The political philosophy and practice of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation, known in its native Spanish as the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN), is a complex tapestry woven from indigenous traditions, revolutionary Marxism, and a fierce rejection of neoliberalism. This philosophy, often referred to as Neozapatismo or Neozapatism, has guided the EZLN in establishing self-governing communities within the Mexican state of Chiapas since the onset of the Chiapas conflict in 1994. Its adherents insist it is not a rigid ideology, but rather a "desire to build a better world, that is, a new world." It’s less about dogma and more about the persistent, nagging question: "What is it that has excluded me? What is it that has isolated me?" And the crucial stipulation that the answer, in any given place, must be plural, inclusive, and born from lived experience.
Origins and Basic Tenets
While observers have often pointed to libertarian socialist and Marxist influences, Neozapatismo is far more than a simple amalgamation. It’s a dynamic, evolving synthesis. As UCL media studies lecturer Anthony Faramelli astutely observes, Neozapatismo isn't about leading a resistance; it's about facilitating the meeting of resistances, allowing them to organically forge worlds free from exploitation. This is a crucial distinction. It’s not a vanguard dictating terms, but a fertile ground where diverse struggles can coalesce and grow.
Richard Stahler-Sholk, a professor of political science at Eastern Michigan University, offers a broader perspective, suggesting Neozapatismo exists in at least three forms: the armed insurgency itself, the ongoing project of autonomous government within Zapatista "support base communities," and the expansive national and international network of solidarity inspired by Zapatista discourse. This multi-faceted nature is key to its resilience and reach.
The initial spark for the EZLN ignited in 1983 when a nucleus of guerilla fighters, comprised of politicized mestizo and Indigenous individuals, many with prior involvement in the National Liberation Forces (FLN), arrived in the Lacandona Jungle. Their revolutionary Marxist ideology, however, underwent a profound transformation through their interactions with the Indigenous communities native to the region. This wasn't a top-down imposition of ideas, but a mutual shaping. The integration of socialist principles with the rich Mayan cosmology and a long history of Indigenous resistance is what truly crystallized Neozapatismo, particularly during the uprising of 1994. This process led to significant reforms within the EZLN's ideology, notably a rejection of vanguardism in favor of radical democracy and a fundamental rethinking of leadership and power structures.
Subcomandante Marcos, a central figure in the movement (who has since adopted the pseudonym Subcomandante Galeano), has provided illuminating insights into Neozapatismo's genesis. He describes it not as a singular, definable entity, but as a potent, alchemical mix: "Zapatismo was not Marxist–Leninist, but it was also Marxist–Leninist. It was not university Marxism, it was not the Marxism of concrete analysis, it was not the history of Mexico, it was not the fundamentalist and millenarian indigenous thought and it was not the indigenous resistance. It was a mixture of all of this, a cocktail which was mixed in the mountain and crystallized in the combat force of the EZLN..." This evocative metaphor captures the organic, emergent quality of the philosophy. He further clarifies that Zapatismo is not a doctrine to be bought or sold, but an "intuition." It is "something so open and flexible that it really occurs in all places." Its core lies in posing the fundamental questions of exclusion and isolation, allowing each community to find its own unique response.
In 1998, Michael Löwy identified five distinct "threads" that formed the "carpet" of Zapatismo: Guevarism, the enduring legacy of Emiliano Zapata, liberation theology, the deep roots of Mayan culture, and the democratic aspirations of Mexican civil society. Nick Henck, an associate professor at Keio University, elaborates on this, suggesting that Subcommander Marcos skillfully wove these external influences into the existing indigenous fabric, while also contributing his own significant intellectual insights. These included an engagement with literature that shaped the movement's unique language, the classical Marxism of Marx and Engels, the structural Marxism of thinkers like Louis Althusser and Nicos Poulantzas, and even the post-structural and post-Marxist ideas of Michel Foucault.
Indigenous Components
The profound influence of Mayan indigenous cosmology and philosophy is undeniable. Concepts like governing by consensus, deeply embedded in traditions like the Tojolabal and Tzeltal peoples, find expression in the Zapatista maxim "to command by obeying." This principle underscores the understanding that true authority resides not in individuals, but in the collective will of the community, with leaders bound to uphold collective agreements. Tzeltal authorities, known as ja'teletik, exemplify this, their roles defined by adherence to community consensus.
A practice with roots in Tzotzil culture, a'mtel, translates to work that is democratically determined, assigned, administered, and executed. UCLA anthropologist Dylan Eldredge Fitzwater emphasizes its centrality, stating, "the practice of a'mtel is at the heart of Zapatismo." This isn't merely labor; it's a manifestation of collective agency and self-determination.
Another vital maxim, preguntando caminamos ("asking we walk"), also originates from indigenous philosophy. This method of proceeding through continuous inquiry and dialogue, rather than rigid pronouncements, was a cornerstone of The Other Campaign in 2006. Sociologist Ramón Grosfoguel characterizes this approach as a 'Tojolabal Marxism,' a rearguard movement that prioritizes listening and questioning over the Leninist model of a vanguard party with pre-defined programs.
