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Robert II Of France

Robert II, also known as Robert the Pious or Robert the Wise, ascended to the throne of the Franks in 996 and reigned until his death in 1031. He was the second monarch of the Capetian dynasty, a lineage that would profoundly shape the destiny of France. His reign, remarkably long for its era, was a complex tapestry woven with threads of religious devotion, political maneuvering, territorial expansion, and personal marital turmoil. While contemporary chroniclers often painted him as a saintly figure, a closer examination reveals a monarch grappling with the precarious realities of power in a nascent kingdom, a ruler whose piety was as genuine as his struggles were persistent.

King of the Franks

From 996 to 1031, Robert II held the title of King of the Franks, a role that, despite its regal appellation, carried the weight of a fragile authority. His journey to sole rulership was not a sudden leap but a gradual immersion. Crowned as Junior King in 987, he stood beside his father, Hugh Capet, learning the intricacies of governance and warfare. His early involvement in military campaigns, particularly the sieges of Laon in 988 and 991, speaks to a pragmatism that belied his later epithets.

His education, however, was perhaps more formative than any battlefield experience. Under the tutelage of Gerbert of Aurillac, the future Pope Sylvester II, Robert received an education that was exceptional for a lay ruler of his time. This rigorous grounding in the liberal arts, encompassing grammar, rhetoric, dialectic, arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy, equipped him to engage with the complex religious questions that increasingly defined his reign. He became, in essence, a guarantor of religious doctrine, presiding over significant ecclesiastical councils such as the Council of Saint-Basle de Verzy in 991 and the Council of Chelles in 994.

Upon assuming sole power in 996, Robert II inherited his father’s political agenda. His primary objective was to consolidate and expand the royal domain. This ambition led him to forge and maintain crucial alliances, notably with the Duchy of Normandy and the County of Anjou. These alliances were not mere diplomatic niceties; they formed a bulwark against the expansionist ambitions of powerful regional magnates, chief among them Count Odo II of Blois.

Robert II’s reign was also marked by a protracted and ultimately successful struggle to assert his claim over the Duchy of Burgundy. Following the death of his uncle, Duke Henry I, in 1002 without a direct male heir, Robert moved to incorporate the duchy into the royal patrimony. This endeavor involved a conflict with Otto-William of Ivrea, Henry’s stepson and designated heir. The eventual victory, solidified by 1005, represented a significant territorial gain for the Capetian crown, demonstrating Robert's resolve in asserting his dynastic rights.

However, the tapestry of his reign is also shadowed by personal difficulties, particularly his marital history. Three marriages, two of which were annulled and a third that he attempted to annul, stand in stark contrast to the pious image cultivated by his biographer, Helgaud of Fleury. Helgaud, in his "Life of King Robert the Pious" (Epitoma vitæ regis Roberti pii), meticulously crafted a narrative of a king devoted to religious observance, generous in his donations to ecclesiastical institutions, and compassionate towards the poor. Robert was even credited with miraculous healing abilities, becoming the first sovereign to be recognized as a "miracle worker". Yet, the latter years of his reign were marred by internal strife, with revolts instigated by his third wife, Constance, and his own sons, Henry I and Robert I, Duke of Burgundy, casting a long shadow over his final years.

Youth and Political Formation

The Only Heir of the Duke of the Franks

Robert II's early life is shrouded in a degree of historical ambiguity, with historians generally placing his birth around 972 in Orléans, a city that had served as a significant center for the Robertians since the 9th century. He was the sole legitimate son of Hugh Capet, the founder of the Capetian dynasty, and Adelaide of Aquitaine. His name, Robert, was a deliberate echo of his illustrious ancestor, Robert the Strong, a valiant warrior who had fallen fighting the Vikings in 866. Beyond Robert, the royal union produced at least two daughters, Hedwig and Gisela, who would later marry into prominent noble families.

The 10th century was a period of ascendancy for the Robertians, a family that had risen to prominence through military prowess and political acumen. Two of its members, Odo in 888 and Robert I in 922, had already occupied the throne, dislodging the long-reigning Carolingian dynasty. The zenith of the Robertians’ power was arguably reached under Hugh the Great, Robert II’s paternal grandfather, whose vast principality, the Duchy of the Franks, commanded significant influence. Upon his death in 956, his son, Hugh Capet, inherited the mantle of leadership for the family.

Young Robert’s formative years were inevitably shaped by the turbulent political landscape of the era. The reign of King Lothair of France was characterized by his persistent efforts to reclaim the strategically vital region of Lorraine, a territory deeply entwined with the Carolingian legacy. This ambition brought Lothair into direct conflict with Emperor Otto II, leading to a series of aggressive maneuvers and counter-maneuvers. Richer of Reims, a chronicler of the period, vividly described these hostilities: "As Otto possessed Belgium (Lorraine) and that Lothair sought to seize it, the two kings attempted against each other very treacherous machinations and coups de force, because both claimed that their fathers had possessed." In August 978, Lothair’s audacious raid on Aix-la-Chapelle, the imperial seat, resulted in the symbolic seizure of imperial regalia, a provocative act that prompted Otto II to retaliate with a massive invasion of French territory. Overwhelmed, Lothair was forced to seek refuge with Hugh Capet, an alliance that marked a pivotal shift in the fortunes of the Robertian dynasty and, by extension, young Robert II. This period also saw a significant realignment of loyalties within the Church, with Bishop Adalbero of Reims, initially a staunch supporter of King Lothair, increasingly aligning himself with the Ottonian court.

An Exemplary Education

Recognizing the crucial importance of ecclesiastical support for his own nascent claim to the throne, Hugh Capet made a strategic decision regarding his son's education. Despite his own illiteracy and limited command of Latin, Hugh understood the value of intellectual cultivation. Around 984, he entrusted his son Robert not to the renowned scholar Abbo of Fleury near Orléans, but to Archbishop Adalbero of Reims. This choice was deliberate, as Reims had established itself as a premier center of learning in Western Christendom by the late 10th century.

Within the esteemed academic milieu of Reims, the young Robert was placed under the tutelage of Gerbert of Aurillac, Archbishop Adalbero’s secretary and a scholar of immense repute. Gerbert’s instruction provided Robert with the foundational elements of Latin and immersed him in the liberal arts, covering the trivium (grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic) and the quadrivium (arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy). This comprehensive education was rare for lay individuals of the time, affording Robert an intellectual perspective akin to that of his clerical contemporaries. His intellectual development extended to music, a proficiency acknowledged by Richer de Reims.

