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Ranil Wickremesinghe

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Ranil Wickremesinghe

Ranil Wickremesinghe (Sinhala: රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ; Tamil: ரணில் விக்கிரமசிங்க; born 24 March 1949) is a Sri Lankan politician who served as the ninth President of Sri Lanka from 21 July 2022 to 23 September 2024. His tenure as president, though marked by significant economic stabilization efforts, was a tumultuous period in the island nation's recent history. Prior to this, Wickremesinghe had already cemented his legacy as a seasoned politician through multiple stints as Prime Minister of Sri Lanka. He held this office in 1993–1994, 2001–2004, 2015–2018, a brief period in 2018-2019, and again in 2022. His extensive experience in government also saw him hold various ministerial portfolios, including Minister of Finance, Minister of Defence, Minister of Technology, and Minister of Women, Child Affairs and Social Empowerment. Since 1994, Wickremesinghe has been the leader of the United National Party (UNP), a political force he has guided through various electoral cycles. It's worth noting that he also served as the eighth executive president of Sri Lanka, a role bolstered by the constitutional amendments of 1977 that expanded presidential authority.

Born into a family deeply entrenched in the political landscape of Ceylon, Wickremesinghe received his education at the prestigious University of Ceylon. He later qualified as a lawyer at the Ceylon Law College in 1972. His political journey began in the mid-1970s within the ranks of the UNP. His initial parliamentary victory came in the 1977 parliamentary elections. Throughout his career, he occupied various ministerial roles, including significant positions such as Minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister of Youth Affairs and Employment, and Minister of Industry, Science and Technology. His first ascent to the prime ministership occurred in 1993, following the tragic assassination of President Ranasinghe Premadasa.

Wickremesinghe made presidential bids in the 1999 and 2005 elections as the UNP candidate, but was unsuccessful on both occasions. In a significant turn of events in 2015, he was appointed Prime Minister by President Maithripala Sirisena, leading a national unity government until 2019. This period was not without its turbulence; Sirisena controversially dismissed Wickremesinghe in 2018, sparking a severe constitutional crisis. However, the Supreme Court's ruling that the dismissal was unconstitutional led to his reappointment. Despite losing his parliamentary seat in the 2020 parliamentary election, he re-entered parliament in 2021 as a National List Member of Parliament.

The year 2022 saw Wickremesinghe appointed Prime Minister by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa amidst a deepening political crisis. Following Rajapaksa's resignation in July 2022, Wickremesinghe assumed the presidency in an acting capacity, and was subsequently elected by parliament as the ninth President of Sri Lanka on 20 July 2022, taking office the following day. His attempt to secure a full presidential term in his own right in the 2024 presidential election ended in defeat, where he secured third place with 17.27% of the vote.

Early life and education

Ranil Wickremesinghe was born in Colombo, the capital of the Dominion of Ceylon, on 24 March 1949. He was the second son of Esmond Wickremesinghe, a prominent lawyer who later became a influential press baron by taking over the Lake House Group of newspapers, and Nalini Wickremesinghe, née Wijewardena. His paternal grandfathers were Cyril Wickremesinghe, a member of the Ceylon Civil Service, and the noted press magnate D. R. Wijewardhena. This familial background placed him squarely within the island's political and media elite.

His formative education began at the Royal Preparatory School and continued at the esteemed Royal College, Colombo. At Royal College, he was not only an academic peer but also a close friend to influential future political figures, including Anura Bandaranaike, the son of then Prime Minister S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, and Dinesh Gunawardena, son of the prominent socialist leader Philip Gunawardena. This early exposure to the children of the nation's leaders undoubtedly shaped his understanding of political dynamics.

Wickremesinghe then pursued his legal studies at the Faculty of Law of the University of Ceylon at its Colombo Campus, which now stands as the University of Colombo. Upon graduation, he completed the rigorous law examinations at the Ceylon Law College and was admitted as an advocate in 1972. His legal apprenticeship was served under the tutelage of H. W. Jayewardene, QC, a highly respected legal figure. The legal profession underwent significant changes in 1973, and Wickremesinghe qualified as an Attorney at law under the new system. In recognition of his substantial contributions to economic reforms, educational advancements, and human rights advocacy, Wickremesinghe was awarded an honorary doctorate by Deakin University in Australia on 14 February 2017.

Political career

Wickremesinghe’s political trajectory within the United National Party (UNP) was marked by steady progression through its ranks. In the mid-1970s, he was appointed the chief organizer for the Kelaniya Electorate. Subsequently, he took on the role of chief organizer for the Biyagama Electorate, a constituency he successfully represented in parliament following the 1977 parliamentary elections. The new government, led by J. R. Jayewardene, appointed him Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs. His career advanced rapidly, and on 5 October 1977, he was promoted to Minister of Youth Affairs & Employment, making him the youngest cabinet minister in Sri Lanka at that time. During his tenure as minister, he was instrumental in establishing the Sri Lanka National Guard and the National Youth Services Council (NYSCO), an organization focused on providing vocational and career training to school leavers. His responsibilities expanded further when he was appointed Minister of Education on 14 February 1980.