Fitzwater further explores the Tzotzil concepts of ich bail ta muk' and lekil kuxlejal. He renders ich bail ta muk' as "to bring one another to largeness or greatness," implying a collective convergence of spirit and purpose. While sometimes translated as "democracy," Fitzwater prefers "to develop a collective heart," "autonomous democratic governance," or "a democracy of mutual respect," all arising from concrete practices of self-organization. These concepts are intrinsically linked to lekil kuxlejal, which he translates as "the life that is good for everyone," often rendered as "autonomy" or "dignified life." Lekil kuxlejal is seen as equivalent to Buen Vivir or Sumak Kawsay, terms prevalent in other Indigenous social movements actively resisting neoliberalism and extractivism.
Economic Components
Agrarianism
The very name "Neozapatismo" points to the profound influence of Emiliano Zapata, a pivotal figure in the Mexican Revolution and an unwavering champion of Agrarianism. Zapata's life's work was dedicated to the redistribution of land to those who toiled it, a cause he pursued through both protest and armed struggle against wealthy landowners and the Mexican government. Even today, he remains a potent symbol of this enduring struggle for land and justice in Mexico.
The EZLN echoes these agrarian demands, grounding them in principles like the land reform enshrined in the 1917 Constitution of Mexico. Their Revolutionary Agrarian Law, a detailed document issued at the outset of their uprising, explicitly states: "Poor peasants in Mexico continue to demand that the land be for those who work it. The EZLN reclaims the Mexican countryside's just struggle for land and freedom, following in the footsteps of Emiliano Zapata and opposing the reforms to Article 27 of the Mexican Constitution."
Crucially, Subcommander Marcos highlighted the transformative impact of this agrarian focus. He argued that the Zapatistas' Revolutionary Agrarian Law, implemented after land seizures following the 1994 uprising, brought about "fundamental changes in the lives of Zapatista indigenous communities." He elaborated that when "the land became property of the peasants... when the land passed into the hands of those who work it... [this was] the starting point for advances in government, health, education, housing, nutrition, women's participation, trade, culture, communication, and information... [it was] was recovering the means of production, in this case, the land, animals, and machines that were in the hands of large property owners.” This demonstrates a clear understanding that control over the means of production is foundational to broader societal well-being.
Anti-neoliberalism
At its core, the Zapatista political stance is fundamentally anti-capitalist, with a particularly sharp focus on opposing neoliberal policies. Mexico's accession to NAFTA served as the immediate catalyst for the 1994 Zapatista uprising, with the rebels decrying the free trade agreement as a "death sentence" for the Indigenous peoples of Mexico. They also vehemently objected to the mandated removal of Article 27, Section VII, from the Mexican Constitution, a provision that had guaranteed land reparations to Indigenous groups. This opposition to NAFTA and its associated neoliberal agenda remains a defining characteristic of Neozapatismo.
Political Components
Democracy
The Zapatista model of governance is characterized by its deeply participatory and decentralized nature. The primary assemblies where communities convene to debate and vote on local issues are known as the Councils of Good Government. In this system of direct democracy, any issue can be brought forth for consideration and decision-making, with a majority vote typically carrying the decision. Crucially, there are no inherent restrictions on who can participate in governance or voting.
Since December 1994, the EZLN has been systematically establishing autonomous municipalities, which they refer to as the Rebel Zapatista Autonomous Municipalities (MAREZ). Within these municipalities, local representatives convene to form the Juntas de Buen Gobierno, or Councils of Good Government (JBGs). This structure emphasizes local control and grassroots decision-making, a direct challenge to the centralized power structures of the Mexican state.
Social Components
Feminism
While feminism is often perceived as a product of Westernization, Indigenous Mayan women within the Zapatista movement have navigated a complex path, seeking to integrate and adapt Western feminist ideas while simultaneously preserving and reclaiming elements of their own traditions that have been eroded by dominant Western culture. This is not a simple adoption, but a critical engagement.
Zapatista women are deeply invested in the collective struggle of Neozapatismo and, by extension, the broader struggle for women's liberation. Ana Maria, a prominent movement leader, articulated this interconnectedness, stating, "the women's struggle is the struggle of everybody." She emphasized that the Zapatistas fight not for narrow self-interest, but against all forms of injustice and exploitation that affect all Mexicans. Indigenous feminism has also fostered increased collaboration and connection between Indigenous and mestiza women, particularly within the informal economy. Following the Zapatista uprising, women's conventions were held in Chiapas and Querétaro, bringing together hundreds of women from across fourteen different states, demonstrating the movement's commitment to expanding women's participation and agency.
