Socialism

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Socialism

Socialism is a rather sprawling economic and political philosophy , a vast umbrella under which a bewildering array of economic and social systems find shelter. [1] At its core, however, lies the principle of social ownership of the means of production , a direct repudiation of private ownership . [2][3][4][5] This fundamental tenet informs the theories and movements that champion the implementation of such systems. [6] The manifestations of social ownership are varied, encompassing public , community , collective , cooperative , [7][8][9] or even employee ownership. [10][11] As a significant force on the political spectrum , socialism typically aligns with left-wing ideologies in most nations, [12] though its internal variations are considerable, differing primarily in their approach to markets and planning in resource allocation , and the structure of organizational management. [13][14]

Socialist systems can be broadly categorized into non-market and market forms. [15][16] The former aims to dismantle what socialists perceive as the inherent inefficiencies, irrationalities, unpredictability , and crises that plague capital accumulation and the profit system. [17] Market socialism , on the other hand, retains the use of monetary prices, factor markets, and sometimes even the profit motive . [18][19][20] As a political force, socialist parties and ideas have wielded varying degrees of influence, heading national governments in several countries. Socialist politics have historically been both internationalist and nationalist , organized through political parties or, at times, in opposition to them; closely allied with trade unions or critical of them; and present in both industrialized and developing nations. [21] Social democracy , itself a product of the socialist movement, [22] advocates for economic and social interventions to foster social justice . [23][24] While maintaining socialism as a long-term aspiration, [25] post-war social democracy largely embraced a mixed economy rooted in Keynesianism within a predominantly capitalist market economy and liberal democratic framework, characterized by increased state intervention in the form of income redistribution , regulation , and a robust welfare state . [26][27]

The socialist political movement itself emerged from the revolutionary currents of the mid-to-late 18th century, fueled by concerns over the social problems attributed to capitalism. [28] By the late 19th century, following the seminal works of Karl Marx and his collaborator Friedrich Engels , socialism became synonymous with anti-capitalism and the advocacy for a post-capitalist order based on some form of social ownership of the means of production. [29][30] The early 1920s saw communism and social democracy solidify as the two dominant international socialist tendencies, [31] with socialism itself evolving into the most influential secular movement of the 20th century. [32] Concurrently, many socialists integrated the agendas of other social movements, such as feminism , environmentalism , and progressivism , into their broader political platforms. [33]

The establishment of the Soviet Union as the world’s first avowedly socialist state led to a widespread conflation of socialism with the Soviet economic model . However, the global discourse has since shifted, with democratic socialism gaining greater prominence. Academics have, at times, categorized the mixed economies of several Western European and Nordic nations as “democratic socialist.” [34][35] Yet, the economic structures of these countries, characterized by limited social ownership (primarily state ownership), are more commonly described as social democracy . The fall of communism in the revolutions of 1989 saw a move away from traditional socialist models, as a neoliberal consensus supplanted the social democratic consensus in much of the developed capitalist world. [36] In parallel, many former socialist politicians and parties adopted “Third Way ” politics, maintaining a commitment to equality and welfare while largely abandoning public ownership and class-based political strategies. [37] Despite these shifts, socialism experienced a notable resurgence in popularity during the 2010s. [38][39]

Etymology

According to Andrew Vincent, the word “socialism” originates from the Latin “sociare,” meaning “to combine or to share.” He further notes that a related, more technical term in Roman and medieval law was “societas,” which could signify companionship and fellowship, or a more legalistic concept of a consensual contract between free individuals. [40]