Under President Ranasinghe Premadasa, Wickremesinghe was appointed Minister of Industry on 18 February 1989. In this capacity, he spearheaded industrial reforms and facilitated the establishment of the Biyagama Special Economic Zone. His portfolio was further enhanced in 1990 with the addition of Science and Technology. During this period, Wickremesinghe faced internal party competition from senior UNP figures, notably Lalith Athulathmudali and Gamini Dissanayake, who were known rivals of President Premadasa. In 1989, he assumed the significant role of Leader of the House.

First premiership (1993–1994)

On 7 May 1993, Wickremesinghe was sworn in as prime minister. This unexpected ascent followed the assassination of President Ranasinghe Premadasa by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the subsequent appointment of Prime Minister D. B. Wijetunga as president. His brief tenure as prime minister was characterized by efforts to steer the country through a period of economic transformation. He garnered support from the business community, and his administration was credited with initiating significant economic policy shifts.

Opposition (1994–2001)

The 1994 parliamentary elections saw the UNP fall to Chandrika Kumaratunga's People's Alliance (PA). Following this defeat, Kumaratunga became Prime Minister. Initially, Wickremesinghe faced a challenge for the leadership of the opposition from fellow UNP member Gamini Dissanayake, who had rejoined the party. Dissanayake secured the leadership by a narrow margin and became the UNP's presidential nominee. Tragically, Dissanayake was assassinated by the LTTE during the election campaign. His widow, Srima Dissanayake, replaced him as the UNP's presidential candidate in the 1994 election, but suffered a decisive defeat against Chandrika Kumaratunga, who won in all but one electorate. Following these events, Wickremesinghe assumed the leadership of both the UNP and the opposition.

During his time as opposition leader, Wickremesinghe was perceived as a cooperative figure, allowing the government an initial period to implement its agenda.

1999 presidential election

Wickremesinghe was the UNP's presidential candidate in the 1999 presidential election. The election campaign was overshadowed by violence, particularly following the North Western Provincial Council election. A devastating suicide bomb attack by the LTTE at a UNP rally injured President Kumaratunga, causing her to lose an eye. The election proceeded on 21 December 1999, and amidst a wave of public sympathy for the injured president, Kumaratunga was re-elected for a second term, securing 51% of the popular vote. Wickremesinghe's party also faced defeat in the subsequent 2000 parliamentary elections, failing to dislodge the PA from power.

Second premiership (2001–2004)

The 2001 parliamentary elections marked a significant victory for Wickremesinghe, who led the newly formed United National Front (UNF) to a decisive win, securing 109 seats against the PA's 77. This outcome enabled him to form a UNF government, and he was sworn in as the 17th Prime Minister of Sri Lanka on 9 December 2001. President Chandrika Kumaratunga remained in office, creating a political dynamic where the head of state and head of government were from opposing parties. Despite the constitutional framework, Wickremesinghe exercised considerable control over the government, appointing his own cabinet. While President Kumaratunga chaired cabinet meetings, her influence on decision-making was notably constrained.

During this second term, Wickremesinghe initiated the ambitious "Western Region Megapolis" project. This plan, developed with the assistance of Singaporean town planners, envisioned the creation of a major new city in the western province designed to rival global metropolises. However, the project was discontinued following the end of his government's term. He also sought international support for development during a period of ceasefire. The Tokyo Donor Conference on Reconstruction and Development of Sri Lanka, held in June 2003, saw Sri Lanka receive over $4.5 billion in aid for reconstruction and development initiatives.

Wickremesinghe's foreign policy during this premiership focused on strengthening ties with Western nations, anticipating their economic support to address the nation's economic challenges. He also sought assistance, particularly from Norway, in resolving the protracted ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. In July 2002, he achieved a diplomatic milestone by meeting United States President George W. Bush at the White House, marking the first such meeting between leaders of the two countries in 18 years. This visit was primarily aimed at fostering economic relationships between the United States and Sri Lanka and secured US backing for his peace initiatives with the LTTE. He also held significant meetings with British Prime Minister Tony Blair, Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, and Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee. In September 2003, Wickremesinghe made an official visit to Malaysia, where he met with Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad and encouraged Malaysian investment in Sri Lanka's tourism, infrastructure, and agricultural sectors, while also affirming progress in the peace process.

Peace talks

Wickremesinghe strongly advocated for a political solution to the civil war, grounded in the principle of a united Sri Lanka. He believed that such a resolution could be achieved through peaceful negotiations with the LTTE. Three months after his election, his government entered into a ceasefire agreement (CFA) with the LTTE, signed on 22 February 2002, with the Norwegian Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Jon Westborg, facilitating the process. The primary objective of this agreement was to find a negotiated settlement to the ethnic conflict. Both parties committed to halting offensive military operations, and the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) was established to oversee adherence to the agreement's terms. The signing of the CFA ushered in a period of relative calm, leading to a resurgence in the tourism industry and the reopening of the A9 Highway to Kilinochchi after 18 years.