A poignant anecdote from his youth, recounted by Helgaud de Fleury, illustrates the deep piety that would later define him. During a severe illness in his adolescence, when his life hung in the balance, his parents sought divine intervention at the Sainte-Croix church in Orléans. They offered a magnificent golden crucifix and a heavy 60-pound vase as a votive offering, and Robert experienced a miraculous recovery. This event, whether factual or embellished, underscored the profound connection between the royal family and religious devotion.

Robert II's Ascension to the Throne (987)

The coronation of Robert II as Junior King in 987, preceding his father's death, was a calculated move by Hugh Capet to solidify his dynasty's hold on power. As historian Andrew W. Lewis observed, "The essential means by which the early Capetians were seen to have kept the throne in their family was through the association of the eldest surviving son in the royalty during the father's lifetime." Hugh Capet's stated justification for this premature coronation was his purported plan to lead an expedition against the Moorish forces threatening Count Borrell II of Barcelona. He argued that the presence of a Junior King was essential for the kingdom's stability should he perish on campaign. However, the historian Rodulfus Glaber offered a more pragmatic explanation, attributing Hugh Capet's haste to his advanced age and his struggle to maintain control over the often-recalcitrant nobility.

While contemporary accounts focused on immediate political exigencies, modern scholarship largely posits that Hugh Capet's primary motive was to circumvent the traditional aristocratic prerogative of electing a king, thereby establishing a hereditary succession. Yet, some historians remain less dismissive of the Spanish expedition narrative, acknowledging the complex geopolitical considerations of the era.

The proposal to associate Robert with the throne was initially met with resistance from Archbishop Adalbero of Reims. According to Richer of Reims, Adalbero reportedly stated, "we do not have the right to create two kings in the same year." It is believed that Gerbert of Aurillac, who had a prior connection with Borrell II as his protector, intervened to persuade the Archbishop. Gerbert argued that the co-kingship was a necessity for the proposed expedition to aid the Count of Barcelona and to ensure a smooth transition of power. Under this pressure, Archbishop Adalbero eventually assented.

Richer of Reims meticulously documented Robert II's coronation, specifying the date and location with remarkable precision. On Christmas Day 987, the fifteen-year-old prince, clad in regal purple woven with gold, was acclaimed, crowned, and anointed by Archbishop Adalbero in the Sainte-Croix Cathedral in Orléans. Richer’s account, however, notably limited Robert II's title to "King of the peoples of the West, from the Meuse to the Ocean," a subtle distinction from his father’s broader claim as "King of the Gauls, Aquitaine, Danes, Goths, Spaniards and Gascons." This linguistic nuance may have reflected the still-evolving territorial scope of royal authority.

The Episcopal Hierarchy, the King's First Support

Robert II, even before assuming sole kingship, actively participated in royal duties alongside his father. His signature, or signum, appears on numerous charters dating from 988 onwards, often styled as "Robert, most glorious king." This co-regency allowed him to develop a close working relationship with the Church, a vital pillar of support for the nascent Capetian monarchy.

Unlike the later Carolingians, the early Capetians cultivated a strong alliance with a network of bishops situated to the north-east of Paris, in regions such as Amiens, Laon, Soissons, and Châlons. The allegiance of these prelates was instrumental in navigating the political currents of the time. Royal charters from this period frequently depicted the king and bishops as "intermediaries between the clerics and the people" (mediatores et plebis), a role emphasized by Gerbert of Aurillac, who stressed the necessity of counsel: "...not wanting anything to abuse the royal power, we decide all the affairs of the res publica by resorting to the advice and sentences of our faithful."

The Church provided not only legitimacy but also crucial military support, as many of the royal army's cavalry contingents originated from the bishoprics. Robert II’s reputation as a pious sovereign—the source of his epithet "the Pious"—was further cemented by his intellectual engagement with religious matters, his attendance at synods, the dedication of canonical collections to him by figures like Abbo of Fleury, his perceived clemency towards enemies, and his extensive royal endowments to abbeys. His diplomatic ties extended even to the East, as evidenced by his embassy to Emperor Constantine VIII, from whom he received a fragment of the True Cross and luxurious silken hangings.

Charles of Lorraine Seizes Laon (988–991)

The strategic city of Laon, a Carolingian stronghold, was seized by Charles of Lorraine, the last claimant to the Carolingian throne, in 988. This act of defiance posed a significant threat to the Capetian hold on power. Hugh Capet and Robert II launched two unsuccessful sieges against the city, highlighting the military challenges they faced. In his efforts to counter this threat, Hugh Capet sought assistance from various European rulers, including Pope John XV and Empress Theophanu, Otto III's regent, but these appeals yielded no tangible support.

The situation took a dramatic turn with the death of Archbishop Adalbero of Reims on January 24, 989. Hugh Capet, in a move to appease Carolingian sympathizers, appointed Arnoul, an illegitimate son of King Lothair, as the new archbishop, bypassing the more politically aligned Gerbert of Aurillac. However, this decision backfired when Arnoul betrayed the Capetians by surrendering Reims to his uncle, Charles of Lorraine.

The Capetian cause was ultimately salvaged by the treachery of Ascelin, Bishop of Laon. In 991, Ascelin seized Charles and Arnoul while they slept and delivered them to the king, effectively neutralizing the Carolingian threat and securing the Capetian succession. At the Council of Saint-Basle de Verzy in June 991, Arnoul was tried for treason under Robert II's presidency. Despite protests from Abbon of Fleury, Arnoul was deposed, and Gerbert of Aurillac was subsequently appointed Archbishop of Reims with Robert II's backing. Although Pope John XV initially contested this appointment, the bishops reaffirmed their decision at a council in Chelles in the winter of 993–994, solidifying Gerbert's position.

Gerbert and Ascelin: Two Figures of Disloyalty

The political machinations of the late 10th century saw figures like Gerbert of Aurillac and Ascelin of Laon navigate shifting loyalties with remarkable adaptability. When Archbishop Adalbero of Reims died, Gerbert found himself in a precarious position, initially aligned with the new archbishop Arnoul, who was actively working to deliver Reims to Charles of Lorraine. In a letter penned around 990, Gerbert questioned the legitimacy of Hugh Capet and Robert II's reign, suggesting a temporary usurpation of the throne from the rightful Carolingian heir: "Lothair Augustus's brother, heir to the throne, was expelled from it. His competitors, [Hugh Capet and Robert II], many people think, received the interim of the reign. By what right has the legitimate heir been disinherited?"

