moved into a two-room apartment within a communal apartment building. In 1961, Gorbachev pursued further education, enrolling in a correspondence course at the local Stavropol Agricultural Institute to specialize in agricultural production, from which he received his diploma in 1967. His wife also pursued a second degree, obtaining a PhD in sociology in 1967 from the Moscow State Pedagogical University. During their time in Stavropol, Raisa became a member of the Communist Party.
The era following Stalin's death saw Nikita Khrushchev assume leadership, initiating a period of de-Stalinization and denouncing Stalin's cult of personality in a pivotal speech delivered in February 1956. According to biographer William Taubman, Gorbachev embodied the "reformist spirit" of the Khrushchev era, identifying himself and others as "genuine Marxists" or "genuine Leninists". Gorbachev actively disseminated Khrushchev's anti-Stalinist message in Stavropol, encountering considerable resistance from those who venerated Stalin and defended his purges.
Gorbachev's career trajectory within the local administration was one of steady advancement. The authorities deemed him politically reliable, and he cultivated favor with influential superiors, notably Fyodor Kulakov, a prominent local politician. His adeptness at outmaneuvering rivals, however, engendered resentment among some colleagues. In September 1956, he was promoted to First Secretary of the Stavropol city's Komsomol, placing him in charge of the organization. By April 1958, he held the position of deputy head of the Komsomol for the entire region, enjoying improved living conditions, including a two-room flat with private kitchen, toilet, and bathroom. In Stavropol, he fostered a discussion club for young people and actively mobilized local youth to participate in Khrushchev's agricultural and development initiatives.
Gorbachev, on a visit to East Germany in 1966, exemplified the changing face of Soviet leadership. In March 1961, he was elevated to the position of First Secretary of the regional Komsomol, where he notably prioritized appointing women to leadership roles in cities and districts. In 1961, Gorbachev hosted the Italian delegation for the World Youth Festival in Moscow. In October of that same year, he attended the significant 22nd Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. By January 1963, Gorbachev had moved to the role of personnel chief for the regional party's agricultural committee. His advancement continued in September 1966 when he became First Secretary of the Stavropol City Party Organization ("Gorkom"). By 1968, a sense of frustration with his position began to surface, largely attributed to the stagnation and reversal of Khrushchev's reforms. He even contemplated leaving the political arena for an academic career. However, in August 1968, he was appointed Second Secretary of the Stavropol Kraikom, making him the deputy to First Secretary Leonid Yefremov and the second most senior official in Stavropol Krai. In 1969, he was elected as a deputy to the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union and appointed to its Standing Commission for the Protection of the Environment.
With authorization for travel to Eastern Bloc countries, Gorbachev participated in delegations to East Germany in 1966 and to Bulgaria in 1969 and 1974. His involvement in the August 1968 Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, which aimed to suppress the Prague Spring, was publicly supportive, although he later admitted to private reservations. During a September 1969 delegation visit to Czechoslovakia, he encountered a largely unwelcoming reception from the populace. That same year, Soviet authorities directed him to discipline Fagim B. Sadygov, a philosophy professor at the Stavropol agricultural institute whose ideas were deemed critical of Soviet agricultural policy. Gorbachev ensured Sadykov's dismissal from his teaching post but disregarded calls for more severe repercussions. Gorbachev later reflected that this incident deeply affected him, stating that his "conscience tormented" him for overseeing Sadykov's persecution.
1970–1977: Heading the Stavropol region
In April 1970, following the promotion of Yefremov to a higher position in Moscow, Gorbachev succeeded him as First Secretary of the Stavropol kraikom. This appointment granted Gorbachev considerable authority over the Stavropol region. His vetting for the role had been conducted by senior Kremlin leaders, and the decision was communicated to him directly by Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev. At 39 years old, he was notably younger than his predecessors. As the regional leader, Gorbachev automatically became a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (24th term) in 1971, a promotion that, according to biographer Zhores Medvedev, placed him "among the Party's super-elite."
As the head of the Stavropol region, Gorbachev's primary mandate was to increase agricultural output, a task frequently hampered by severe droughts in 1975 and 1976. He directed the expansion of irrigation infrastructure through the construction of the Great Stavropol Canal. For his role in overseeing a record grain harvest in the Ipatovsky district, Gorbachev was awarded the Order of the October Revolution by Brezhnev in a Moscow ceremony in March 1972. Gorbachev diligently sought to maintain Brezhnev's confidence, frequently praising him in his speeches, such as referring to him as "the outstanding statesman of our time." Gorbachev and his wife enjoyed holidays in Moscow, Leningrad, Uzbekistan, and various resorts in the North Caucasus. It was during these breaks that he developed a rapport with the head of the KGB, Yuri Andropov, who held him in high regard and became an important patron. Gorbachev also cultivated productive relationships with senior political figures, including the Soviet prime minister, Alexei Kosygin, and the long-standing, influential party member Mikhail Suslov.
The Soviet government considered Gorbachev sufficiently trustworthy to be included in Soviet delegations to Western Europe, undertaking five such trips between 1970 and 1977. In September 1971, his participation in a delegation to Italy provided him with an opportunity to engage with representatives of the Italian Communist Party. While he admired Italian culture, he was also struck by the evident poverty and inequality he observed. Subsequent visits in 1972 to Belgium and the Netherlands, and in 1973 to West Germany, further broadened his European experience. Gorbachev and his wife visited France in 1976 and again in 1977, during which they toured the country accompanied by a guide from the French Communist Party. He was notably surprised by the open expression of opinions and criticism directed at political leaders in Western Europe, a stark contrast to the more constrained public discourse in the Soviet Union. He later recounted that these experiences significantly challenged his "a priori belief in the superiority of socialist over bourgeois democracy."