Wickremesinghe's administration engaged in several rounds of peace talks with the LTTE between 2002 and 2003. The government delegation was led by Prof. G. L. Peiris, alongside ministers Milinda Moragoda and Rauff Hakeem. The LTTE delegation included its theoretician Anton Balasingham, political wing leader S.P. Thamilselvan, and military leader Karuna Amman. The Norwegian government served as the chief facilitator for these talks. Six rounds of peace talks were conducted in various international locations:

  • 16–18 September 2002, Bangkok
  • 31 October–3 November 2002, Bangkok
  • 2–5 December 2002, Oslo
  • 6–9 January 2003, Bangkok
  • 7–8 February 2003, Berlin
  • 18–21 March 2003, Tokyo

Following the Oslo round of talks in December 2002, a concluding statement, known as the Oslo Declaration, was issued. This declaration stated that "both parties have decided to explore a political solution founded on internal self-determination based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka." This was widely regarded as a significant development in the search for a resolution to Sri Lanka's ethnic conflict.

However, in March 2003, the LTTE abruptly withdrew from the peace process. Later, in October 2003, the LTTE expressed renewed interest in re-engaging, proposing an Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA), a proposal conveyed to the government via Norwegian Ambassador Hans Brattskar.

Analysts observed that Wickremesinghe's strategy involved exploiting internal divisions within the LTTE and systematically weakening the organization. His foreign policy aimed to tighten international pressure on the LTTE. Agreements were forged with the United States to enhance Sri Lanka's military capabilities through training, technology, intelligence sharing, and direct financial assistance. A US assessment team, conducting a study from September to October 2002, made recommendations to bolster the Sri Lanka Army, Sri Lanka Navy, and Sri Lanka Air Force in the event of peace talks failing. The study suggested the use of cluster bombs against unarmoured targets and equipping helicopters with guided weapons for close combat scenarios. During this period, the US also donated the SLNS Samudura to the Sri Lankan Navy.

The ceasefire agreement and Wickremesinghe's peace process faced strong opposition from nationalist movements and the political opposition in Sri Lanka. They argued that the CFA undermined the country's sovereignty and would inevitably lead to the creation of a separate Tamil state, Tamil Eelam. Karuna Amman, who later defected from the LTTE during Wickremesinghe's premiership, alleged that the LTTE had used the peace talks period to smuggle weapons and ammunition, including aircraft.

The CFA was repeatedly violated by the LTTE. By August 2007, the SLMM reported that the LTTE had violated the agreement on 3,830 occasions, compared to 351 violations by the Sri Lankan government. During this period, several Sri Lankan Army intelligence operatives were reportedly assassinated by the LTTE.

Opposition (2004–2015)

Following the LTTE's proposal of the Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA), President Chandrika Kumaratunga, citing national security concerns, dismissed three cabinet ministers and assumed control of their ministries, thereby ending the coalition government. The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna allied with the PA, viewing Wickremesinghe's government as a threat to national sovereignty. President Kumaratunga dissolved parliament on 7 February 2004, effectively terminating Wickremesinghe's government.

The 2004 parliamentary elections, held on 2 April, resulted in the defeat of Wickremesinghe's UNF. Despite the premature end to his term and the disruption of planned projects, the UNP remained hopeful of regaining power in future elections. The ruling UPFA government, after an initial period of stability, faced a challenge when a radical faction of the JVP, comprising over 30 members, broke away, leaving the UPFA without a parliamentary majority. Wickremesinghe continued as the Opposition Leader until 2015, when Maithripala Sirisena, having been elected President, appointed him as Prime Minister.

2005 presidential election

In December 2004, Wickremesinghe was selected by the United National Party as its presidential candidate for the elections scheduled for late 2005. The Supreme Court ruled in August 2005 that the elections must proceed that year, overriding the president's contention that her term extended into 2006. Mahinda Rajapaksa, then Prime Minister, was nominated as the presidential candidate for the Sri Lanka Freedom Party. The presidential election on 17 November 2005 saw a narrow victory for Mahinda Rajapaksa, who secured 50.29% of the vote, narrowly defeating Wickremesinghe's 48.43%. A significant factor in Wickremesinghe's defeat was the LTTE-enforced boycott of the polls in the Northern and Eastern parts of the country, which prevented a substantial number of Tamil voters, who were expected to support Wickremesinghe, from casting their ballots.

Dissent within the UNP

Following the UNP's defeat in the 2004 parliamentary election, senior UNP member and former minister Rohitha Bogollagama defected to the UPFA government. The UNP's loss in the 2005 presidential election was followed by the defections of Mahinda Samarasinghe and Keheliya Rambukwella to the government.