Women's Revolutionary Law
On the very day of the uprising, the EZLN proclaimed the Women's Revolutionary Law alongside other Revolutionary Laws. These laws, developed through extensive consultation with Indigenous women by the Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee, were designed to dismantle "traditional patriarchal domination" and address the myriad grievances faced by women in Chiapas. These laws align perfectly with the EZLN's broader objective to "shift power away from the center to marginalized sectors." The ten laws comprising the Women's Revolutionary Law are as follows:
- Women have the right to participate in the revolutionary struggle in the place and at the level that their capacity and will dictates without any discrimination based on race, creed, color, or political affiliation.
- Women have the right to work and to receive a just salary.
- Women have the right to decide on the number of children they have and take care of.
- Women have the right to participate in community affairs and hold leadership positions if they are freely and democratically elected.
- Women have the right to primary care in terms of their health and nutrition.
- Women have the right to education.
- Women have the right to choose who they are with (i.e. choose their romantic/sexual partners) and should not be obligated to marry by force.
- No woman should be beaten or physically mistreated by either family members or strangers. Rape and attempted rape should be severely punished.
- Women can hold leadership positions in the organization and hold military rank in the revolutionary armed forces.
- Women have all the rights and obligations set out by the revolutionary laws and regulations.
Cultural Component
The Zapatistas actively promote and revitalize Indigenous Mayan culture and practices, often in direct opposition to the perceived homogenizing influence of Spanish language and Western culture. While many locals continue to speak pre-Columbian languages indigenous to the region, the movement actively challenges the dominance of Spanish. Official Mexican schools, in the Zapatista view, fail to adequately teach Mayan heritage or Indigenous languages, instead propagating narratives that demonize the Zapatista movement and mistreat Indigenous children. In contrast, Zapatista schools teach the history of Spanish colonization alongside the history of the Tzeltal people, critically examining and often replacing values such as individualism, competition, and consumerism with a strong emphasis on community and solidarity.
Instruction in Zapatista schools often occurs in local Indigenous languages, such as the Ch’ol language. While celebrating Indigenous culture is paramount, the Zapatistas are also unafraid to critically engage with and reform cultural practices that they deem oppressive. For instance, the movement has actively worked to dismantle traditions in the Chiapas region that commonly forced women into early marriage, compelled them to bear numerous children, and confined them to domestic roles, fostering a burgeoning sense of feminism within the local community.
Internationalist Component
The Zapatista movement's vision extends far beyond the borders of Chiapas and Mexico, aiming to connect with and inspire struggles for justice worldwide. Their speeches and writings frequently articulate a desire to "change the world, build another world, or forge a new world." To facilitate this global outreach, the Zapatistas have organized numerous events within their territory, inviting individuals from diverse nations and attracting participants from across the globe.
These events have included significant gatherings such as the First Intercontinental Gathering For Humanity and Against Neoliberalism (1996), the First International Colloquium in Memory of Andrés Aubry: Planet Earth: Anti-systemic Movements, the First and Second Encounters between the Zapatistas and the Peoples of the World (both in 2007), the National and International Caravan for Observation and Solidarity with Zapatista Communities (2008), the Global Festival of Dignified Rage (2009), the Seminar on Critical Thought in the Face of the Capitalist Hydra (2015), The Zapatistas and ConSciences for Humanity (winter 2016–2017), and The Walls of Capital, the Cracks of the Left seminar (2017). In a symbolic act of inversion, a delegation of Zapatistas traveled from Mexico to Europe in the summer of 2021, undertaking a journey that mirrored the Spanish colonization of the Americas but with the aim of solidarity and exchange, not conquest.
The writings of Subcomandante Marcos and the Zapatistas have resonated deeply with people worldwide, translated into over a dozen languages, including Chinese, Indonesian, Japanese, Korean, Persian, Tamil, and Turkish, in addition to numerous European languages. Major book-length studies in English and Spanish have been dedicated to exploring the international appeal of the Zapatistas, including Thomas Olesen's International Zapatismo: The Construction of Solidarity in the Age of Globalization and Alex Khasnabish's Zapatismo Beyond Borders: New Imaginations of Political Possibility. Furthermore, scholarly articles in journals like Contrahistorias have detailed Neozapatismo's influence in countries such as Brazil, Chile, China, Cuba, and Iran. Nick Henck's Subcomandante Marcos: Global Rebel Icon further synthesizes and supplements existing scholarship on the movement's international reach.
It is perhaps not surprising, then, that Subcomandante Marcos himself declared that "... Zapatismo's connection was stronger with other countries than with Mexico... those who lived farther away were closer to us..." Research supports this assertion, indicating that newer networks of solidarity with the Neozapatismo movement are often built upon a shared sense of grievance and an understanding of interconnected struggles.
Activist Philosophy
The Zapatistas view the Mexican government as fundamentally illegitimate and disconnected from the needs and realities of its people. Beyond their armed actions in the Chiapas conflict, they have consistently organized peaceful protests, most notably The Other Campaign. However, it's worth noting that, as with many movements challenging established power, some of these peaceful demonstrations have unfortunately devolved into violence due to interactions with state forces. This underscores the precariousness of their struggle for autonomy and recognition.