Gorbachev maintained a close connection with his parents. In 1974, following his father's terminal illness, Gorbachev traveled to Privolnoe to be with him in his final days. His daughter, Irina, married fellow student Anatoly Virgansky in April 1978. In 1977, the Supreme Soviet appointed Gorbachev to chair the Standing Commission on Youth Affairs, leveraging his extensive experience in mobilizing young people through his work with Komsomol.
Secretary of the Central Committee of CPSU
In November 1978, Gorbachev was appointed a Secretary of the Central Committee, a promotion unanimously approved by the committee's members. This transition necessitated his and Raisa's relocation to Moscow. Initially housed in an older dacha outside the city, they later moved to another at Sosnovka, before being allocated a newly constructed brick house. Gorbachev was also given an apartment within Moscow, which he promptly offered to his daughter and son-in-law; Irina had begun her medical studies at Moscow's Second Medical Institute. As part of Moscow's political elite, Gorbachev and his wife gained access to superior medical facilities and specialized shops. Their household was augmented with cooks, servants, bodyguards, and secretaries, many of whom were also informants for the KGB. Gorbachev's workload in his new capacity was demanding, often requiring twelve to sixteen-hour days. He and his wife maintained a relatively private social life, preferring to visit Moscow's theaters and museums.
Gorbachev expressed skepticism regarding the deployment of Soviet troops in Afghanistan, a conflict that would profoundly impact Soviet foreign policy. In 1978, he assumed the role of Secretary of the Central Committee's Secretariat for Agriculture (25th term), succeeding his former patron, Fyodor Kulakov, who had died of a heart attack. Gorbachev focused his efforts on the agricultural sector, which was grappling with poor harvests in 1979, 1980, and 1981, largely due to adverse weather conditions, leading to an increasing reliance on grain imports. He harbored growing concerns about the centralized nature of the country's agricultural management system, advocating for more decentralized, bottom-up decision-making processes. He articulated these concerns in his inaugural speech to a Central Committee Plenum in July 1978. His disquiet extended to other policy areas as well. In December 1979, the Soviet Union deployed its armed forces into neighboring Afghanistan to support its Soviet-aligned government against Islamist insurgents; Gorbachev privately viewed this intervention as a misstep. At times, he publicly supported the government's stance; for example, in October 1980, he endorsed Soviet calls for Poland's Marxist–Leninist government to suppress growing internal dissent. In that same month, he was elevated from candidate to full member of the Politburo (25th term), becoming the youngest member of the Communist Party's supreme decision-making body.
Following Brezhnev's death in November 1982, Andropov succeeded him as General Secretary of the Communist Party, the de facto leader of the Soviet Union. Gorbachev welcomed this appointment with enthusiasm, hoping that Andropov would introduce liberalizing reforms. However, Andropov primarily focused on personnel changes rather than fundamental structural reforms. Gorbachev emerged as Andropov's closest ally within the Politburo, and with Andropov's encouragement, he occasionally presided over Politburo meetings. Andropov also guided Gorbachev to expand his policy responsibilities beyond agriculture, preparing him for future leadership roles. In a significant display of his rising influence, Gorbachev delivered the annual speech commemorating the birthday of the Soviet Union's founder, Vladimir Lenin, in April 1983. This task involved a thorough re-examination of Lenin's later writings, particularly those advocating reform within the context of the New Economic Policy of the 1920s, which reinforced Gorbachev's conviction that reform was essential. In May 1983, Gorbachev represented the Soviet Union in Canada, meeting with Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau and addressing the Canadian Parliament. During this visit, he formed a significant friendship with the Soviet ambassador, Aleksandr Yakovlev, who would become a crucial political associate.
In February 1984, Andropov passed away. On his deathbed, he reportedly expressed his wish for Gorbachev to succeed him. However, many within the Central Committee considered the 53-year-old Gorbachev too young and inexperienced. Consequently, Konstantin Chernenko, a long-standing ally of Brezhnev, was appointed general secretary, though he too was in frail health. Chernenko's frequent illness often led to Gorbachev stepping in to chair Politburo meetings. Gorbachev continued to cultivate alliances both within the Kremlin and across broader political circles. At a significant conference on Soviet ideology, he delivered a speech that ruffled the feathers of party hardliners by suggesting the nation required reform.
In April 1984, Gorbachev was appointed chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union, a role that was largely ceremonial. In June, he traveled to Italy as a Soviet representative for the funeral of Enrico Berlinguer, the leader of the Italian Communist Party. In September, he attended celebrations in Sofia, Bulgaria, marking the fortieth anniversary of its liberation from Nazi Germany by the Red Army. In December, he visited Britain at the behest of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, who, recognizing his potential as a reformer, sought a personal meeting. Following their discussions, Thatcher famously remarked, "I like Mr. Gorbachev. We can do business together." Gorbachev felt this visit helped to diminish Andrei Gromyko's influence over Soviet foreign policy and signaled to the United States government his desire to improve Soviet–US relations.
Leader of the Soviet Union (1985–1991)
General Secretaryship of Mikhail Gorbachev
On March 11, 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev was elected the eighth General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union by the Politburo of the CPSU following the death of Konstantin Chernenko.