In 2007, Wickremesinghe entered into a memorandum of understanding (MOU) with the Mahinda Rajapaksa government, agreeing to cooperate on national interest issues. However, this accord was soon strained when 17 of the UNP's 60 Members of Parliament, including a group critical of Wickremesinghe's leadership, led by Deputy Leader Karu Jayasuriya, crossed over to the governing UPFA. These defectors, many of whom were former ministers in Wickremesinghe's 2001–2004 government, were subsequently appointed to ministerial positions. The group included notable figures such as M. H. Mohamed, Milinda Moragoda, G. L. Peiris, Bandula Gunawardane, Lakshman Yapa Abeywardena, and Naween Dissanayake, among others. Further defections followed, with members like Susantha Punchinilame and Thilanga Sumathipala joining the government. In late 2008, Jayasuriya shifted allegiances once more, returning to the opposition and regaining his deputy leader position.

In February 2008, Wickremesinghe faced internal pressure to relinquish the party leadership, with a majority of the UNP's parliamentary group advocating for his resignation in favour of an advisory role. In March, the UNP working committee decided to create the position of Senior Leader and appointed Wickremesinghe to it, amidst discussions about the need for a new party leader. However, by late March, the working committee reaffirmed his position as party leader.

During his leadership of the opposition, Wickremesinghe was accused of authoritarianism within the UNP. Monk Udugama Sri Buddharakkitha Thero characterized Wickremesinghe's leadership style as dictatorial, a sentiment echoed by UNP MP Dayasiri Jayasekara, who claimed Wickremesinghe operated as a dictator within the party's constitution. Former minister Mahinda Wijesekara also criticized Wickremesinghe for opposing party reforms, stating, "We don't need a dictator in the party." Over 60 UNP MPs reportedly left the party during Wickremesinghe's tenure as opposition leader.

End of the civil war and 2010 presidential election

The military defeat of the LTTE in the civil war was followed by a series of provincial elections in 2008 and 2009 for eight provincial councils. The ruling UPFA secured decisive victories in all these elections, with the UNP garnering only about 30% of the total vote.

In November 2009, Wickremesinghe formed an alliance with twelve opposition parties and announced plans to field a common candidate for the upcoming 2010 presidential election. Former Army Commander Sarath Fonseka was subsequently chosen as the common candidate, with Wickremesinghe pledging his support.

In August 2012, then-Minister of Health and SLFP General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena alleged that during the 1994 presidential election campaign, Wickremesinghe had secretly leaked campaign details concerning the UNP candidate Gamini Dissanayake to his opponent, Chandrika Kumaratunga. Sirisena presented these claims at an election committee meeting, asserting he possessed substantial proof. This led to public challenges between the two parties for televised debates.

Third, fourth, and fifth premierships (2015–2019)

The UNP, in collaboration with several other parties and civil society organizations, formed an alliance and nominated the then-Secretary-General of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, Maithripala Sirisena, as their common presidential candidate for the 2015 presidential election. Sirisena pledged to appoint Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister should he win the election.

On 8 January 2015, Maithripala Sirisena was elected the sixth President of Sri Lanka, defeating incumbent president Mahinda Rajapaksa. The following day, 9 January 2015, Sirisena officially appointed Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister of Sri Lanka.

The UNP-led UNFGG achieved victory in the 2015 parliamentary elections held on 17 August. Consequently, Wickremesinghe was inaugurated as Prime Minister for his fourth term. While his coalition secured 106 seats in the 225-member Parliament of Sri Lanka, it fell short of a simple majority. He defeated former President Mahinda Rajapaksa in his bid to return as prime minister. Wickremesinghe also garnered the highest number of preferential votes in the election, with 500,556 votes, setting a new record for the most preferential votes received by a candidate in Sri Lankan electoral history.

Wickremesinghe committed to securing a parliamentary majority for the UNP and implementing key policy promises, including the creation of one million jobs for youth and advancements in the education and health sectors. He also focused on developing former conflict zones, visiting affected areas and engaging with civil activists to address the challenges faced by Jaffna civilians and expedite investigations into missing persons. Efforts were made to uplift communities in the Northern Province and improve their living standards.

The Megapolis plan, initially conceived during his 2001–2004 premiership, was revived. Surbana was engaged to revise the master plan to meet contemporary needs. The Ministry of Megapolis and Western Development was established to oversee the project, which aimed to transform the Western Province into a major megapolis by 2030, anticipating a population of 8.4 million and addressing issues such as traffic congestion, waste management, and urban housing. Wickremesinghe also expressed interest in Surbana developing a similar plan for Trincomalee in the Eastern Province, leading to a subsequent agreement.

