QUICK FACTS
Created Jan 0001
Status Verified Sarcastic
Type Existential Dread
Keywords
cuba, politics of cuba, communist, socialist political system, marxist–leninist, semi-presidential, constitution of cuba, communist party of cuba

Politics Of Cuba

“It seems you're interested in the intricate machinery that keeps Cuba ticking. A fascinating subject, if you're into the kind of political architecture that...”

Contents
  • 1. Overview
  • 2. Etymology
  • 3. Cultural Impact

It seems you’re interested in the intricate machinery that keeps Cuba ticking. A fascinating subject, if you’re into the kind of political architecture that prioritizes unwavering control over, say, vibrant debate. Let’s peel back the layers of this particular onion, shall we? Don’t expect any surprises; the script has been largely the same since 1961.

Politics of Cuba

The politics of Cuba operates within a framework that has been consistently defined as a communist and socialist political system since 1961. This structure is fundamentally predicated on the “one state, one party” principle, a concept that leaves little room for ambiguity or deviation. Constitutionally, Cuba is formally designated as a single-party Marxist–Leninist socialist republic, endowed with what are termed semi-presidential powers. One might wonder about the “semi” part, given the overarching nature of the single party, but I suppose every system needs its nuances, however subtle.

The current Constitution of Cuba , which was ratified following a national referendum on 24 February 2019, unequivocally articulates the role of the Communist Party of Cuba as the “leading force of society and of the state.” This isn’t merely a ceremonial title; it signifies the party’s intrinsic authority to steer the nation’s trajectory and, as some suggest, to unilaterally establish national policy without significant challenge. Consequently, the position of First Secretary of the Communist Party is not just influential, but demonstrably the most potent and decisive office within the Cuban political landscape. The 2019 Constitution of Cuba also anchors its philosophical foundations deeply in the historical narratives of the island, drawing inspiration from the revered Cuban independence hero José Martí and the iconic revolutionary leader Fidel Castro , while simultaneously upholding the enduring theoretical ideals championed by Karl Marx , Friedrich Engels , and Vladimir Lenin . A veritable pantheon of ideological heavyweights, ensuring the continuity of the chosen path.

Currently, the ceremonial and executive head of state, the president of Cuba , is Miguel Díaz-Canel . He assumed the crucial role of First Secretary of the Communist Party in 2021, succeeding Raúl Castro and marking a generational shift, albeit one carefully managed within the established party structures. The practical application of executive power is vested in the government, specifically through the Council of Ministers , which is presided over by the prime minister of Cuba . Meanwhile, legislative power is ostensibly exercised by the unicameral National Assembly of People’s Power . This body is constitutionally defined as the supreme authority of the state, a rather grand title for an entity that, as we’ll see, primarily ratifies decisions. As of 10 October 2019, Miguel Díaz-Canel holds the presidency, with Manuel Marrero Cruz serving as the prime minister. It’s worth remembering that prior to this, Raúl Castro , the brother of the late Fidel Castro , held the presidency of the Council of State . He retained the immensely powerful role of First Secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba and commander-in-chief of the Revolutionary Armed Forces until April 19, 2021, ensuring a smooth, if prolonged, transition of ultimate authority. His elder brother, Fidel Castro , famously governed the nation from 1959 until ill health compelled him to cede power to Raúl Castro in 2006. The current president of the National Assembly is Esteban Lazo Hernández .

From the perspective of many political scientists, the Cuban political system is consistently characterized as a single-party authoritarian regime. In this framework, genuine political opposition is not merely discouraged, but actively prohibited and systematically suppressed. While the nation does hold elections , these electoral exercises are not, by prevailing international standards, considered to be genuinely democratic. Indeed, according to the V-Dem Democracy Indices , a widely cited measure of democratic governance, Cuba ranks as the second least democratic country in Latin America . A rather stark assessment, if you care for such rankings. Furthermore, the control over information is notably pervasive; censorship is extensive, extending even to significant limitations on internet access , and independent journalism is fundamentally repressed within Cuba . Organizations like Reporters Without Borders have consistently placed Cuba among the worst nations globally when it comes to the crucial measure of press freedom. So, if you’re looking for an unfiltered news feed, you’re probably in the wrong place.