Gorbachev's overarching objective was to preserve the Soviet Union and its foundational Marxist-Leninist principles, but he recognized that significant reforms were imperative for its survival. He made the consequential decision to withdraw Soviet forces from the protracted Soviet–Afghan War, marking a significant shift in Soviet foreign policy. He also initiated a series of high-level summits with United States president Ronald Reagan, notably at the Reykjavík Summit, where critical discussions revolved around the limitation of nuclear weapons production and the broader objective of ending the Cold War. In a bold and forward-looking proposal, he outlined a three-stage plan aimed at the complete abolition of the world's nuclear weapons by the close of the 20th century.
Domestically, Gorbachev's policies of glasnost, meaning "openness," and demokratizatsiya, or "democratization," ushered in an era of enhanced freedom of speech and free press. Simultaneously, his perestroika, or "restructuring," initiative sought to decentralize economic decision-making processes with the aim of improving efficiency and responsiveness. Ultimately, these reforms, particularly the measures promoting democratization and the establishment of the elected Congress of People's Deputies, inadvertently undermined the absolute authority of the CPSU, which had previously held a monopoly on power within the Soviet governance structure. The wave of Revolutions of 1989, which saw various Warsaw Pact nations shedding their Marxist–Leninist regimes, was met with Gorbachev's decision not to intervene militarily. This non-intervention, coupled with the rising tide of nationalist sentiments within the constituent republics, created an environment ripe for the eventual breakup of the Soviet Union. This period of upheaval culminated in the 1991 Soviet coup d'état attempt by hardliners within the Communist Party, an unsuccessful bid to oust Gorbachev and reverse his reforms.
Unraveling of the USSR
The Revolutions of 1989 witnessed the dismantling of Marxist–Leninist governance in most Central and Eastern European nations, often through peaceful, multi-party elections. While countries like Poland and Hungary experienced relatively smooth transitions, Romania's revolution turned violent, resulting in the overthrow and execution of its leader, Ceaușescu. Gorbachev, deeply engrossed in addressing pressing domestic issues, paid less direct attention to these events, initially believing that democratic elections would not necessarily lead these Eastern European nations to abandon their socialist commitments. His visit to East Germany in 1989 for the country's fortieth anniversary coincided with a pivotal moment: shortly thereafter, in November, the East German government permitted its citizens to cross the Berlin Wall, a decision Gorbachev publicly commended. The subsequent demolition of large sections of the wall signaled a profound shift in the geopolitical landscape. Both Gorbachev and Western leaders like Thatcher and Mitterrand harbored reservations about the rapid reunification of Germany, mindful of its potential to emerge as the dominant power in Europe. Gorbachev favored a gradual integration process, but Helmut Kohl began advocating for swift reunification. The formal reunification of Germany in 1990 was widely interpreted as the definitive end of the Cold War.
1990–1991: Presidency of the Soviet Union
By February 1990, Gorbachev found himself under intense pressure from both liberal reformers critical of his pace of change and hardline Marxist–Leninists who accused him of undermining the Soviet state. A significant liberal demonstration in Moscow openly criticized the Communist Party's rule. Concurrently, at a Central Committee meeting, hardliner Vladimir Brovikov accused Gorbachev of plunging the country into "anarchy" and "ruin" and of prioritizing Western approval over the interests of the Soviet Union and the Marxist–Leninist ideology. Recognizing the vulnerability of his position as General Secretary, Gorbachev resolved to create a new executive role, that of President, from which he could not be easily removed. He opted for an election by the Congress of People's Deputies rather than a direct public vote, believing the latter could exacerbate tensions and fearing a potential loss. Nevertheless, a spring 1990 poll indicated he remained the most popular politician within the country.
In March, the Congress of People's Deputies convened for the first and only Soviet presidential election, with Gorbachev as the sole candidate. He secured a decisive victory with 1,329 votes in favor and 495 against, with 313 votes being invalid or abstained. This outcome established him as the first and, ultimately, the last executive President of the Soviet Union. A newly formed 18-member Presidential Council effectively supplanted the Politburo as the primary decision-making body. During the same Congress session, Gorbachev proposed the repeal of Article 6 of the Soviet constitution, which enshrined the Communist Party's monopoly on power, a proposal that was adopted, thereby ending the de jure one-party state.
The 1990 elections for the Russian Supreme Soviet saw the Communist Party facing a formidable challenge from the "Democratic Russia" alliance, which gained significant traction, particularly in urban areas. Boris Yeltsin's election as the parliament's chairman was a development that displeased Gorbachev. By 1990, opinion polls indicated that Yeltsin had surpassed Gorbachev in popularity within the Soviet Union. Gorbachev struggled to comprehend Yeltsin's growing appeal, famously remarking on Yeltsin's drinking habits and perceived lack of articulation. The Russian Supreme Soviet, now operating outside Gorbachev's direct control, declared in June 1990 that its laws held precedence over those of the Soviet central government. Amidst a surge in Russian nationalism, Gorbachev reluctantly sanctioned the formation of a Communist Party of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic as an offshoot of the broader Soviet Communist Party. Although Gorbachev attended its inaugural congress in June, he soon found it dominated by hardliners who opposed his reformist agenda.