Wickremesinghe proposed significant economic reforms, advocating for a knowledge-based social market economy founded on social justice principles. His vision included expanding global educational opportunities and strengthening the healthcare system to address 21st-century health concerns. He aimed to reduce income disparity levels and boost exports. His economic agenda included reforming state-owned enterprises, pursuing trade agreements with India and China to enhance market access, regaining EU market access through GSP+ status, restructuring investment promotion agencies, developing tourism, attracting high-spending visitors, and revitalizing the rural economy. The establishment of special economic zones and a special financial and business hub in Colombo were also part of his plans. Wickremesinghe organized the Sri Lanka Economic Forum in 2016, which attracted prominent international figures such as George Soros and Joseph Stiglitz, as well as numerous other experts. The forum was seen as a catalyst for foreign investment, with Soros committing initial investments of approximately $300 million. He also launched the "Swa Shakthi" loan and grant scheme to empower rural entrepreneurs and foster rural economic development. However, despite these initiatives, Sri Lanka's economic growth rate fell to a 16-year low of 3.1% in 2017.

Following the Rajapaksa Administration, which was characterized by a rise in lawlessness and abuses of power, Prime Minister Wickremesinghe established the Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID). This led to the arrest of Basil Rajapaksa, Mahinda Rajapaksa's brother, and his associates for large-scale corruption. While several Rajapaksa family members and friends were questioned by the FCID, Rajapaksa expressed concerns about potential prosecutions against his entire family and associates. He reportedly requested President Sirisena to drop the pending charges, but Sirisena refused. The meetings between Sirisena and Rajapaksa reportedly failed due to Rajapaksa's demands for the prime ministerial candidacy and the dropping of charges. Rajapaksa's faction within the SLFP criticized the FCID, alleging its use as a tool for political retribution and threatening legal action.

The United National Party, under Wickremesinghe's leadership, suffered a significant defeat in the 2018 local authority elections, securing only 34 out of 340 councils. Mahinda Rajapaksa's proxy, the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna, won 231 councils. Following this electoral setback, some UNP MPs and party members called for Wickremesinghe's resignation as party leader and prime minister. Media reports indicated that President Maithripala Sirisena also urged Wickremesinghe to step down. On the evening of 26 October 2018, President Sirisena appointed Mahinda Rajapaksa as prime minister after the United People's Freedom Alliance withdrew from the unity government, and informed Wickremesinghe of his dismissal. Wickremesinghe contested the dismissal, deeming it unconstitutional and sparking a constitutional crisis. Following rulings by the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal, Rajapaksa withdrew his claim, and Wickremesinghe was reinstated as prime minister on 16 December 2018.

After extensive internal party negotiations, Wickremesinghe agreed to support Sajith Premadasa as the UNP candidate for the 2019 Sri Lankan presidential election. Premadasa ultimately lost to Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who secured 52.25% of the votes compared to Premadasa's 41.99%.

Foreign policy

Wickremesinghe's foreign policy during his third premiership aimed to rebalance Sri Lanka's relations with India and the West, which had been strained under the previous administration, while maintaining positive relations with China. He initiated discussions to resolve the long-standing Indo-Sri Lanka fishing dispute. However, he defended the Sri Lankan Navy's right to use lethal force against Indian fishermen operating in Sri Lankan waters, stating: "If someone tries to break into my house, I can shoot. If he gets killed... Law allows me to do that."

His foreign policy was seen as a departure from the Rajapaksa government's isolationist stance, which had alienated Western nations. These new policies were expected to attract investments and financial aid. His government approved a 99-year lease of a port to a Chinese company, a decision that generated protests in 2017.

He also focused on strengthening ties with Japan and Singapore, making them his second and third foreign state visits after assuming the premiership. During his visit to Japan, he expressed support for Japan's bid for a United Nations Security Council seat and forged a "comprehensive partnership" covering political, economic, and security matters. In an interview with The Straits Times during his visit to Singapore, he extended an invitation for Singaporean submarines and frigates to visit Sri Lanka.

Opposition (2019–2022)

Following his defeat in the 2019 presidential election, Sajith Premadasa departed from the UNP to form his own party, the Samagi Jana Balawegaya, and contested the 2020 Sri Lankan parliamentary election. Wickremesinghe led the remaining UNP members in this election, which was delayed due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 elections resulted in a significant victory for the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna, led by Mahinda Rajapaksa, which secured 59.09% of the votes and 145 seats. The Samagi Jana Balawegaya garnered 23.90% of the votes and 54 seats. The United National Party experienced its most severe electoral defeat, receiving only 2.15% of the votes and failing to win any seats directly, securing only one national list seat. Wickremesinghe was sworn in as a national list member of parliament for the UNP on 23 June 2021.

Wickremesinghe continued his active role as vice chairman of the International Democrat Union and chairman of the Asia Pacific Democrat Union.