Executive

The executive power within the Cuban governmental structure is centrally exercised by the Council of Ministers . For a significant period, spanning from February 1959 until February 2008, Cuba was under the singular, dominant leadership of the revolutionary figure Fidel Castro . During his extensive tenure, Castro concurrently held the titles of head of state , head of government , first secretary of the Communist Party , and the supreme commander-in-chief of the Cuban armed forces . A rather comprehensive portfolio, wouldn’t you agree? The Ministry of Interior serves as the primary instrument for state security and control, effectively acting as the eyes and ears of the regime.

In accordance with Article 94 of the Constitution of Cuba , a crucial provision stipulates that the first vice president of the Council of State is to assume the presidential duties in the event of the president’s illness or death. This mechanism was notably invoked on July 31, 2006, during what was officially termed the 2006 Cuban transfer of duties . At this juncture, Fidel Castro formally delegated his responsibilities as president of the Council of State , first secretary of the Communist Party , and the post of commander in chief of the armed forces to his designated successor, first vice president Raúl Castro . This ensured a seamless, if dynastic, continuation of power. Furthermore, a significant reform introduced in 2019 limited the president of Cuba to a maximum of two consecutive five-year terms, a concession to modern political norms, perhaps, or merely a formalization of an already predictable succession plan.

Legislature

Behold, El Capitolio , a building that once housed the National Assembly of People’s Power , now stands as a monument to what once was, or perhaps, what could have been.

Cuba maintains an elected national legislature , known as the National Assembly of People’s Power ( Asamblea Nacional del Poder Popular ). This unicameral body comprises 612 members, who are purportedly elected every five years. However, their primary function often appears to be holding relatively brief sessions, largely dedicated to the ratification of decisions that have already been made by the executive branch. It’s almost efficient, in a way, if your definition of efficiency involves minimal deliberation and maximum compliance. The National Assembly typically convenes only twice annually for its ordinary periods of sessions. Despite these limited plenary gatherings, it does maintain a structure of permanent commissions dedicated to overseeing various issues of legislative interest. These commissions, whether permanent or temporary, cover a broad spectrum of national concerns, including the economy , the sugar industry (a historical cornerstone), general industries, transportation and communications , construction, foreign affairs , public health , defense, and internal order. Additionally, the National Assembly is supported by permanent departments that are responsible for monitoring the work of its various Commissions, the Local Assemblies of the People’s Power, International Relations, Judicial Affairs, and the general Administration. A robust bureaucratic apparatus, even if the legislative output is somewhat predetermined.

Article 88(h) of the 1976 Constitution of Cuba (the predecessor to the current one) included a provision for citizen proposals of law, stipulating that such a proposal required the endorsement of at least 10,000 citizens who were eligible to vote. This mechanism, seemingly designed for popular participation, was notably tested in 2002 when supporters of a movement known as the Varela Project submitted a citizen proposal of law. This initiative, backed by 11,000 signatures, advocated for a national referendum on significant political and economic reforms. The government’s response to this grassroots effort was, shall we say, rather definitive. Instead of acceding to the referendum, the authorities orchestrated a counter-campaign, successfully collecting an astonishing 8.1 million signatures. The purpose of this counter-petition was to request that Cuba ’s National Assembly enact a constitutional amendment that would definitively declare socialism an “unalterable feature” of the Cuban government. One might call it a masterclass in preemptive political maneuvering.

Committees for the Defense of the Revolution

Here we have a CDR in Old Havana on Paseo de Martí facing Parque Central . A charming, if somewhat omnipresent, sight.

The Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR) represent a vast, ubiquitous network of neighborhood organizations spanning the entirety of Cuba . It’s an organization so pervasive that a significant majority of Cuban citizens are, in fact, members. These committees are designed with a dual purpose: firstly, to effectively implement national campaigns, whether they pertain to medical initiatives, educational drives, or other social programs, ensuring their reach into every corner of the island. Secondly, and perhaps more notoriously, they function as a crucial mechanism for reporting any perceived “counter-revolutionary” activity. It is, by all accounts, an explicit duty of CDR officials to maintain a detailed awareness of the political activities and leanings of every individual residing within their respective blocks. A rather intense form of community engagement, wouldn’t you agree? It’s the kind of neighborhood watch that doesn’t just keep an eye on your lawn, but on your thoughts as well.

Political parties and elections

For a deeper dive into the players and the process, you might consult the List of political parties in Cuba and Elections in Cuba .