German reunification and the Gulf War
In January 1990, Gorbachev privately signaled his acceptance of German reunification but firmly rejected the notion that a unified Germany should retain its membership in NATO. His compromise proposal, suggesting that a unified Germany could belong to both NATO and the Warsaw Pact, failed to garner widespread support. In a critical phone conversation with then-US Secretary of State James Baker on February 9, 1990, Gorbachev stated that "a broadening of the NATO zone is not acceptable," a sentiment Baker reportedly agreed with. Scholars continue to debate why Gorbachev did not secure a formal written pledge on this matter. In May 1990, during a visit to the US for discussions with President Bush, Gorbachev conceded that an independent Germany would have the right to determine its international alliances. Ultimately, he acquiesced to reunification on the condition that NATO troops would not be stationed in the territory of former East Germany. There remains some ambiguity regarding whether US Secretary of State James Baker conveyed an understanding to Gorbachev that NATO would refrain from expanding into other Eastern European nations. No explicit oral or written promise to this effect was made by the US. Gorbachev maintained that any such understanding pertained solely to East Germany and that this commitment was honored. In July, during Kohl's visit to Moscow, Gorbachev informed him that the Soviets would not oppose a reunified Germany's membership in NATO. Domestically, Gorbachev faced accusations from critics of betraying national interests, while more broadly, public anger simmered over his perceived acquiescence to the Eastern Bloc's departure from direct Soviet influence.
In September 1990, Gorbachev engaged in extensive meetings with US President George H. W. Bush at the Helsinki Summit.
The Iraqi government's invasion of Kuwait in August 1990 prompted Gorbachev to endorse President Bush's condemnation of the act. This stance drew criticism from many within the Soviet state apparatus, who viewed Hussein as a key ally in the Persian Gulf and were concerned for the safety of the 9,000 Soviet citizens in Iraq. Gorbachev, however, maintained that the Iraqis were unequivocally the aggressors. In November, the Soviets supported a UN Resolution authorizing the use of force to expel the Iraqi Army from Kuwait, a decision Gorbachev later characterized as a "watershed" moment in global politics, marking the first instance of superpowers cooperating in a regional crisis. However, when the US announced plans for a ground invasion, Gorbachev voiced his opposition, advocating instead for a peaceful resolution. In October 1990, Gorbachev was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. While flattered by the accolade, he admitted to experiencing "mixed feelings," and polls indicated that 90% of Soviet citizens disapproved of the award, widely perceiving it as an anti-Soviet gesture.
With the Soviet budget deficit escalating and lacking domestic capital markets to secure state loans, Gorbachev sought external financial assistance. Throughout 1991, he actively pursued substantial loans from Western countries and Japan, hoping to stabilize the Soviet economy and ensure the success of perestroika. Despite the Soviet Union's exclusion from the G7, Gorbachev secured an invitation to its London summit in July 1991. There, he continued his appeals for financial aid, garnering support from Mitterrand and Kohl, while Thatcher, no longer in office, urged Western leaders to agree. However, most G7 members remained hesitant, offering technical assistance and proposing that the Soviets be granted "special associate" status with the World Bank and International Monetary Fund rather than full membership. Gorbachev expressed frustration that the US could allocate $100 billion to the Gulf War but was unwilling to provide loans to his country. Other nations proved more amenable; West Germany, for instance, had provided the Soviets with DM60 billion by mid-1991. President Bush visited Moscow in late July, and during the visit, he and Gorbachev finalized ten years of negotiations by signing the START I treaty, an agreement aimed at reducing and limiting strategic offensive arms.
August coup and government crises
At the 28th Communist Party Congress in July 1990, reformists clashed with hardliners, but Gorbachev was re-elected as party leader. In a bid to foster compromise with the liberalizers, Gorbachev assembled a joint advisory team comprising his own staff and Yeltsin's advisors to develop an economic reform package, which materialized as the "500 Days" program. This plan advocated for further decentralization and a degree of privatization. In September, Yeltsin presented the program to the Russian Supreme Soviet, which endorsed it. However, the plan faced strong opposition from many within the Communist Party and the state apparatus, leading to its abandonment.
By mid-November 1990, a significant portion of the press was openly calling for Gorbachev's resignation and predicting civil war. In November, he unveiled an eight-point reform program, which included proposals for governmental restructuring and the abolition of the presidential council. By this juncture, Gorbachev had become increasingly isolated from many of his former close allies and advisors. Aleksandr Yakovlev had moved away from his inner circle, and Eduard Shevardnadze had resigned from his government post.
Amidst escalating dissent in the Baltics, Gorbachev issued a demand in January 1991 for the Lithuanian Supreme Council to retract its independence-oriented reforms. Soviet troops subsequently occupied buildings in Vilnius and engaged in violent actions against protesters, resulting in 15 fatalities. A nationwide referendum on the issue indicated that 76.4% of participants favored remaining within the federation, though the six republics advocating for secession did not participate. Negotiations commenced to determine the framework of a new constitution, with its signing planned for August.
Tens of thousands of anti-coup protesters rallied around the White House in Moscow.
In August, Gorbachev was on holiday at his dacha in Foros, Crimea. Two weeks into his vacation, a group of senior Communist Party figures, known as the "Gang of Eight," initiated a coup d'état. The coup leaders demanded that Gorbachev declare a state of emergency, a request he refused. He was subsequently placed under house arrest at the dacha. The coup plotters publicly announced that Gorbachev was incapacitated by illness, with Vice President Gennady Yanayev assuming interim leadership.
Meanwhile, Boris Yeltsin entered the Moscow White House. Protesters formed a human shield, preventing troops from storming the building to arrest him. From atop a tank positioned in front of the White House, Yeltsin delivered a powerful speech denouncing the coup. The coup leaders, realizing their lack of widespread support, ultimately abandoned their efforts. Gorbachev returned to Moscow and expressed his gratitude to Yeltsin. Two days later, he formally resigned as general secretary, marking the effective end of his leadership of the Communist Party.
Final days and collapse
Following the failed coup, the Supreme Soviet indefinitely suspended all activities of the Communist Party, signaling the end of communist rule in the Soviet Union.
Leaders of the Soviet Republics sign the Belovezha Accords, which dissolved the USSR and established the Commonwealth of Independent States, in 1991.