However, as the tide of political fortune turned against Charles of Lorraine, Gerbert astutely shifted his allegiance. By 991, having been appointed Archbishop of Reims through Robert II's influence, he expressed his support for the Capetian rulers: "With the consent of the two princes, Lord Hugh Augustus and the excellent King Robert [Hugh Capet and Robert II]."

Ascelin, Bishop of Laon, demonstrated a similar capacity for opportunistic maneuvering. After playing a crucial role in betraying Charles and Arnoul to the Capetians, he soon turned against his new benefactors. In the spring of 993, he conspired with Count Odo I of Blois and Emperor Otto III to capture Hugh Capet and Robert II. Had their plot succeeded, Louis, Charles of Lorraine's son, would have become King of the Franks, Odo I Duke of the Franks, and Ascelin would have secured the Archbishopric of Reims. The plot, however, was exposed, leading to Ascelin's house arrest.

Marital Problems

Robert II's personal life was significantly complicated by his marital choices, a series of unions that generated both political instability and ecclesiastical controversy.

First Marriage: Rozala of Italy

Following his co-coronation, Hugh Capet sought a suitable bride for his son, aiming for a marriage that would solidify the Capetian dynasty’s legitimacy and expand its influence. Initial overtures to the Byzantine Emperor Basil II for one of his nieces proved unsuccessful. Under pressure, and likely as a reward for their support during his own ascent to power, Hugh Capet arranged for Robert II to marry Rozala of Italy. Rozala, the daughter of Berengar II of Italy and widow of Arnulf II, Count of Flanders, brought significant territorial assets to the union, including the strategic cities of Montreuil and Ponthieu. She also held a regency over the County of Flanders for her young son, Baldwin IV.

Upon her marriage around 988, Rozala adopted the name Susanna and assumed the title of Junior Queen consort. However, the union proved short-lived and childless. By 991–992, approximately three to four years into the marriage, Robert II repudiated her. The primary stated reason was the significant age difference between them—Rozala was nearly 22 years older than Robert—and her perceived inability to produce further heirs. Hugh Capet, concerned with securing the succession, did not oppose the annulment. Richer of Reims noted that "King Robert, having arrived at his 19th year, in the prime of his youth, repudiated, because she was too old, his wife Susanna, Italian by nation."

After her separation, Rozala returned to Flanders, where she continued to exert influence as an advisor to her son Baldwin IV. Robert II retained control of Montreuil, a strategically important port on the English Channel. The formal annulment of the marriage occurred in late 996, shortly after Hugh Capet's death and Robert II's ascension as sole King. This period also marked Robert II’s growing desire to assert his authority independently of his father’s influence.

Second Marriage: Bertha of Burgundy

Now King in his own right and acutely aware of the need for male heirs, Robert II set his sights on a new bride in early 996. His attention turned to Bertha of Burgundy, the widowed Countess of Blois and Chartres, and the former wife of Count Odo I of Blois. Bertha was of royal lineage, being the daughter of King Conrad of Burgundy and Matilda of France, herself the daughter of King Louis IV of France and Gerberga of Saxony, a niece of Emperor Otto I.

Despite initial opposition from Hugh Capet, who viewed the House of Blois as a rival to the Capetian dynasty, Robert II and Bertha developed a strong mutual attraction. The union held significant political advantages, as it would bring the vast territories of the House of Blois—including Blois, Chartres, Melun, and Meaux—under Capetian control. The deaths of Odo I of Blois in March 996 and Hugh Capet in October 996 removed the primary obstacles to their marriage.

Historian Michel Rouche posits that this alliance was largely political, designed to neutralize the threat posed by the House of Blois and strengthen the Capetian hold on the Île-de-France. It was also likely supported by Robert II's mother, Queen Adelaide of Aquitaine. The timing of their union, occurring just nine months after Odo I’s death, aligned with legal statutes regarding remarriage, further suggesting a calculated political maneuver aimed at securing legitimate heirs.

However, the proposed marriage faced two significant canonical impediments. Firstly, Robert II and Bertha were second cousins, their grandmothers, Hedwig and Gerberga, being sisters. This close degree of kinship fell within the prohibited degrees of consanguinity. Secondly, Robert II had served as the godfather to Theobald, one of Bertha’s sons, creating a spiritual kinship that also forbade marriage under canon law.

Despite these prohibitions, Robert II and Bertha entered into a sexual relationship and were eventually married in November/December 996 by Archambaud de Sully, the Archbishop of Tours. This union, performed without papal dispensation, incurred the displeasure of the new Pope Gregory V. In an attempt to appease the Holy See, Robert II annulled the deposition of Archbishop Arnoul and reinstated him in Reims, while Gerbert of Aurillac was forced into exile with Emperor Otto III. Nevertheless, the Pope demanded that Robert II and Bertha end their "incestuous union."

Subsequent councils in Pavia (February 997) and Rome (summer 998) condemned the couple, imposing a penance of seven years and threatening excommunication if they did not separate. The union also failed to produce the desired living offspring; Bertha gave birth to a stillborn son in 999. The accession of Gerbert of Aurillac to the papacy as Sylvester II in 999 did not alter the situation, as the new Pope upheld the condemnation. The seven years of penance concluded around 1003. Despite the ongoing threat of excommunication, Robert II and Bertha remained together until September 1001, when they finally separated. The persistent failure to produce surviving male heirs was likely the decisive factor, compelling Robert II to seek a new marriage to secure the succession.

Third Marriage: Constance of Arles

Following the annulment of his marriage to Bertha, Robert II, around 1001/1003, entered into his third and final marriage with Constance of Arles. She was approximately 17 years old at the time of the marriage and hailed from a distinguished family, being the daughter of Count William I of Arles and Provence, known as "the Liberator" for his victories against the Saracens, and Adelaide-Blanche of Anjou. This union served to restore the alliance between the Capetians and the House of Ingelger.

Constance bore Robert II six children:

From the outset of their marriage, Constance proved to be an ambitious and influential figure at court, actively engaging in intrigues to maintain her position. Her involvement in political machinations is vividly illustrated by the murder of Hugh of Beauvais, a trusted count palatine and loyal supporter of Robert II. In 1008, while hunting with the king, Hugh was ambushed and killed by assassins, an act widely believed to have been orchestrated by Count Fulk III of Anjou, with Constance’s implicit support. This event likely stemmed from Hugh of Beauvais’s opposition to Bertha, whom Constance saw as a rival.