The right to vote, or suffrage , is automatically granted to Cuban citizens who have maintained residency in Cuba for a minimum of two years and have attained the age of sixteen. However, this right is not universally applied; individuals who have been legally declared “mentally handicapped” or who are currently serving prison sentences are explicitly barred from exercising this privilege. Furthermore, Cubans who choose to reside abroad for personal reasons for a continuous period exceeding 24 months forfeit their right to vote. It’s a clear message: your participation is contingent on your presence, and your compliance. The national elections for the 470 members of the National Assembly of People’s Power are conducted in strict adherence to this system and the principles laid out in the 1976 Constitution , which, while superseded, still informs many procedural aspects.

General elections in Cuba are typically structured into two distinct phases: first, the municipal elections, and subsequently, the elections for the ANPP (the National Assembly of People’s Power , or Parliament). These elections are usually announced in July and are held every five years, maintaining a predictable cycle. Once elections are officially called, the Council of State undertakes the task of designating the members of the CEN (National Electoral Commission). The CEN’s role is supervisory; it oversees the electoral process, ensuring its conformity with the Constitution and electoral law, but crucially, it does not actively participate in the nomination or campaigning aspects. The CEN, in turn, appoints the CEP (Provincial Electoral Commission), which then appoints the CEM (Municipal Electoral Commission). These commissions are responsible for the subsequent formation of electoral commissions at the grassroots level. The foundational electoral unit is the circunscripción, each typically encompassing approximately 1450 individuals. It’s a system designed for granular control and local oversight.

For the specific purpose of Municipal elections, each circunscripción is further subdivided into two to eight smaller areas. The rationale behind this further division is to ensure that nomination meetings can be highly localized, very condensed, and genuinely based at the grassroots level of the community. The precise number of nomination areas within a circunscripción is determined by its population density, with additional consideration given to the geographical extension of the territory in rural regions. Individuals are permitted to participate, nominate candidates, and cast their vote exclusively within the specific area in which they reside. Nomination area assembly meetings are typically public affairs, often held in communal spaces at eight o’clock in the evening on weekdays or during daylight hours on weekends. Each assembly is meticulously presided over by the local electoral commission. During these meetings, individuals possess the right to propose any resident of their circunscripción as a candidate, provided that the proposed individual has already indicated their willingness to be nominated. The nominator is also expected to articulate a reason for their nomination, which can then be openly debated. Other attendees are afforded the right to argue against a nomination. Following these discussions, a show-of-hands vote is conducted and meticulously counted by the electoral commission. The individual who garners the most votes then officially becomes the candidate representing that specific nomination area. To guarantee strict adherence to the electoral law, members of the CEP conduct unannounced, surprise visits to these nomination meetings, ensuring everything proceeds according to the established protocol.

Once candidates have been successfully nominated, the local electoral commission takes on the responsibility of collecting a concise biographical profile and a photograph from each candidate. These materials are subsequently posted in prominent local public spaces, ensuring easy access for all voters. This, and only this, constitutes the entirety of permitted publicity under the electoral law. Voters are thus expected to carefully review these profiles in order to make their informed choice. Any form of active campaigning by candidates is strictly prohibited. Professor Duharte Díaz of the University of Havana has publicly expressed the opinion that merely posting these profiles is insufficient, and that more proactive measures should be undertaken to adequately present the candidates to the electorate. A rather understated critique, given the circumstances.

Municipal elections are typically held in October. On the designated polling day, which is invariably a Sunday, voters are required to confirm their eligibility by presenting their identification cards. Upon verification, they are issued a ballot paper listing the names of the candidates who were nominated in their circunscripción. The act of voting itself is conducted in secret, a small comfort perhaps. To secure victory, a candidate must achieve at least 50% plus one of the total votes cast. Should no candidate meet this threshold, the candidate who received the fewest votes is eliminated, and the voting process is repeated with the remaining contenders in a run-off election. A rather straightforward elimination process, ensuring a clear majority.

Candidates who are elected in municipal elections typically perform their duties on a voluntary basis, dedicating their time after their regular work hours. However, once the municipal assemblies are formally constituted, they proceed to elect their presidents and vice-presidents from among their own members. These specific individuals are the only ones who transition to full-time roles, receiving a salary equivalent to what they earned in their previous places of employment. A pragmatic approach to leadership, ensuring that only a select few are fully dedicated to the administrative burden.