The initial use of the term “socialism” is often attributed to Pierre Leroux , who claimed to have first employed it in the Parisian journal Le Globe in 1832. Leroux, a follower of Henri de Saint-Simon , one of the progenitors of what would later be termed utopian socialism , positioned socialism in direct contrast to the liberal doctrine of individualism . This liberal emphasis on the moral worth of the individual, while often overlooking collective well-being, was condemned by the early utopian socialists. They argued that this focus on isolation failed to address the pressing social concerns of the Industrial Revolution , such as pervasive poverty, systemic oppression, and vast wealth inequality . They viewed the competitive nature of liberal society as detrimental to community life and proposed socialism as an alternative, grounded in the shared ownership of resources. [43] Saint-Simon, for instance, advocated for economic planning , scientific administration, and the application of scientific understanding to societal organization. In contrast, Robert Owen championed the establishment of cooperatives as a means to organize production and ownership. [43][44] The term socialism is also credited in France to Marie Roch Louis Reybaud , and in Britain to Owen, who became a pivotal figure in the cooperative movement . [45][46]

By the 1860s, the definition and usage of “socialism” had largely coalesced. The term “socialist” began to supersede “associationist,” “co-operative,” “mutualist,” and “collectivist,” which had previously been used interchangeably. Concurrently, the term “communism” saw a decline in usage. [47] An early theoretical distinction drawn between communism and socialism was that the former aimed to socialize both production and consumption (in the form of unrestricted access to final goods), while the latter focused solely on socializing production. [48] By 1888, Marxists had adopted “socialism” as their preferred term, considering “communism” to be an antiquated synonym. This usage persisted until after the Bolshevik Revolution , when Vladimir Lenin appropriated “socialism” to denote a transitional stage between capitalism and communism. He employed this distinction to counter Marxist critiques that Russia’s productive forces were insufficiently developed for immediate communism. [49] The divergence between communism and socialism became particularly pronounced in 1918 when the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party rebranded itself as the All-Russian Communist Party , specifically defining communism as adherence to the politics and theories of Bolshevism , Leninism , and subsequently Marxism–Leninism . [50] Despite this redefinition, communist parties continued to self-identify as socialists dedicated to the cause of socialism. [51] According to The Oxford Handbook of Karl Marx, “Marx used many terms to refer to a post-capitalist society —positive humanism , socialism, communism, realm of free individuality, free association of producers , etc. He used these terms completely interchangeably. The notion that ‘socialism’ and ‘communism’ are distinct historical stages is alien to his work and only entered the lexicon of Marxism after his death”. [52]

In Christian Europe , communists were often associated with atheism . In Protestant England, the term “communism” bore too close a resemblance to the Roman Catholic communion rite , leading to a preference for the term “socialist.” [53] Engels observed that in 1848, when The Communist Manifesto was published, socialism was considered respectable across Europe, whereas communism was not. The Owenites in England and the Fourierists in France were viewed as respectable socialists, while working-class movements proclaiming the “necessity of total social change” identified themselves as communists. [54] This particular strain of socialism produced the communist writings of Étienne Cabet in France and Wilhelm Weitling in Germany. [55] British moral philosopher John Stuart Mill explored a form of economic socialism within the context of a free market. In later editions of his Principles of Political Economy (1848), Mill posited that “as far as economic theory was concerned, there is nothing in principle in economic theory that precludes an economic order based on socialist policies,” [56][57] and he advocated for the replacement of capitalist businesses with worker cooperatives . [58] While democrats viewed the Revolutions of 1848 as a democratic revolution that would ultimately ensure liberty, equality, and fraternity , Marxists decried them as a betrayal of working-class ideals by a bourgeoisie indifferent to the plight of the proletariat . [59]

History

The historical trajectory of socialism traces its origins to the Age of Enlightenment and the transformative upheaval of the 1789 French Revolution , although its roots can be found in earlier movements and philosophical currents. The Communist Manifesto , penned by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in 1847–48, predated the widespread Revolutions of 1848 across Europe and articulated what they termed scientific socialism . The latter third of the 19th century witnessed the emergence of parties dedicated to Democratic socialism throughout Europe, largely drawing inspiration from Marxism . Notably, in December 1899, the Australian Labor Party briefly formed the world’s first socialist government in the Colony of Queensland , led by Premier Anderson Dawson . [60]