Exasperated by Constance's role in the murder and likely still harboring feelings for Bertha, Robert II embarked on a journey to Rome around 1009–1010. Accompanied by Bertha and the monk Angilramme of Saint-Riquier, his intention was to seek a papal annulment from Constance and remarry Bertha. However, according to the monk Odorannus of the Abbey of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif, the royal marriage was ultimately preserved. Odorannus recounts a vision where Saint Savinian intervened, assuring the preservation of the royal union. Shortly thereafter, Robert II returned, definitively abandoning any plans to reunite with Bertha.

The rivalry between Bertha and Constance intensified existing animosities between the Houses of Blois and Anjou. Following Count Odo II of Blois’s military victory over Fulk III of Anjou at Pontlevoy in 1016, Constance sought to consolidate her family’s influence at court. She and her Angevin relatives pressured Robert II to associate their eldest son, Hugh, with the throne. Their aim was to secure Constance's regency over the kingdom in the event of Robert II's death. Despite opposition from royal advisors and territorial princes, Robert II relented, and young Hugh was consecrated Junior King on Pentecost Day, June 9, 1017, at the Abbey of Saint-Corneille in Compiègne. This association favored the House of Anjou and potentially endangered the king’s life, but Robert II viewed it as a means to strengthen the Capetian dynasty and prevent challenges from other noble families. However, Hugh was granted no real power and was often humiliated by his mother. Upon reaching adulthood, the junior king rebelled against his father, though he was eventually reconciled.

Territorial Conquests

Robert II pursued a deliberate policy of territorial expansion and consolidation, seeking to reclaim or assert royal authority over various regions within his kingdom. His ambition was to re-establish the count palatine function for the benefit of the Crown, either by directly assuming these roles or by granting them to loyal bishops, a strategy emulated by the powerful Ottonian dynasty.

The Duchy of Burgundy

The most significant territorial acquisition of Robert II's reign was the Duchy of Burgundy. Upon the death of Henry I, Duke of Burgundy, on October 15, 1002, without a legitimate heir, the duchy became a focal point of contention. According to the Chronique de Saint-Bénigne, Henry designated his stepson, Otto-William of Ivrea, Count of Burgundy and Count of Mâcon, as his heir. Otto-William, son of Henry I’s first wife Gerberga and her first husband Adalbert of Ivrea, sometime King of Italy, enjoyed considerable support among Burgundian lords. However, his primary focus remained on his territories in the Saône region and Italy.

The Duchy of Burgundy, originally acquired by Hugh the Great in 943, was a crucial part of the Robertian family’s patrimony and possessed significant economic and strategic value, boasting prosperous cities like Dijon, Auxerre, Langres, and Sens. As Robert II’s closest male relative, he asserted his claim to the ducal succession, viewing it as a complete fief that rightfully belonged to the Crown.

The conflict escalated with the dispute between Hugh of Chalon, Bishop of Auxerre, a supporter of Robert II, and Landry, Count of Nevers, who was Otto-William’s son-in-law and ally. This regional power struggle prompted Robert II's military intervention. In the spring of 1003, aided by troops provided by Richard II, Duke of Normandy, Robert II's forces besieged Auxerre and Saint-Germain d'Auxerre but were repulsed. In 1004, Robert II captured Beaune, bringing Autun and Beaune under royal control. This strategic success compelled Otto-William to seek a diplomatic resolution.

In 1005, Robert II, accompanied by his Norman allies, advanced into the northern part of the duchy, capturing Avallon and subsequently Auxerre. A settlement was reached, with Otto-William renouncing his claim to the ducal title and most of his stepfather's possessions, which reverted to the Crown. The city of Dijon, however, remained under the control of Brunon de Roucy, the fiercely independent Bishop of Langres, who resisted Robert II's authority. This diplomatic agreement, finalized in 1005–1006, marked Robert II's successful incorporation of the Duchy of Burgundy into the royal domain after fifteen years of military and diplomatic efforts.

The County of Sens and Dijon

Following the resolution of the Burgundian succession, Robert II turned his attention to the County of Sens, where a power struggle had erupted between Count Fromond II and Archbishop Léotheric. Léotheric, aligned with the King, sought royal intervention against Fromond II, who had fortified his position with a defensive tower. The situation intensified when Renard II succeeded his father Fromond II in 1012, further aligning himself with the anti-royalist Bishop Brunon de Roucy, Renard II's maternal uncle.

Robert II had compelling reasons to intervene in Sens. It was a major archiepiscopal city, a critical transit point to Burgundy, and its possession would allow him to fragment the territories of his rival, Odo II de Blois. Renard II was excommunicated, and in April 1015, Robert II seized Sens. Renard II, allied with Odo II de Blois, eventually reached a compromise with the King: he would rule as a vassal count, and upon his death, the county would revert to the Crown. Renard II died in 1055, and the County of Sens was indeed incorporated into the royal demesne.

Immediately after securing Sens, Robert II marched on Dijon to complete his control over the Duchy of Burgundy. The Chronique de Saint-Bénigne reports that Abbot Odilo of Cluny intervened, persuading the King to refrain from attacking the city. Following the death of Bishop Brunon de Roucy on January 30, 1016, royal troops occupied Dijon, and Robert II installed Lambert de Vignory as the new bishop of Langres. In exchange for this appointment, Lambert ceded Dijon and its associated county to the King, finally bringing the entire Duchy of Burgundy under Capetian rule.

The administration of the duchy was entrusted to Robert II's second son, Henry, who received the ducal title. However, due to Henry's youth, Robert II retained direct governance and made frequent visits. The premature death of Hugh, the elder brother and designated successor, in 1027, led to the duchy passing to Robert II's third son, Robert. The descendants of this younger Robert would rule Burgundy until the mid-14th century, while the overseas territories of the old Kingdom of Burgundy, known as Franche-Comté, eventually fell under the sway of the Holy Roman Empire.

Robert II also expanded the royal demesne through other means. Upon the death of Bouchard I of Vendôme in 1007, the County of Paris, which he held, reverted to the Crown rather than passing to his son Renaud. When Renaud died in 1017, Robert II annexed his Counties of Melun and Dreux. He also asserted royal authority in ecclesiastical appointments, such as when he appointed Gauzlin as the new Archbishop of Bourges in 1012, overriding local attempts to interfere with the selection process.