The second phase of the electoral process, focusing on elections to the ANPP (Parliament), operates under a distinct set of rules compared to the municipal elections. Up to half of the total members of parliament are nominated from the pool of individuals who were previously elected in the municipal elections. The remaining parliamentary seats are filled by candidates nominated directly by various mass organizations. These influential organizations include the Workers’ Central Union of Cuba , the Federation of Cuban Women , the National Association of Small Farmers , the Federation of University Students, the Federation of Pre-University Students, and, of course, the ever-present Committees for the Defense of the Revolution . To initiate the process of proposing candidates for these elections, each of these six mass organizations convenes plenary sessions at all three administrative levels – municipal, provincial, and national. The stated objective is to cultivate a broad pool of potential candidates, aiming to represent a wide cross-section of the population. Consequently, each mass organization, at every level, is granted the right to propose at least three times the number of candidates required for each municipality to be adequately represented in the parliament. These initial proposals are then forwarded to the CCN (National Candidacies Commission), which undertakes the task of refining and reducing the extensive list down to the precise number of available seats. It’s a highly curated selection process, ensuring the right fit.

Prior to the ANPP elections, which typically take place in January, a series of meetings are organized between the selected candidates and workers in various workplaces, as well as within local neighborhoods. Much like the municipal elections, the only form of publicity permitted is a concise biography accompanied by a photograph. The elections themselves are held on a Sunday. Voters are provided with a ballot listing the names of the candidates chosen by the CCN to represent their specific municipality. Voters have the option to cast their vote for all, some, or none of the listed candidates. To be declared elected, a candidate must secure at least 50% plus one of the total valid votes. If this threshold is not met, a new candidate is selected for the vacant seat, and the voting process is repeated. Ensuring a clear mandate, even if the choices are somewhat limited.

State leaders

Communist Party of Cuba

The organizational blueprint of Cuba ’s political system is a direct reflection of the Marxist–Leninist principle known as democratic centralism . A concept that, in practice, tends to emphasize the “centralism” part rather heavily.

The Ministry of the Interior building on the Plaza de la Revolución , Havana . A rather imposing structure, wouldn’t you say?

Council of Ministers

Council of State and National Assembly of People’s Power

Judiciary

  • People’s Supreme Court (9th term):
    • President: Ruben Remigio Ferro
    • Vice Presidents: Maricela Sosa Ravelo, Farah Saucedo Perez, Yamir Rodriguez Tamayo, Filiberto Caballero Tamayo
  • Office of the Attorney General (9th term):
    • Attorney General: Yamila Peña Ojeda
  • Office of the Comptroller General (9th term):

Foreign relations

Here’s Vladimir Putin and Fidel Castro in 2000. A picture that speaks volumes about enduring alliances, wouldn’t you agree?

The foreign policy of Cuba underwent a significant recalibration and reduction in scope following the severe economic hardship that ensued from the abrupt collapse of the Soviet bloc . Deprived of the massive Soviet subsidies and its primary trading partner, Cuba found itself in a state of comparative international isolation throughout the 1990s. However, the island nation has since managed to forge and deepen bilateral cooperation agreements with several South American countries, most notably with Venezuela and Bolivia , seeking new economic and political anchors. Presently, Cuba maintains normal diplomatic and economic relations with every country in the Western Hemisphere, with the singular, glaring exception of the United States .

The United States continues to enforce an economic embargo against Cuba , a policy that it justifies by stating it will remain in place “so long as [Cuba] continues to refuse to move toward democratization and greater respect for human rights.” A rather convenient justification, depending on your perspective. The European Union , while acknowledging and often criticizing Cuba for its “continuing flagrant violation of human rights and fundamental freedoms,” simultaneously “reiterates its condemnation of the US embargo on Cuba , and calls for it to be lifted forthwith, as the UN General Assembly has repeatedly demanded.” A diplomatic tightrope walk, if ever there was one.

Beyond its immediate neighbors, Cuba has cultivated an increasingly robust relationship with the People’s Republic of China and, perhaps predictably, with Russia , rekindling old ties. In total, Cuba maintains formal diplomatic relations with 160 nations worldwide. Furthermore, it has notably provided civilian assistance workers – primarily medical professionals – in more than 20 countries, a form of soft power projection that has garnered both praise and scrutiny. This international engagement stands in contrast to the reality of more than two million exiles who have departed the island for foreign countries over the decades, a persistent demographic truth. The current Minister of Foreign Affairs for Cuba is Bruno Rodríguez Parrilla .

Here’s a poster urging citizens to vote to make the socialist system permanent and irrevocable by amending the constitution. And below, a glimpse of candidates from the 2008 elections for the national and provincial parliaments in Santiago de Cuba . Such vibrant displays of democratic choice, or so they say.