On October 30, Gorbachev attended a conference in Madrid aimed at reviving the Israeli–Palestinian peace process, an event jointly sponsored by the US and the Soviet Union. During his journey home, he visited France, where he stayed with President Mitterrand at his residence near Bayonne.
To maintain national unity, Gorbachev continued to pursue a new union treaty, but encountered significant opposition from the leaders of several Soviet republics who succumbed to nationalist pressures, rejecting the concept of a continued federal state. Yeltsin declared his intention to veto any proposal for a unified state, advocating instead for a confederation with minimal central authority. Only the leaders of Kazakhstan and Kirghizia expressed support for Gorbachev's approach. The decisive outcome of the referendum in Ukraine on December 1, which saw a 90% turnout in favor of secession, dealt a fatal blow to Gorbachev's efforts; he had anticipated Ukrainians would vote against independence.
Without Gorbachev's direct knowledge, Yeltsin convened with Ukrainian President Leonid Kravchuk and Belarusian President Stanislav Shushkevich in the Belovezha Forest, near Brest, Belarus, on December 8. There, they signed the Belavezha Accords, which declared the Soviet Union defunct and established the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) as its successor. Gorbachev first learned of this development through a phone call from Shushkevich, reacting with considerable anger. He desperately sought an opportunity to preserve the Soviet Union, hoping for a rallying of media and intellectual support against its dissolution. The Supreme Soviets of Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia subsequently ratified the formation of the CIS. On December 9, Gorbachev issued a statement denouncing the CIS agreement as "illegal and dangerous." On December 20, the leaders of 11 of the 12 remaining republics—all except Georgia—met in Kazakhstan and signed the Alma-Ata Protocol, formally agreeing to dismantle the Soviet Union and establish the CIS. They provisionally accepted Gorbachev's resignation as president of the remaining Soviet entity. Accepting this fait accompli, Gorbachev stated he would resign once the CIS became a reality.
Gorbachev reached an agreement with Yeltsin stipulating that Gorbachev would announce his resignation as Soviet president and Commander-in-Chief on December 25, vacating the Kremlin by December 29. Yakovlev, Chernyaev, and Shevardnadze assisted Gorbachev in drafting his resignation speech. Gorbachev delivered his farewell address from the Kremlin, broadcast internationally, in which he declared, "I hereby discontinue my activities at the post of President of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics." He expressed regret over the Soviet Union's dissolution but highlighted his administration's achievements, including political and religious freedoms, the end of totalitarianism, the introduction of democracy and a market economy, and the cessation of the arms race and the Cold War. Gorbachev became the third Soviet leader, after Malenkov and Khrushchev, not to die in office. The following day, December 26, the Soviet of the Republics, the upper house of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union, voted to dissolve the country. By December 31, 1991, all Soviet institutions not absorbed by Russia had ceased to function.
Post-USSR life
1991–1999: Initial years
After leaving office, Gorbachev and his wife Raisa initially resided in their somewhat neglected dacha on Rublevskoe Shosse, and were granted permission to privatize their smaller Moscow apartment on Kosygin Street. His primary focus shifted to establishing his foundation, which was launched in March 1992, with Yakovlev and Revenko serving as its initial vice presidents. The foundation's early objectives included analyzing and disseminating materials pertaining to the history of perestroika and advocating for its principles. It also undertook the task of monitoring and critiquing socio-economic developments in post-Soviet Russia, presenting alternative developmental models to those pursued by Yeltsin's government.
To finance his foundation, Gorbachev commenced an international lecture circuit, commanding substantial speaking fees. During a visit to Japan, he received numerous honorary degrees. In 1992, he toured the United States aboard a Forbes private jet to raise funds for his foundation, including a social visit with the Reagans. From there, he traveled to Spain, where he met with his friend, Prime Minister Felipe González. He further visited Israel and Germany, where he was warmly received for his role in facilitating German reunification. To supplement his lecture income and book sales, Gorbachev appeared in television commercials and print advertisements, enabling him to sustain his foundation. With his wife's assistance, he worked on his memoirs, which were published in Russian in 1995 and in English the following year. He also began writing a monthly syndicated column for The New York Times.
In 1993, Gorbachev launched Green Cross International, an organization dedicated to promoting sustainable futures, followed by the establishment of the World Political Forum. In 1995, he initiated the World Summit of Nobel Peace Laureates.
External videos of interviews with Gorbachev, including a Booknotes interview on his memoirs, are available on C-SPAN.
Gorbachev and Yeltsin soon resumed their public criticisms of each other, particularly concerning Yeltsin's economic policies, such as the lifting of price controls which plunged many Russians into poverty. In 1995, Gorbachev's foundation organized a conference on "The Intelligentsia and Perestroika," proposing legislation to the Duma that would curtail many of the presidential powers established under Yeltsin's 1993 constitution.
Gorbachev, alongside Argentine president Carlos Menem, in 1999.
In contrast to her husband's political endeavors, Raisa focused her efforts on campaigning for children's charities. In 1997, she founded Raisa Maksimovna's Club, a subsidiary of the Gorbachev Foundation, dedicated to improving the welfare of women in Russia. The Foundation, initially housed in the former Social Science Institute building, faced limitations imposed by Yeltsin on the number of rooms it could occupy. Philanthropist Ted Turner provided over $1 million to enable the foundation to construct new premises on Leningradsky Prospekt. In 1999, Gorbachev visited Australia, delivering a speech to the country's parliament. Shortly thereafter, in July, Raisa was diagnosed with leukemia. With the assistance of German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder, she was transferred to a cancer treatment center in Münster, Germany, where she underwent chemotherapy. She passed away in September, and Gorbachev's daughter Irina and his two granddaughters moved into his Moscow home to live with him.