The first half of the 20th century saw the Soviet Union and the communist parties affiliated with the Third International globally become the dominant representation of socialism. This was characterized by the Soviet model of economic development and the establishment of centrally planned economies managed by a state that controlled all means of production . However, alternative socialist trends emerged, criticizing this model for its perceived lack of democracy. The establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 marked another significant introduction of socialism, characterized by the development of a self-sufficient, state-led economy focused on rapid industrialization. [61] This period also saw policies such as land redistribution and the Anti-Rightist Movement , followed by the devastating Great Leap Forward . In the United Kingdom, Herbert Morrison famously stated that “socialism is what the Labour government does,” while Aneurin Bevan argued for a more fundamental redefinition, asserting that socialism required “the main streams of economic activity to be brought under public direction,” supported by economic planning and workers’ democracy. [62] Some commentators at the time argued that capitalism had, in effect, been abolished. [63] Socialist governments in various nations implemented the mixed economy , incorporating elements of partial nationalisation and expanded social welfare programs.

By 1968, the protracted Vietnam War contributed to the rise of the New Left , a segment of socialists who were generally critical of both the Soviet Union and social democracy . Anarcho-syndicalists and elements of the New Left, among others, favored decentralised collective ownership through cooperatives or workers’ councils . The year 1989 marked the end of communism in the Soviet Union , a process symbolized by the Revolutions of 1989 sweeping across Eastern Europe , ultimately leading to the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. Socialist movements continued to evolve, increasingly embracing the causes of other social movements, including environmentalism , feminism , and progressivism . [64]

Early 21st century

The São Paulo Forum , launched in 1990 by the Workers’ Party (Brazil) , played a significant role in linking left-wing socialist parties across Latin America. Its member parties were associated with the “pink tide” of left-wing governments that emerged across the continent in the early 21st century. Prominent member parties ruling their respective countries included the Front for Victory in Argentina, the PAIS Alliance in Ecuador, the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front in El Salvador, Peru Wins in Peru, and the United Socialist Party of Venezuela . The latter’s leader, Hugo Chávez , initiated what he termed “Socialism of the 21st century ”.

Meanwhile, many mainstream democratic socialist and social democratic parties began to drift towards the political center. On the right flank of the socialist movement, the Progressive Alliance was established in 2013 by individuals who were either current or former members of the Socialist International . This organization declared its objective to become a global network for the “progressive , democratic , social-democratic , socialist and labour movement ”. [65][66] In Europe, mainstream social democratic and socialist parties are also interconnected through the Party of European Socialists , founded in 1992. A significant number of these parties experienced a substantial erosion of their electoral support in the early 21st century, a phenomenon often referred to as Pasokification , exemplified by the Greek party PASOK . [67][68] PASOK’s electoral fortunes plummeted from a 43.9% vote share in 2009 to 13.2% in May 2012, further declining to 12.3% in June 2012 and a mere 4.7% in 2015. This decline was largely attributed to its handling of the Greek government-debt crisis and the implementation of stringent austerity measures. [69][70]

In Europe, the electoral performance of socialist parties reached a 70-year low in 2015. For instance, the Socialist Party , after its victory in the 2012 French presidential election , saw a rapid decline in its vote share. Similarly, the Social Democratic Party of Germany ’s electoral success waned significantly between 2005 and 2019. Outside Europe, the Israeli Labor Party transitioned from being a dominant force in Israeli politics to securing only 4.43% of the vote in the April 2019 Israeli legislative election . The Peruvian Aprista Party also experienced a similar decline, falling from ruling party status in 2011 to becoming a minor political entity. This erosion of support for mainstream parties created openings for more radical and populist left-wing parties in several countries, such as Spain’s Podemos , Greece’s Syriza (which formed the government from 2015–19), Germany’s Die Linke , and France’s La France Insoumise . In other instances, left-wing movements gained traction within established democratic socialist and centrist parties, as exemplified by the rise of Jeremy Corbyn in the United Kingdom and Bernie Sanders in the United States. [38] While few of these radical left parties achieved national government power in Europe, some more mainstream socialist parties, like Portugal’s Socialist Party , have succeeded in forming governments. [71]