Authoritarianism

For more on this topic, you might want to look into Cuba and democracy , Grassroots dictatorship , and International rankings of Cuba .

Many political scientists unequivocally characterize the political system of Cuba as non-democratic and authoritarian. Of course, there are always those who challenge this characterization, insisting on a more nuanced view. Nevertheless, the reality remains that it is a single-party state where organized political opposition is simply not tolerated. The function of the ruling party, the Communist Party of Cuba , is fundamentally different from that of political parties in liberal democracies. It does not, for instance, propose candidates for elections, nor is it permitted to directly influence the electoral outcomes in a partisan manner. Instead, candidates are nominated directly by citizens through a show of hands in the circunscripciónes, which are very small, localized districts. While this grassroots nomination process is often highlighted as a unique democratic feature, critics consistently question the true democratic nature of a system where choices are so constrained and the broader political landscape so tightly controlled.

The control over information in Cuba is extensive, bordering on suffocating. This includes significant limitations on internet access , making it difficult for citizens to access unfiltered global information. Independent journalism is systematically repressed, and organizations like Reporters Without Borders have repeatedly ranked Cuba among the worst countries globally for press freedom. It’s almost as if they prefer a singular, approved narrative.

Officially, Cuba frames its political system as a “people’s democracy ”, meticulously drawing a distinction from the “liberal democracy ” prevalent in Western states. This self-characterization serves as a direct rebuttal to criticisms of its political system, which the Cuban government dismisses as a fundamental lack of appreciation for alternative forms of democracy – forms that exist outside the confines of capitalist states. The argument often alludes to the grassroots elements inherent in the nomination of candidates at the neighborhood level, within those aforementioned circunscripciónes, as evidence of its unique democratic legitimacy.

Despite these self-declarations, numerous opposition groups both inside and outside the country, along with summary reports published by organizations like Human Rights Watch and various foreign governments, consistently describe the Cuban political system as undemocratic. Conversely, Cuba is a member of regional organizations such as ALBA (Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America) and CELAC (Community of Latin American and Caribbean States), both of which assert their own democratic credentials. The United States Government has, for its part, initiated a variety of policy measures ostensibly designed to compel Cuba to adopt political changes, specifically advocating for a multi-party electoral system. These efforts have been met with swift condemnation from the Cuban Government, which consistently accuses the United States of blatant interference in its internal affairs. A cycle of accusation and counter-accusation that seems to have no end.

Human rights

According to Human Rights Watch , Fidel Castro meticulously constructed a “repressive machinery” that, even today, continues to systematically deprive Cubans of their fundamental rights. The Cuban government has been subject to numerous accusations regarding human rights abuses , which include, but are not limited to, the use of torture , arbitrary imprisonment, the conduct of unfair trials, and extrajudicial executions, chillingly referred to as “El Paredón.” Human Rights Watch further reports that the government actively represses virtually all forms of political dissent, ensuring a stifling uniformity of thought and expression.

Yet, even within such a rigid system, unexpected shifts occur. In early 2013, the country saw the election of its first ever openly transgender municipal delegate in the province of Villa Clara . Adela Hernández , a resident of the town of Caibarién , worked as a nurse electrocardiogram specialist. It’s a small, almost accidental, crack in the facade, isn’t it? In Cuba , delegates at this municipal level are not professional politicians; they do not receive a government salary, which perhaps allowed for such an unconventional outcome.

More recently, in 2022, a significant constitutional amendment to the Family Code was passed. This followed hundreds of painstaking assembly discussions that took place within communities and institutions across the island, a process that, for all its controlled nature, did involve extensive public input. This progressive Code is designed to ensure the protection of a wide array of rights, encompassing adoption, surrogacy, transgender-affirmation, same-sex marriages, and the legal recognition and legitimacy of intergenerational households. It’s a surprising, almost jarring, step forward in social policy, given the broader political context. One might even accidentally catch feelings about such a development. Your problem, not mine.

Corruption

The 2012 Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index provided a snapshot of perceived corruption levels, ranking Cuba 58th out of 176 countries globally. This placed it in a tie with Jordan and Namibia , indicating that Cuba generally exhibits lower levels of perceived corruption compared to most other nations in the Caribbean and Central American regions. For context, in 2006, the country was ranked considerably lower, in 112th place, tied with India . A marginal improvement, perhaps, or merely a statistical anomaly.