Gorbachev, his daughter Irina, and his wife's sister Lyudmila at Raisa's funeral in 1999.
1996 presidential campaign
The Russian presidential elections were scheduled for June 1996. Despite being advised against it, Gorbachev decided to run. While he did not anticipate winning outright, he believed a centrist bloc could be formed around either himself or another candidate with similar views, such as Grigory Yavlinsky, Svyatoslav Fyodorov, or Alexander Lebed. After successfully gathering the required one million signatures for nomination, he officially announced his candidacy in March. Launching his campaign, he embarked on a tour across Russia, holding rallies in twenty cities. He frequently encountered anti-Gorbachev protesters, and some local officials aligned with Yeltsin attempted to obstruct his campaign by prohibiting local media coverage or denying him access to venues. In the election, Gorbachev secured seventh place, receiving approximately 386,000 votes, representing about 0.5% of the total. Yeltsin and Zyuganov advanced to the second round, with Yeltsin ultimately emerging victorious.
1999–2008: Promoting social democracy in Putin's Russia
Following Yeltsin's resignation in December 1999, Vladimir Putin assumed the presidency, subsequently winning the March 2000 presidential election. Gorbachev initially welcomed Putin's rise, viewing him as an alternative to Yeltsin. While he expressed criticism of certain actions undertaken by the Putin government, Gorbachev offered praise for the new administration in 2002. At that time, he believed Putin to be a dedicated democrat who, however, needed to employ "a certain dose of authoritarianism" to stabilize the economy and rebuild the state following the Yeltsin era. At Putin's request, Gorbachev assumed the co-chairmanship of the "Petersburg Dialogue" initiative, fostering engagement between high-ranking Russians and Germans.
In 2000, Gorbachev was instrumental in the formation of the Russian United Social Democratic Party. In June 2002, he participated in a meeting with Putin, who lauded the party's efforts. In 2003, Gorbachev's party merged with the Social Democratic Party to form the Social Democratic Party of Russia, but the party failed to gain significant electoral support. Gorbachev resigned as party leader in May 2004 after the 2003 election campaign. The party was subsequently banned in 2007 by the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation due to its failure to establish the required minimum number of local offices. Later that year, Gorbachev established a new movement, the Union of Social Democrats, announcing its intention not to contest upcoming elections.
Gorbachev expressed criticism of the United States' adversarial stance towards Putin, asserting that the US government "doesn't want Russia to rise" again as a global power and instead seeks to relegate it to the status of "some kind of backwater." He rejected President Bush's claim that the US had "won" the Cold War, arguing that both sides had collaborated to end the conflict. He was particularly critical of the US's perceived breach of promises regarding NATO's expansion eastward, stating that NATO had expanded right up to Russia's borders. He voiced opposition to the 1999 NATO bombing of Yugoslavia due to its lack of UN backing, and to the 2003 invasion of Iraq led by the United States.
2008–2022: Growing criticism of Vladimir Putin
In September 2008, Gorbachev and business oligarch Alexander Lebedev announced their intention to form the Independent Democratic Party of Russia. Following the outbreak of the Russo-Georgian War, Gorbachev publicly criticized US support for Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili. Despite this, Gorbachev maintained his critical stance towards the Russian government.
Gorbachev (right) being introduced to US President Barack Obama by US Vice President Joe Biden in March 2009. US Ambassador to Russia Michael McFaul is visible in the background.
In 2009, he met with US President Barack Obama in an effort to "reset" strained US–Russian relations. In 2011, Dmitry Medvedev awarded him the Order of St Andrew the Apostle the First-Called.
Gorbachev opposed Putin's decision to seek the presidency in the 2012 election.
In 2014, he defended the Crimean status referendum and Russia's subsequent annexation of Crimea, which marked the beginning of the Russo-Ukrainian War. He also spoke out against the sanctions imposed on Russia in response to the annexation.
"Russia can succeed only through democracy. Russia is ready for political competition, a real multiparty system, fair elections and regular rotation of government. This should define the role and responsibility of the president." – Gorbachev, 2017.
At a 2014 event commemorating the 25th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, Gorbachev warned that the ongoing war in Donbas had brought the world to the precipice of a new Cold War, accusing the US of exhibiting an attitude of "triumphalism" toward Russia. In 2016, he stated, "Politicians who think that problems and disputes can be solved by using military force... should be rejected by society, they should clear the political stage." In June 2018, he welcomed the Russia–United States summit in Helsinki between Putin and US President Donald Trump. Following the January 6 United States Capitol attack, Gorbachev declared, "The storming of the capitol was clearly planned in advance, and it's obvious by whom."
In July 2022, Gorbachev's close friend, journalist Alexei Venediktov, reported that Gorbachev was deeply distressed upon learning of Putin's invasion of Ukraine. According to Venediktov, Gorbachev believed that Putin had "destroyed his life's work" and was advocating for an "early cessation of hostilities and immediate start of peace negotiations."
Political ideology
In the early 1950s, Gorbachev's political views were conventionally Stalinist. By the mid-1980s, upon assuming power, Gorbachev argued that the Communist Party needed to embrace adaptation and innovative thinking, drawing parallels with Lenin's creative interpretation and application of the works of Karl Marx and [Friedrich Engels] to the context of early 20th-century Russia. However, the reforms Gorbachev proposed remained firmly within the framework of Marxist-Leninist ideology. His political outlook was significantly shaped by his 23 years of service as a party official in Stavropol. Perestroika, a term whose meaning evolved over time, was initially understood as "radical reform of the economic and political system." Subsequently, Gorbachev began to incorporate market mechanisms and cooperative principles into his thinking. He maintained a belief in socialism, albeit distinct from the actual Soviet system. Throughout the 1980s, his political thought underwent a profound transformation, leading him to effectively embrace social democracy by 1989 or 1990.