The Heretics of Orléans (1022)

The year 1000 is often cited as a period of religious upheaval, and the emergence of heresy was a notable phenomenon. The events surrounding the heretics of Orléans in 1022 represent a significant episode in Robert II’s reign, marking an unprecedented level of persecution for the time. The narrative of these events is primarily derived from ecclesiastical sources, including Rodulfus Glaber, Adémar de Chabannes, and Andrew of Fleury.

The early 11th century witnessed a questioning of the Church's wealth and its perceived deviation from the teachings of Christ. This led some clerics to advocate for a purification of Christian society. While debates about the Eucharist and the veneration of saints had occurred in the 9th century, the heresies of the 11th century took on a different character. Rodulfus Glaber recounted the story of Leutard of Vertus, a peasant from Champagne, who around 994 preached against clerical authority, advocating for the rejection of tithes and the destruction of religious imagery. Leutard’s movement was ultimately suppressed by the local bishop, and he met a tragic end. Similar instances of dissent were recorded throughout the century, often involving public debates between accused heretics and learned clergymen, designed to discredit the dissenters in the eyes of the populace.

Adémar de Chabannes, writing around 1015–1020, reported the appearance of Manicheans in Aquitaine, particularly in Toulouse and Limoges. Common tenets among these groups included the renunciation of sexual intercourse, the destruction of religious images, a rejection of the Church’s authority, and a denial of the sacraments, including baptism and marriage. The proliferation of such movements led Rodulfus Glaber to interpret them as the work of Satan, who, according to the Apocalypse, had been released after a thousand years. Andrew of Fleury noted that these heretics claimed adherence to the Trinity, divine unity, and the Incarnation, but simultaneously denied the efficacy of baptism and the possibility of forgiveness after mortal sin.

The heresy in Orléans held particular significance as it struck at the heart of a royal city and the seat of the Sainte-Croix Cathedral, where Robert II himself had been baptized. Several canons of the cathedral, individuals with close ties to the court, were identified as adherents of these doctrines, including Étienne, the confessor of Queen Constance. Upon receiving intelligence from Richard II of Normandy, Robert II ordered the arrest of the suspected heretics on Christmas Day 1022. They underwent lengthy interrogations and reportedly confessed to belonging to a sect that rejected sacraments, adhered to dietary restrictions, questioned the virginity of the Virgin Mary, and held unorthodox views on the Trinity. The chroniclers, however, likely exaggerated their claims by accusing them of practicing sexual orgies and devil worship, accusations reminiscent of those leveled against early Christians.

Adémar de Chabannes reported that Étienne, Constance's confessor, was struck by her cane, an act that may reflect her antipathy towards him or his perceived influence. On December 28, 1022, Robert II ordered a large pyre erected outside the city, intending to intimidate the heretics. Their unwavering conviction, however, surprised contemporaries. They reportedly expressed no fear of the flames and claimed they would emerge unharmed, "laughing they let themselves be tied in the middle of the pyre." Their complete incineration, leaving no trace of their remains, was a grim testament to the severity of the punishment.

This harshness, and the lack of commentary from contemporary chroniclers, including Helgaud of Fleury, suggests an effort to downplay an event that might tarnish Robert II's reputation for piety. However, the Orléans heresy reverberated beyond the kingdom, reaching as far as Catalonia, as indicated by a letter from a monk named John to his Abbot Oliba of [Ripoll]. Some historians suggest that the episode may have been influenced by local political rivalries. In 1016, Robert II had appointed Thierry II to the bishopric of Orléans, overriding the claim of Oudry de Broyes, the candidate favored by Odo II of Blois. The heresy affair, which erupted during Thierry II’s episcopate, might have prompted Robert II to act decisively to absolve himself of responsibility and eliminate any potential complicity.

The Persecution of the Jews

In 1007, a wave of persecution against Christians was initiated by the Fatimid Caliph Al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah, notably leading to the destruction of religious sites in Jerusalem and Alexandria. In response, Robert II accused the Jews of complicity with the Muslims, despite the fact that Jewish communities were themselves often victims of persecution. This accusation triggered a series of violent acts against Jews within the Kingdom of France, as documented by Rodulfus Glaber and Adémar de Chabannes. These atrocities included looting, massacres, and forced conversions.

An anonymous Jewish chronicler corroborated these accounts, adding that a prominent Jewish figure from Rouen, Ya'aqov ben Iéqoutiel, traveled to Rome to seek assistance from Pope John XVIII. The Pope, already harboring reservations about Robert II due to his marital history, supported the appeal. His successor, Pope Sergius IV, also intervened, demanding that Robert II revoke the anti-Jewish decrees and cease the persecutions.

Later Years, Death, and Burial

The final significant act of Robert II's reign was the association of his second son, Henry, with the throne. This followed the premature death of his eldest son and designated successor, Hugh, in 1025. Queen Constance, however, opposed Henry’s elevation, preferring her third son, Robert. The royal court was divided; Henry was perceived by some as too effeminate, a trait considered antithetical to the masculine ideal of virtus.

Despite the divisions, the episcopate and many territorial princes favored Henry's succession. Supported by figures such as Odo II of Blois, Odilo of Cluny, and Guglielmo da Volpiano, Robert II ultimately imposed his will. On May 14, 1027, Henry was consecrated Junior King at Reims Cathedral by Archbishop Ebles I of Roucy. This ceremony marked the formal establishment of the succession, with prominent figures of the kingdom in attendance, including Odo II of Blois, William V of Aquitaine, and Richard III of Normandy. According to the chronicler Hildegaire of Poitiers, Queen Constance, enraged by this outcome, fled the ceremony on horseback.

The period between 1027 and 1029 was marked by considerable political unrest. In Normandy, the new Duke Robert the Magnificent expelled his uncle, Robert, Archbishop of Rouen, necessitating Robert II's arbitration. A similar internal conflict arose in Flanders, where the young Baldwin V, Robert II's son-in-law and husband of his daughter Adela, rebelled against his father, Baldwin IV, though this uprising proved unsuccessful. Meanwhile, Odo II of Blois exploited the situation by enlisting the new Junior King Henry in his conflict against Fulk III of Anjou.