Bhaskar Sunkara, the founding editor of the American socialist magazine Jacobin, posited that socialism’s enduring appeal stems from the persistent global issues of inequality, “tremendous suffering” under contemporary capitalism, the exploitative nature of wage labor, and the escalating ecological crises, such as climate change . [72] Conversely, Mark J. Perry of the conservative American Enterprise Institute (AEI) argued that despite socialism’s resurgence, it remains a “flawed system based on completely faulty principles that aren’t consistent with human behavior and can’t nurture the human spirit.” He further contended that “While it promised prosperity, equality, and security, it delivered poverty, misery, and tyranny.” [73] Certain segments of the scientific community have suggested that contemporary radical responses to social and ecological challenges might be found in the emergence of movements associated with degrowth , eco-socialism , and eco-anarchism . [74][75]

Social and Political Theory

Early socialist thought drew inspiration from a diverse spectrum of philosophical traditions, including civic republicanism , Enlightenment rationalism , romanticism , various forms of materialism , Christian theology (both Catholic and Protestant), concepts of natural law and natural rights theory , utilitarianism , and classical liberal political economy. [76] Another significant philosophical undercurrent in early socialism was the development of positivism during the European Enlightenment . Positivism posited that both the natural and social worlds were amenable to understanding through scientific knowledge and could be analyzed using scientific methodologies.

Claude Henri de Rouvroy, comte de Saint-Simon , an early French socialist.

The fundamental objective of socialism, as envisioned by its proponents, is to achieve a heightened level of material production, thereby surpassing the productivity, efficiency, and rationality of capitalism and all preceding systems. This perspective holds that the expansion of human productive capabilities serves as the bedrock for the advancement of freedom and equality within society. [77] Many socialist theories assert that human behavior is largely shaped by the social environment. Specifically, socialism contends that social mores , values, cultural traits, and economic practices are societal constructs rather than immutable dictates of natural law. [78][79] Consequently, the primary target of socialist critique is not inherent human avarice or consciousness, but rather the material conditions and human-created social systems (i.e., the societal economic structure) that engender observed social problems and inefficiencies. Bertrand Russell , often regarded as the father of analytic philosophy, identified himself as a socialist. Russell, however, critiqued the class struggle aspects of Marxism, viewing socialism as primarily an adjustment of economic relations to align with modern machine production for the benefit of all humanity through a progressive reduction in necessary work hours. [80]

Socialists view creativity as an essential component of human nature, defining freedom as a state where individuals can express their creativity unhindered by the constraints of material scarcity and coercive social institutions. [81] The socialist conception of individuality is intrinsically linked to the notion of individual creative expression. Karl Marx posited that the advancement of productive forces and technology was fundamental to the expansion of human freedom, and that socialism, being a system congruent with modern technological developments, would foster the flourishing of “free individualities” through a progressive reduction in necessary labor time. He argued that minimizing necessary labor time would grant individuals ample opportunity to cultivate their authentic individuality and creativity. [82]

Criticism of capitalism

Socialists argue that the relentless pursuit of capital accumulation inherently generates waste through externalities , necessitating costly corrective regulatory measures. They also point to the creation of wasteful industries and practices designed solely to stimulate demand for products, such as high-pressure advertising, thereby generating demand rather than satisfying existing needs. [83][84] Socialists contend that capitalism is characterized by irrational economic activities, such as the speculative purchasing of commodities solely for later resale at an appreciated price, even if the commodity cannot be sold to individuals in need. A crucial socialist critique, therefore, is that “making money,” or capital accumulation, does not necessarily correlate with meeting societal demand (the production of use-values ). [83] The primary criterion for economic activity under capitalism is capital accumulation for reinvestment in production. However, this imperative fuels the development of new, non-productive industries that do not contribute to use-value and exist merely to sustain the accumulation process (lest the system enter crisis), such as the proliferation of the financial industry , which contributes to the formation of economic bubbles. [85] Such accumulation and reinvestment, when demanding a constant rate of profit, can lead to significant problems if earnings in the broader society do not increase proportionally. [86]