Fifth premiership (2022)

By May 2022, Sri Lanka was facing a severe sovereign default and rampant hyperinflation, triggering widespread political and social unrest. Following Mahinda Rajapaksa's resignation on 9 May 2022, amidst the 2022 Sri Lankan protests, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa appointed Wickremesinghe as prime minister on 12 May 2022. He was assured the support of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna MPs, although other parties initially declined to join his cabinet.

Reuters described Wickremesinghe as an "economic liberal who has experience dealing with the International Monetary Fund". Wickremesinghe declared his intention to form a national government involving all parliamentary parties and to guide the country through its worst economic crisis in history, with foreign reserves below one million USD and an inability to import essential goods. He warned that the coming months would be the most challenging the nation had ever faced.

On 25 May, Wickremesinghe was appointed as the Minister of Finance, Economic Stability, and National Policies.

On 9 July, the Prime Minister's office announced Wickremesinghe's willingness to resign to facilitate an all-party government, following the storming and burning of his residence by protesters. Later that evening, protesters also broke into Wickremesinghe's private residence at 115 Fifth Lane in Colombo and set it ablaze.

Presidency (2022–2024)

Background

The political and economic turmoil of 2022 culminated in President Gotabaya Rajapaksa fleeing the country on 13 July, with Wickremesinghe assuming the presidency in an acting capacity due to his position as Prime Minister. He subsequently imposed a state of emergency across Sri Lanka. Following Rajapaksa's official resignation, Wickremesinghe was sworn in as the acting president by Chief Justice Jayantha Jayasuriya on 15 July. In his capacity as acting president, Wickremesinghe prohibited the use of the honorific "His Excellency" for the President and officially abolished the presidential flag.

On 20 July, Wickremesinghe was elected as the ninth President of Sri Lanka by the Parliament of Sri Lanka through a secret ballot, to serve the remainder of Rajapaksa's term, which was scheduled to conclude in November 2024. He defeated his main rival, Dullas Alahapperuma, by a margin of 134 votes to 82. On 21 July, he was formally sworn in as the ninth (and eighth executive) President of Sri Lanka at the Parliament premises, with Chief Justice Jayantha Jayasuriya presiding. The following day, he appointed Dinesh Gunawardena as his Prime Minister.

Wickremesinghe met with Britain's King Charles III at a reception at Buckingham Palace on 5 May 2023.

Crackdown on anti-government protests

Shortly after assuming the presidency, Wickremesinghe vowed to take a firm stance against the 2022 anti-government protests, denouncing the protesters as "fascists". In the early hours of 22 July, a day after his swearing-in, security forces raided the main protest site at Galle Face Green. The operation resulted in injuries to 50 protesters, with two requiring hospitalization. Journalists from the BBC were also reportedly attacked during the raid. The president of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka, Saliya Pieris, condemned the raid, and the British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, Sarah Hulton, expressed concerns over the events.

Handling of economic crisis

Wickremesinghe continued the economic recovery policies initiated by his predecessor. His administration maintained power and fuel rationing to address the energy crisis and implemented tax increases, aiming to secure an IMF bailout package by late 2022. These tax hikes proved unpopular and led to protests from affected sectors. In 2022, Sri Lanka's economy contracted by 11%, with inflation peaking at 54% in December. Wickremesinghe faced criticism for proceeding with the 75th-anniversary celebrations of Sri Lankan independence on 4 February 2023, while the country was grappling with a severe economic crisis.

A significant achievement for the Wickremesinghe administration came in early March 2023 when he announced that the IMF had approved the first tranche of its bailout package, amounting to US330million.ThisIMFapprovalwasexpectedtounlockadditionalsupportexceedingUS330 million. This IMF approval was expected to unlock additional support exceeding US3.75 billion from the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, and other lenders, facilitating the restructuring of a substantial portion of Sri Lanka's $84 billion public debt. Under the IMF program, his government enacted several key economic reforms, including implementing cost-reflective pricing for state-owned entities like the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) and Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC). Furthermore, the Central Bank (CB) Act of Sri Lanka was enacted to grant greater autonomy to the Central Bank of Sri Lanka in its decision-making processes. The government also passed other crucial economic bills, such as the Economic Transformation Bill, and worked to improve relations with Japan, which had been strained during the Rajapaksa presidency. The administration also completed most of the debt restructuring process, encompassing both domestic and international debt.

2023 local government elections

In August 2024, the Supreme Court delivered a landmark judgment holding Wickremesinghe, in his capacity as Minister of Finance, along with former members of the Election Commission and the Attorney General, responsible for violating the fundamental rights of citizens. The court found that their arbitrary and unlawful actions led to the postponement of the 2023 local government elections beyond their scheduled timeframe. The ruling specifically addressed petitions filed by MP Dr Harini Amarasuriya of the National People's Power, Ranjith Madduma Bandara, General Secretary of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya, and the Centre for Policy Alternatives and People’s Action for Free and Fair Elections (PAFFREL). In response to the Supreme Court's ruling, Wickremesinghe acknowledged the violation of citizens' basic rights but stated he did not regret the decision, explaining it was made in dedication to ensuring public safety and the right to live.