At the age of over 55, an age considered advanced for the time, Robert II remained on the throne. However, he faced further challenges from his sons, Henry and Robert, who, along with their mother Constance, instigated further revolts in 1030. Robert II and Constance were forced to flee to Burgundy, where they sought refuge with their son-in-law, Renauld I of Nevers, husband of their eldest daughter Advisa. Peace was eventually restored among the royal family.

Robert II died on July 20, 1031, at his residence in Melun, succumbing to a severe fever. Alberic of Trois-Fontaines recorded the death of "rex Francorum Robertus," while Rodulfus Glaber also noted his passing in Melun and his burial place. The necrology of Chartres Cathedral and the Abbey of Saint-Denis likewise record his death.

Helgaud of Fleury, writing around 1033, interpreted a solar eclipse on June 29, 1031, as a dire omen preceding the king's death: "Some time before his most holy death, which happened on 20 July, on the day of the death of the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul, the sun, like the last quarter of the moon, veiled its rays to everyone, and appeared at the sixth hour of the day, turning pale above the heads of men, the sight of which was so obscured, that they remained without recognizing each other until the moment to see was returned."

The deceased king was interred in the Basilica of Saint-Denis, the traditional resting place of the French monarchy, alongside his father. His generous endowments to the abbey were well-recognized by the monks. However, Helgaud noted with surprise that Robert II's tomb, even by 1033, remained unadorned, covered only by a simple slab. It was not until the mid-13th century that his descendant, Louis IX of France, commissioned new effigies for the royal family.

Overview of Reign

The Establishment of the Banal Lordship

The economic landscape of the 10th and 11th centuries witnessed a significant transformation, moving away from the disruptive raids of the 9th century towards a period of sustained expansion. The establishment of a decentralized defense system, known as the Banal Lordship, provided an effective response to the persistent threats of Saracen and Viking incursions. This system fostered a shift from outright plunder to a more structured system of tribute extraction in exchange for protection, a development that became increasingly profitable for local lords by the 10th century. The Vikings themselves became integrated into this evolving feudal order, contributing to the economic growth by circulating looted wealth and minting coins from precious metals.

The increase in the money supply, fueled by the proliferation of minting workshops operated by bishops and princes, further stimulated economic activity. This growing monetization facilitated agricultural trade, as farmers could capitalize on their surplus production, incentivizing increased output through new techniques and land reclamation. The development of common law provided a framework for producers to generate profits sufficient to meet tax obligations. Lords, in turn, reinvested this capital, contributing to the nobility's emphasis on conspicuous consumption as a means of maintaining status and securing the loyalty of their retinues.

The process of agrarian expansion, often referred to as clearing, was driven by the establishment of fortified settlements, or mottes. These structures, strategically located on the outskirts of villages or along forest frontiers, played a crucial role in the colonization of new lands. The charters of northern France attest to intensive clearing activities that continued well into the 12th century.

Both the nobility and the clergy recognized the economic benefits of this expansion. They actively promoted land reclamation and the founding of new villages, investing in infrastructure such as mills, presses, ovens, plows, bridges, and roads. These developments facilitated trade and generated revenue through tolls and market fees. The expansion of trade led to a denser and more intricate network of roads and markets, surpassing the infrastructure of antiquity. These centers of commerce were typically established under the protection of a lord, symbolized by the castle mound, which served as a visible assertion of their authority and control over economic exchanges.

Monetary Policy

The silver denarius had been a cornerstone of economic growth since the 9th century. However, the weakening of royal authority led to a fragmentation of monetary control, with numerous bishops, lords, and abbeys minting their own coins. While Charles the Bald oversaw 26 minting workshops, the number had dwindled to just one in Laon under Hugh Capet and Robert II. This period represented the apex of monetary feudalization, resulting in a decline in the uniformity of the denarius and the widespread practice of re-evaluating coins based on their weight in markets.

Despite the challenges, the growth in trade was supported by an increasing supply of precious metals, particularly silver, as the Holy Roman Empire expanded eastward and gained access to new mining deposits. Robert II had limited control over monetary policy, but practices such as trimming and mutations led to detrimental devaluations. In an effort to uphold the Peace of God, Robert II supported measures to curb these abuses. The Order of Cluny, itself a minting authority, also had an interest in limiting such practices. By the 10th century, agreements were established in southern France requiring users to refrain from debasing or counterfeiting currency, while issuers pledged not to exploit wartime conditions to manipulate monetary transfers.

Robert II and the Church

A "Monk King"

Robert II's reign was deeply intertwined with the Church, earning him the epithet "the Pious." He was a patron of the arts, a composer, chorister, and poet, transforming his palace into a site of religious devotion where he participated in daily services. His intolerance towards heretics, whom he severely punished, further solidified his image as a defender of orthodoxy. He is also reported to have advocated for the forced conversion of Jewish communities, supporting actions against those in Orléans accused of conspiring against the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. In 1030–1031, Robert II also confirmed the foundation of Noyers Abbey.

Fleury Abbey and the Rise of the Monastic Movement

While Hugh Capet's era was defined by the influence of bishops, Robert II's reign saw a significant shift towards the ascendance of monasticism. The Council of Verzy (991–992) highlighted the complex relationship between the Capetian monarchy and the Church, marked by tensions between figures like Bishop Arnoul II of Orléans and Abbo of Fleury.

The 10th and 11th centuries witnessed a resurgence of monasticism, characterized by a desire for Church reform, a return to the Benedictine tradition, and an aspiration to recapture the spirit of the era of Louis the Pious under Benedict of Aniane. Monasteries played a vital role in spiritual and social life, with kings and counts bestowing rich endowments of land and treasures upon them. Prominent abbots, such as Guglielmo da Volpiano, were summoned by rulers like Duke Richard II of Normandy to Fécamp in 1001.

Under the influence of Cluny, monasteries increasingly sought autonomy from episcopal oversight. Fleury-sur-Loire, in particular, became a center of monastic reform. Abbots journeyed to Rome to secure papal privileges of exemption. In the southern regions, movements promoting peace, such as the Truce of God, gained traction with the support of ecclesiastics who sought to enhance their own power. However, Cluny faced resistance in the northern provinces, where bishops held significant territorial power and viewed Cluniac influence with suspicion. Figures like Ascelin of Laon and Gerard of Cambrai were critical of monks, whom they accused of imposture. Conversely, the monks leveled accusations of opulence and simony against bishops. Abbo of Fleury, a leading proponent of monastic reform, tragically died in 1004 while attempting to pacify the monastery of La Réole.