Personal life
Gorbachev spoke with a distinct southern Russian accent and possessed a talent for singing both folk and pop songs. Throughout his life, he maintained a conscious effort to dress fashionably. He had a strong aversion to hard liquor, consuming alcohol sparingly and abstaining from smoking. He was notably protective of his private life and deeply cherished his wife and family. He ensured their only child, Irina, attended a local school in Stavropol rather than one designated for the children of party elites. Unlike many of his contemporaries in the Soviet administration, he consistently treated women with respect.
Gorbachev was baptized into the Russian Orthodox faith, and his grandparents were practicing Christians. In 2008, after visiting the tomb of St Francis of Assisi, he clarified his position as an atheist. Gorbachev considered himself an intellectual, though biographers Doder and Branson noted his intellectualism was "slightly self-conscious," observing that, unlike much of the Russian intelligentsia, Gorbachev lacked close ties to the realms of science, culture, the arts, or education. During his time in Stavropol, he and his wife amassed a collection of hundreds of books. Among his favored authors were Arthur Miller, Dostoevsky, and Chinghiz Aitmatov, and he also enjoyed reading detective fiction. He found pleasure in walking, possessed a deep appreciation for natural environments, and was an avid fan of association football. He preferred intimate gatherings where discussions centered on topics like art and philosophy, a contrast to the large, alcohol-fueled events common among Soviet officials.
Death
Gorbachev passed away at the Central Clinical Hospital in Moscow on August 30, 2022, at the age of 91, following a "severe and prolonged illness." He had been contending with severe diabetes and had undergone multiple surgeries and hospitalizations.
His funeral was held on September 3, 2022, in the Column Hall of the House of Unions. The ceremony included an honor guard but was not accorded a state funeral. The service featured rites administered by a Russian Orthodox priest. As per his final wishes, he was interred in Moscow's Novodevichy Cemetery, in the same grave as his wife Raisa.
Reception and legacy
Opinions regarding Gorbachev remain sharply divided. A 2017 survey by the independent Levada Center indicated that 46% of Russian citizens held a negative view of Gorbachev, 30% were indifferent, and only 15% expressed a positive opinion. In contrast, many in Western countries regard him as one of the most significant statesmen of the latter half of the 20th century. The US press noted the phenomenon of "Gorbymania" in Western countries during the late 1980s and early 1990s, characterized by enthusiastic public receptions during his visits. Time magazine recognized him as its "Man of the Decade" for the 1980s. Within the Soviet Union itself, polls suggested Gorbachev was the most popular politician from 1985 through late 1989. His domestic supporters viewed him as a reformer striving to modernize the Soviet Union and build democratic socialism. Biographer Taubman characterized Gorbachev as "a visionary who changed his country and the world—though neither as much as he wished," considering him "exceptional... as a Russian ruler and a world statesman" for deviating from the "traditional, authoritarian, anti-Western norm" of his predecessors and successors. Martin McCauley opined that by allowing the Soviet Union to move away from Marxism–Leninism, Gorbachev bestowed upon the Soviet people "something precious, the right to think and manage their lives for themselves," albeit with inherent uncertainty and risk. Lithuanian Foreign Minister Gabrielius Landsbergis stated that Lithuanians would not forget the events of the January 1991 crackdown in Vilnius, despite any positive contributions Gorbachev may have made.
"Gorbachev succeeded in destroying what was left of totalitarianism in the Soviet Union; he brought freedom of speech, of assembly, and of conscience to people who had never known it, except perhaps for a few chaotic months in 1917. By introducing free elections and creating parliamentary institutions, he laid the groundwork for democracy. It is more the fault of the raw material he worked with than of his own real shortcomings and mistakes that Russian democracy will take much longer to build than he thought." – Gorbachev biographer William Taubman, 2017.
Gorbachev's negotiations with the United States played a crucial role in bringing the Cold War to an end and mitigating the threat of nuclear conflict. His decision to permit the peaceful dissolution of the Eastern Bloc prevented significant bloodshed in Central and Eastern Europe, a contrast to the more violent breakup of the British Empire decades earlier, as noted by Taubman. Similarly, the Soviet Union disintegrated under Gorbachev's leadership without descending into civil war, a fate that befell Yugoslavia concurrently. McCauley highlighted Gorbachev's pivotal role in facilitating German reunification, earning him enduring popularity among the German populace.
During his rule, Gorbachev faced considerable domestic criticism. While admired by some colleagues, he engendered animosity in others. Across society, widespread discontent arose from his inability to reverse the Soviet economy's decline. Liberals criticized him for lacking the radicalism necessary to break decisively from Marxism–Leninism and establish a free-market liberal democracy. Conversely, many of his Communist Party critics viewed his reforms as reckless and detrimental to the survival of Soviet socialism; some suggested he should have emulated China's Communist Party by focusing solely on economic reforms rather than governmental ones. Many Russians perceived his emphasis on persuasion over force as a sign of weakness.