2024 presidential election

Throughout early 2024, speculation persisted regarding Wickremesinghe's intention to seek a full presidential term. By mid-2024, he began hinting at a re-election bid. Following the announcement of the election in August 2024, Wickremesinghe declared his candidacy as an independent, receiving endorsements from the United National Party, a splinter faction of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna, the Ceylon Workers' Congress, the Eelam People's Democratic Party, and the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna. This marked Wickremesinghe's third attempt at the presidency and his first time running outside the UNP's official nomination.

Wickremesinghe was eliminated in the first round of vote counting, securing third place with 17.27% of the vote. As no candidate achieved a majority, the election proceeded to a second round of preferential vote counting between the two leading candidates, Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Sajith Premadasa. The second preferences of eliminated candidates were then counted. The final tally declared Anura Kumara Dissanayake as the ninth Executive President of Sri Lanka.

Wickremesinghe vacated the Presidential Secretariat on 23 September 2024, ensuring a peaceful transition of power to Dissanayake.

Post-presidency

Following his electoral defeat, UNP deputy leader Ruwan Wijewardene indicated that Wickremesinghe would not contest the upcoming parliamentary elections. Nevertheless, Wickremesinghe remained actively involved in campaigning for the New Democratic Front, a coalition that supported his presidential bid.

Controversies

Batalanda Commission

Leading up to the 1994 general election, the People's Alliance government alleged that Wickremesinghe, as the Member of Parliament for the Kelaniya electorate, was the political authority behind an illegal detention centre. This facility was purportedly operated by a police counter-subversive unit in the Batalanda housing and industrial complex between 1988 and 1990, as part of the state's efforts to quell the armed insurgency by the JVP. President Chandrika Kumaratunga's government established a Commission of Inquiry to investigate Batalanda's activities, and Wickremesinghe testified before it on 3 September 1997. The commission's report, released on 12 April 1998, was a fact-finding document without judicial powers. It recommended that the government "bring the guilty to book." One of its key findings implicated Wickremesinghe and SSP Nalin Delgoda as indirectly responsible for "the maintenance of places of unlawful detention and torture chambers." The report also stated that Wickremesinghe had abused his authority by holding "unauthorised meetings of police officers involved in counter-insurgency operations in the housing complex." No criminal proceedings followed this report.

In 2025, during an interview with Mehdi Hasan on Al Jazeera, Wickremesinghe addressed allegations pertaining to the Batalanda Commission Report, shared by Frances Harrison, Director of the International Truth and Justice Project. Wickremesinghe reiterated his denial of any involvement in the alleged incidents. Government spokesman Nalinda Jayatissa indicated that a decision on further action would be made during a Cabinet meeting. The Leader of the House, Bimal Rathnayake, tabled the report in Parliament in March, proposing its referral to the Attorney General for legal action and calling for a parliamentary debate in April. Wickremesinghe responded by rejecting the report, characterizing it as politically motivated and unprecedented for a debate on a tabled report occurring 25 years after its publication.

Government bonds controversy

In February 2015, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) advertised the sale of Rs. 1 billion in 30-year government bonds at a coupon rate of 12.5%. Some reports erroneously cited an indicative rate of 9.5%. The sale was oversubscribed, attracting 36 bids totaling Rs. 20 billion. While the majority of bidders requested rates between 9.5% and 10.5%, a few, including Perpetual Treasuries Limited, sought rates of 11% to 12%. On 27 February 2015, the CBSL accepted Rs. 10 billion in bids at rates ranging from 9.5% to 12.5%. The issuance of ten times the advertised amount at higher-than-expected rates was alleged to have cost the Sri Lankan government an additional Rs. 1.6 billion ($10.6 million), though this figure was disputed. A petition was filed in the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka challenging the methodology used to calculate this alleged loss. Perpetual Treasuries was issued Rs. 5 billion in bonds at 12.5%. Perpetual Treasuries was a primary dealer in the bond sale and was owned by the son-in-law of the Governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, Arjuna Mahendran, who had been appointed by Wickremesinghe.

On 28 October 2016, the Committee On Public Enterprises, following an extensive investigation, held Mahendran responsible for the bond issue scam and recommended legal action. President Maithripala Sirisena announced the formation of a Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry to further investigate the matter. The commission submitted its report on the Central Bank bond issuance to Sirisena on 30 December 2017, and the full report was made publicly available by the Presidential Secretariat. During the investigation, Wickremesinghe was summoned to appear before the Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry. A motion of no-confidence against the Prime Minister, supported by ministers from the President's party and opposition MPs, failed to pass in Parliament. On 15 March 2018, the Colombo Fort Magistrate's Court issued an arrest warrant for Arjuna Mahendran on charges of criminal breach of trust, for allegedly providing confidential information from the Central Bank of Sri Lanka to Perpetual Treasuries Limited.