Fleury and Cluny were not only centers of spiritual reform but also intellectual hubs. Fleury housed over 600 manuscripts in the 11th century, and Abbot Abbo authored numerous treatises reflecting his travels and observations. Cluny, through Rodulphus Glaber, became a significant site for historical writing. Hugh Capet and Robert II found themselves mediating disputes between the episcopal and monastic factions. Abbo of Fleury lodged a complaint against Lord Arnoul of Yèvres, who had allegedly erected a tower and oppressed peasant communities belonging to Fleury. Bishop Arnoul II of Orléans, Arnoul of Yèvres's uncle, defended his nephew, emphasizing the need for royal support in the ongoing conflict with Count Odo I of Blois. A negotiated settlement in 994 temporarily resolved the dispute. Abbo subsequently penned an "Apologetic Book against Bishop Arnoul of Orléans" addressed to Robert II, seeking royal protection. This appeal resonated with Robert II, who, having become sole ruler in 996, showed a greater inclination towards monastic culture than towards the ecclesiastical and papal powers, which remained largely aligned with the Holy Roman Empire. This period also saw bishops and abbots collaborating with counts to safeguard their legal immunities.

Robert II, the Ideal Prince

Following Robert II's death, the canons of Saint-Aignan commissioned a monk from Fleury, who had worked closely with the king, to compose his biography. Helgaud of Fleury, in his Epitoma vitæ regis Roberti pii, presented Robert II as a paragon of piety and virtue, deliberately omitting details of his military exploits. His work drew inspiration from the hagiography of Gerald of Aurillac, as told by Odilo of Cluny. Helgaud's narrative focused on exemplifying Robert II's humility, charity, accessibility, and forgiveness, portraying him as a model of Christian kingship, following in the footsteps of Christ. This hagiographical approach served to legitimize the nascent Capetian dynasty by emphasizing the king’s human fallibility and divine favor.

The Abbey of Fleury, under the patronage of Hugh Capet and Robert II, played a crucial role in shaping a new royal ideology. Helgaud described Robert II as particeps Dei regni (participant in the Kingship of God), asserting that his coronation anointing imbued him with both temporal and spiritual authority. Clerics widely affirmed the king's divine mandate, with Helgaud proclaiming Robert II as princeps Dei (prince of God on earth). Fulbert of Chartres addressed him as "holy father" and "Your Holiness," while Adémar de Chabannes referred to him as the "Father of the poor." Ascelin of Laon attributed to him divine wisdom, granting him access to knowledge of the "celestial and unchanging universe." Richer of Reims documented a meeting between Robert II and Henry II, Holy Roman Emperor in 1023, where they discussed principles for a unified Christian peace. Theorists of the 11th century considered Robert II to be on par with the Emperor, partly due to his mother's Roman ancestry, referring to him as Francorum imperator.

The Capetian rulers, particularly Robert II, were renowned for their extensive religious foundations, a key factor in their successful relationship with the ecclesiastical hierarchy. Hugh the Great and Hugh Capet had founded the monastery of Saint-Magloire in Paris. Queen Adelaide of Aquitaine, Robert II’s mother, commissioned the construction of Saint-Frambourg in Senlis and Saint Marie in Argenteuil. Helgaud of Fleury noted: "She [Queen Adelaide] also built in Parisis, at a place called Argenteuil, a monastery where she brought together a considerable number of servants of the Lord, living according to the rule of Saint Benedict."

Robert II actively promoted the veneration of saints, viewing them as conduits of divine grace and instruments for combating evil. He commissioned the construction or renovation of numerous crypts for relics, including Saint-Cassien in [Autun], Sainte-Marie in [Melun], and Saint-Rieul de Senlis in Saint-Germain-l'Auxerrois. He also bestowed relics, such as a fragment of Saint Denis's chasuble, upon favored clerics like Helgaud of Fleury. Around 1015–1018, at Queen Constance's request, Robert II commissioned the creation of a reliquary for Saint Savinien for the altar of the Abbey of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif near Sens. Legend held that Saint Savinian had protected the royal marriage during Robert II's journey to Rome with Bertha. The reliquary, crafted by the renowned monk-silversmith Odorannus, was a masterpiece of gold and silver. Robert II’s extensive donations included copes, vestments, liturgical vessels, crosses, and censers. The Évangéliaire dit de Gaignières, a lavish illuminated manuscript produced by the Lombard artist Nivardus for the Abbey of Fleury in the early 11th century, stands as a testament to his patronage.

Chosen by the Lord

The concept of kingship in Robert II's era was complex. The king held precedence among the princes of the Frankish realm, but powerful figures like Odo II of Blois in 1023 asserted their autonomy, emphasizing their right to govern their territories without direct royal consent. While princes showed deference to the sovereign, they did not consider themselves his subordinates. Nevertheless, the king increasingly positioned himself as Primus inter pares, the first among equals. Royal charters from the early 11th century frequently emphasized the principle of loyalty to the king.

In 1027, a phenomenon described as a "rain of blood" fell upon the Duchy of Aquitaine, causing widespread concern. William V of Aquitaine, seeking divine explanation, dispatched envoys to Robert II, requesting his court's scholarly insights. Gauzlin, Abbot of Fleury and Archbishop of Bourges, and Fulbert of Chartres addressed the matter. Gauzlin interpreted the event as a harbinger of misfortune for the Church and populace, followed by divine mercy. Fulbert, consulting ancient texts by Livy, Valerius Maximus, Orosius, and Gregory of Tours, concluded that such events signaled divine judgment upon the ungodly and fornicators unless they repented.

William V, a friend of Fulbert, likely would have consulted him directly. However, recognizing Robert II as God's chosen representative, the Duke sought counsel from the king, considered the ultimate authority on matters of divine will. The prevailing belief in the 11th century held that even the most powerful rulers were bound by a divinely ordained order, necessitating prayer and deference to their sovereign.

The concept of royal miraculous powers, explored by Marc Bloch in The Royal Touch, gained prominence during this period. While early medieval miracle-working was primarily attributed to God, saints, and relics, Merovingian kings like Guntram were recorded by Gregory of Tours as possessing healing abilities. By the reign of Henry I in the mid-11th century, stories emerged of Robert II possessing the gift of healing, particularly for lepers. Helgaud of Fleury detailed Robert II's compassionate interactions with lepers, his willingness to touch them, and his ability to heal their wounds through the sign of the cross.