The Communist Party nomenklatura viewed the dissolution of the Soviet Union as a catastrophic event, leading to their loss of power. In Russia, Gorbachev is widely reviled for his role in the collapse of the Soviet Union and the subsequent economic collapse of the 1990s. General Varennikov, a key figure in the 1991 coup attempt, famously labeled him "a renegade and traitor to your own people." His critics also condemned him for allowing the downfall of Marxist–Leninist governments across Eastern Europe and for permitting a reunified Germany to join NATO, an action they considered contrary to Russia's national interests. Gennady Zyuganov, leader of the Communist Party, declared that Gorbachev's rule brought "absolute sadness, misfortune and problems" for "all the peoples of our country."
Historian Mark Galeotti emphasized the connection between Gorbachev and his predecessor, Yuri Andropov, positing Andropov as "the godfather of the Gorbachev revolution." Galeotti argued that Andropov, as a former head of the KGB, was uniquely positioned to advocate for reform without his loyalty to the Soviet cause being questioned. McCauley suggested that Gorbachev "set reforms in motion without understanding where they could lead. Never in his worst nightmare could he have imagined that perestroika would lead to the destruction of the Soviet Union."
According to The New York Times, "Few leaders in the 20th century, indeed in any century, have had such a profound effect on their time. In little more than six tumultuous years, Mr. Gorbachev lifted the Iron Curtain, decisively altering the political climate of the world."
Awards and honors
In 1988, India bestowed upon Gorbachev the Indira Gandhi Prize for Peace, Disarmament and Development. In 1990, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his "leading role in the peace process which today characterizes important parts of the international community." Following his departure from office, Gorbachev continued to receive numerous honors. In 1992, he was the inaugural recipient of the Ronald Reagan Freedom Award. In 1994, he received the Grawemeyer Award from the University of Louisville, Kentucky. In 1995, Portuguese President Mário Soares presented him with the Grand-Cross of the Order of Liberty. In 1998, he was honored with the Freedom Award from the National Civil Rights Museum in Memphis, Tennessee. In 2000, Gorbachev was presented with the Golden Plate Award of the American Academy of Achievement at a ceremony held at Hampton Court Palace near London. In 2002, Gorbachev received the Freedom of the City of Dublin from the Dublin City Council.
In 2002, Gorbachev was awarded the Charles V Prize by the European Academy of Yuste Foundation. In 2004, Gorbachev, alongside Bill Clinton and Sophia Loren, received the 2004 Grammy Award for Best Spoken Word Album for Children for their recording of Sergei Prokofiev's 1936 work Peter and the Wolf. In 2005, Gorbachev was honored with the Point Alpha Prize for his contribution to German reunification.
Bibliography
| Year | Title | Co-author | Publisher |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1987 | Perestroika – New Thinking for our Country and the World | – | Harper & Row |
| 1996 | Memoirs | – | Doubleday |
| 2005 | Moral Lessons of the Twentieth Century: Gorbachev and Ikeda on Buddhism and Communism | Daisaku Ikeda | I. B. Tauris |
| 2016 | The New Russia | – | Polity |
| 2018 | In a Changing World | – | |
| 2020 | What is at Stake Now: My Appeal for Peace and Freedom | – | Polity |
In popular culture
Wax figures of Reagan, Thatcher, and Gorbachev at Madame Tussauds, London.
In 2020 and 2021, the Theatre of Nations in Moscow, in collaboration with Latvian director Alvis Hermanis, staged a production titled Gorbachev. Yevgeny Mironov and Chulpan Khamatova portrayed Gorbachev and his wife Raisa, respectively.
Gorbachev has been depicted by David Dencik in the 2019 miniseries Chernobyl, by Matthew Marsh in the 2023 film Tetris, and by Aleksander Krupa in the 2024 biographical drama Reagan.
Gorbachev makes an appearance in the video game Call of Duty: Black Ops Cold War during a mission where the player infiltrates the KGB headquarters. Gorbachev is portrayed by David Agranov.
See also
Notes
- ^ On March 14, 1990, Article 6 of the Constitution of the USSR was amended to remove the provision establishing the CPSU's monopoly on power. This officially permitted a multi-party system in the Soviet Union, and the CPSU ceased to be an integral part of the state apparatus.
- ^ Gorbachev's presidency was briefly suspended from August 19 to August 21, 1991, during the August Coup.
- ^ The Vice President served de facto until August 21, 1991, and de jure until September 4, 1991.
- ^ The office of Chairman of the Supreme Soviet was abolished on December 25, 1991, with presidential powers transferred to Boris Yeltsin, the President of Russia. The functions of the presidency were subsequently succeeded by the Council of Heads of State and the Executive Secretary of the Commonwealth of Independent States.
- ^ Gorbachev served as Chairman of the United Social Democratic Party of Russia until November 24, 2001, and then as Chairman of the Social Democratic Party of Russia until October 20, 2007.
- ^ In accordance with East Slavic naming customs, his patronymic is Sergeyevich and his family name is Gorbachev.
- ^ Pronunciation: UK: /ˈɡɔːrbətʃɒf, ˌɡɔːrbəˈtʃɒf/, US: /-tʃɔːf, -tʃɛf/; Russian: Михаил Сергеевич Горбачёв, romanized: Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachyov, IPA: [mʲɪxɐˈil sʲɪrˈɡʲejɪvʲɪtɕ ɡərbɐˈtɕɵf] (ⓘ).
- ^ Initially, Gorbachev derived his primary authority from his position as General Secretary. In 1988, he also succeeded Andrei Gromyko as Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, a largely ceremonial role representing the collective head of state. The newly elected Congress of People's Deputies appointed him sole head of state as Chairman of the Supreme Soviet the following year. Following a constitutional amendment that ended the Communist Party's monopoly on power in 1990, the office of president of the Soviet Union was established. Most executive authority was transferred to this new position, and Gorbachev was elected unopposed as its first and only holder.