Emergency regulations and human rights concerns

In July 2022, while serving as Acting President, Wickremesinghe invoked emergency regulations to disperse peaceful protesters associated with the "Aragalaya" movement. The Supreme Court of Sri Lanka later ruled that these regulations infringed upon fundamental human rights.

Legal challenges and bribery allegations

Wickremesinghe has been summoned multiple times by the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC). In May 2025, he raised concerns about submissions made against him in court, alleging they were misleading. Legal proceedings continue to examine his involvement in various matters.

Controversial internet regulation

Under his presidency, the government enacted legislation empowering authorities to remove online content and pursue legal action against internet users. Critics viewed this as an effort to curb freedom of expression.

Allegations of misappropriating state funds and arrest

On 22 August 2025, Wickremesinghe was arrested by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) of the Sri Lanka Police in connection with allegations of misappropriating state funds. Authorities alleged that Wickremesinghe misused approximately Rs. 16.9 million (about US$50,000) in public funds for a visit to London in September 2023, which coincided with his wife Maithree Wickremesinghe's PhD graduation at the University of Wolverhampton. No official government meetings were conducted during this period. Investigators stated that the visit was appended to Wickremesinghe's official travel to Cuba for the Group of 77 summit and to the United States for the general debate of the seventy-eighth session of the United Nations General Assembly. The CID initiated inquiries into the matter in June 2025, recording statements from his former presidential secretary Saman Ekanayake and private secretary Sandra Perera.

Wickremesinghe was taken into custody and presented before the Colombo Fort Magistrate on 22 August. This marked the first instance of a former Sri Lankan head of state being arrested. He was subsequently remanded until 26 August. Later that day, citing declining health, he was transferred to the prison hospital and the following day to the intensive care unit (ICU) of the National Hospital of Sri Lanka in Colombo. He was granted bail by the court on 26 August. The opposition characterized the arrest as politically motivated by the government.

Electoral history

Presidential Elections

Year Constituency Party Votes % +/− Result
1999 Sri Lanka United National Party 3,602,748 42.71% 42.71 Lost
2005 4,706,366 48.43% 5.72 Lost
2022 Parliament 134 (E.V.) 61.19% 61.19 Elected
2024 Sri Lanka Independent 2,299,767 17.27% 31.16 Lost

Parliamentary Elections

Year Constituency Party Votes % +/− Result
1977 Biyagama United National Party 22,045 57.50% 57.50 Elected
1989 Gampaha District 86,477 22.42% 22.42 Elected
1994 Colombo District 291,194 75.62% 53.20 Elected
2000 363,668 82.52% 6.90 Elected
2001 415,686 76.07% 6.45 Elected
2004 329,524 74.57% 1.50 Elected
2010 232,957 68.56% 6.01 Elected
2015 500,566 78.12% 9.56 Elected
2020 - - - - - Lost

Family and personal life

Wickremesinghe married Maithree Wickremesinghe in 1994. She is a Sri Lankan academic and Professor of English. Wickremesinghe has made a conscious effort to keep his private life separate from his political career, with his personal life rarely publicized. Maithree Wickremesinghe maintained a low profile in the political spotlight until Wickremesinghe's return as prime minister in 2015.

His paternal grandfather, Cyril Leonard Wickremesinghe, was a member of the Ceylon Civil Service and the first Sinhalese Land Commissioner. His grandmother was Esme Moonemalle Goonewardene, daughter of Proctor Edward Goonewardene and Ada Moonemalle of Moonemalle Walawwa, Kurunegala. Ada Moonemalle's brother was Theodore Barcroft L. Moonemalle, a Proctor and Member of the Legislative Council of Ceylon.

His maternal grandfather was D. R. Wijewardena, son of Muhandiram Tudugalage Don Philip Wijewardena and Helena Wijewardena, née Dep Weerasinghe. His maternal grandmother was Alice Ruby Meedeniya, daughter of J. H. Meedeniya, an Adigar of Meedeniya Walawwa, Ruwanwella, and Corneliya Magdleine Senanayake. Corneliya Magdleine Senanayake's mother was Corneliya Regina Senanayake, née Obeyesekere, who was the sister of Lambertus Obeyesekere, Maha Mudaliyar of Kataluwa Walawwa.

Several of Wickremesinghe's close relatives have held significant government positions. His cousins, Ruwan Wijewardene and Wasantha Senanayake, served as State Ministers of Defence and Foreign Affairs, respectively. His aunt, Amari Wijewardene, served as the Sri Lanka High Commissioner to the United Kingdom.

Honours

Works

  • Wickremesinghe, Ranil (2005). Dēśapālanaya saha dharmaya (in Sinhala). Sarasavi Prakāśanayō. ISBN 978-955-573-378-6.

See also