Robert II is considered the first monarch of his line credited with thaumaturgical talent. This may have served as propaganda to compensate for the perceived limitations of royal military power, offering an alternative means of asserting monarchical authority. Unlike later kings who specialized in healing scrofula, Robert II's healing abilities were described as more general. He is noted to have cured lepers during his travels in the South between 1018 and 1020. This practice aligned with that of his contemporary, Edward the Confessor in England. According to popular belief, the king's blood, consecrated during the coronation, conveyed miraculous powers. However, historical evidence suggests that the regular practice of touching for scrofula by French sovereigns only became established with Saint Louis. In 1031, Robert II made a pilgrimage to the Abbey of Saint-Géraud d'Aurillac to venerate the relics of Saint Gerald and the birthplace of his former teacher, Gerbert.

Robert II and the Economy

A Period of Full Economic Growth

The economic recovery from the destructive raids of the 9th century gained momentum throughout the 10th century. The development of the Banal Lordship, a system of decentralized defense, proved effective against Saracen and Viking threats. This shift encouraged local lords to establish tribute systems, ensuring stability and facilitating trade. The Vikings themselves became integrated into this evolving feudal economy, contributing to the circulation of wealth and the minting of coins.

The increasing availability of money, coupled with the proliferation of minting activities by various authorities, spurred economic growth. This monetization facilitated the exchange of agricultural surpluses, motivating farmers to increase production through new techniques and land reclamation. The establishment of common law provided a framework for economic activity, ensuring that producers could generate sufficient profits to meet tax obligations. Lords also reinvested capital, contributing to the nobility's culture of ostentatious display, which in turn fostered loyalty among their retinues.

The agrarian expansion, often linked to the construction of fortified settlements known as mottes, played a pivotal role in reclaiming land from forests. These settlements were strategically located on the fringes of villages and forest complexes. The development of roads and markets, often protected by these fortifications, further stimulated trade and economic activity.

Lords and the clergy actively promoted economic development, investing in infrastructure such as mills, bridges, and roads, which generated revenue through tolls and market fees. This expansion created a more densely interconnected network of trade routes and marketplaces.

Monetary Policy

The silver denarius remained a crucial component of the economy. However, the decline of royal authority led to a decentralization of coinage, with numerous entities minting their own currency. While Charles the Bald presided over 26 minting workshops, the number had significantly reduced under Hugh Capet and Robert II. This period saw the rise of monetary feudalization, characterized by variations in the denarius and the practice of market re-evaluation based on coin weight.

Despite these challenges, increased trade was supported by an expanding supply of precious metals, particularly silver, from newly accessible deposits in the East. Robert II had limited direct control over monetary policy, but practices like trimming and mutations led to devaluations. In support of the Peace of God, Robert II sought to curb these abuses. The Order of Cluny, also involved in minting, advocated for stricter monetary regulations. Agreements were established to prevent currency debasement and manipulation.

Robert II and the State

The Royal Administration

Since approximately 992, Robert II had been actively involved in royal governance alongside his aging father, Hugh Capet. This practice of associating the heir apparent with the throne was a Capetian tradition aimed at ensuring a smooth succession. Robert II followed this pattern, as did his son Henry I and grandson Philip I. In line with Carolingian traditions, Robert II sought counsel from ecclesiastical figures, a practice that had waned during the later Carolingian period. This policy was further articulated by Abbo of Fleury, who emphasized the king's role as a guarantor of the "common good" (res publica), a concept inherited from Roman antiquity.

Royal charters from Robert II's reign reveal both continuity with the past and significant innovations. While Jean-François Lemarignier initially argued for a contraction of the administrative space during the 11th century, later scholarship by [Olivier Guyotjeannin] has presented a more nuanced perspective. Guyotjeannin suggests that the increasing number of subscriptions and witness lists in royal acts reflects a new approach to evidentiary practices rather than a decline in royal authority. The royal chancery, though small, maintained its influence, with foreign signatures appearing more frequently towards the end of Robert II's reign, indicating a broader network of support, often woven around abbeys and bishoprics.

Justice of Robert II

The development of royal ideology during Robert II's reign was significantly shaped by the monastic world, particularly the influential Abbey of Fleury. Abbo of Fleury articulated a theory of kingship centered on the sovereign's duty to ensure equity, justice, and peace within the kingdom, thereby safeguarding the Capetian legacy. While Robert II generally adhered to this principle, seeking counsel from bishops and princes, his handling of the succession crisis in the Counties of Meaux and Troyes (1021–1024) deviated from this ideal.

The Counties of Meaux and Troyes were held by Count Stephen I of Troyes, a distant cousin of Robert II. Upon Stephen's death around 1021–1023 without a clear heir, Robert II appointed Count Odo II of Blois, a powerful regional magnate and Stephen's second cousin, to govern the counties. However, this decision led to conflict when Odo II consolidated his power in Reims, undermining the authority of Archbishop Ebles I of Roucy. In response, Robert II revoked Odo II's comital title, an action that Odo II resisted, asserting his inherited rights. This episode highlighted the limitations of royal authority and the king's reliance on the support of his vassals.

Following this challenge, Robert II adopted a more conciliatory approach. In 1024, after discussions with the kingdom's leading figures, he reaffirmed Odo II's possessions. Later, in 1027, during the coronation of his son Henry, Robert II convened an assembly to address the grievances of Abbot Dudon of [Montier-en-Der] against Stephen of Joinville, who had seized church property. The assembly, including prominent figures like Ebles I of Roucy, Odilo of Cluny, and Odo II of Blois, unanimously condemned Stephen of Joinville. These events demonstrate that while Robert II valued counsel, he retained the authority to render judgments and enforce justice, positioning himself as Primus inter pares.

Family

Robert II's marital life was marked by three unions, each with its own political and personal ramifications.

His first marriage, in 988, was to Princess Rozala of Italy, daughter of Berengar II, King of Italy. This union, however, produced no children and was eventually annulled.

In 996, he married Bertha of Burgundy, daughter of Conrad I, King of Burgundy, and Princess Mathilda of France. This marriage also failed to produce surviving offspring and was later annulled.

Around 1001/1003, after divorcing Bertha, Robert married Constance of Arles, daughter of William I, Count of Provence. Constance bore Robert II seven children:

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