Socialists view private property relations as a constraint on the potential of an economy’s productive forces . According to socialist theory, private property becomes obsolete when it concentrates into centralized, socialized institutions that are not predicated on private revenue appropriation but on cooperative work and internal planning for input allocation, thereby rendering the role of the capitalist superfluous. [87] With the elimination of the need for capital accumulation and a distinct owner class, private property in the means of production is seen as an outdated organizational form, ripe for replacement by a free association of individuals based on public or common ownership of these socialized assets. [88][89] Private ownership imposes limitations on planning, resulting in uncoordinated economic decisions that manifest as business fluctuations, unemployment, and considerable waste of material resources during periods of overproduction . [90]

The existence of excessive disparities in income distribution is seen as a catalyst for social instability, necessitating costly corrective measures in the form of redistributive taxation. Critics argue that such taxation incurs significant administrative costs, diminishes incentives to work, encourages dishonesty, and increases the likelihood of tax evasion, ultimately reducing the overall efficiency of the market economy. [91] These corrective policies, by introducing measures such as minimum wages , unemployment insurance , profit taxation, and reductions in the reserve army of labour , serve to dampen the incentive system within capitalism, thereby reducing incentives for capitalists to invest in expanded production. In essence, social welfare policies are argued to cripple capitalism and its inherent incentive structures, rendering them unsustainable in the long run. [92] Marxists contend that the establishment of a socialist mode of production is the sole viable path to overcoming these deficiencies. Socialists, particularly those aligned with Marxian thought, argue that the inherent conflict of interests between the working class and capital prevents the optimal utilization of available human resources and fosters the emergence of contradictory interest groups (labor and business) that seek to influence the state to intervene in the economy to their own advantage, at the expense of overall economic efficiency. Early socialists, including utopian socialists and Ricardian socialists , criticized capitalism for concentrating power and wealth within a small segment of society. [93] Furthermore, they lamented that capitalism failed to harness available technology and resources to their fullest potential for the public good. [89]

Marxism

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels posited that socialism would inevitably emerge as a historical necessity, arising from capitalism’s inherent contradictions and its eventual obsolescence. They argued that the development of productive forces and technology would create internal conflicts within capitalism, leading to a heightened class consciousness among the working class. [95]

The theoretical framework of Marxist political theory and Marxian economics is largely derived from the writings of Marx and Engels.

Marx and Engels believed that the consciousness of the working class (defined broadly in the Marxist sense) would be shaped by the conditions of wage slavery , leading them to seek emancipation by overthrowing capitalist ownership of the means of production and, consequently, the state apparatus that upheld this economic order. For Marx and Engels, material conditions determined consciousness, and the dissolution of the capitalist class would ultimately lead to a classless society where the state would wither away .

Marx and Engels used the terms socialism and communism interchangeably. However, many subsequent Marxists delineated socialism as a distinct historical phase that would succeed capitalism and precede communism. [49][52]

The defining characteristics of socialism, particularly as conceptualized by Marx and Engels following the Paris Commune of 1871, included the proletariat’s control over the means of production through a workers’ state established in their interests.

For orthodox Marxists , socialism represented the lower stage of communism, operating under the principle of “from each according to his ability, to each according to his contribution .” Upper-stage communism, conversely, would adhere to the principle of “from each according to his ability, to each according to his need ,” becoming feasible only after the socialist stage had significantly enhanced economic efficiency and automated production, leading to a superabundance of goods and services. [96][97] Marx argued that the material productive forces (within industry and commerce) generated by capitalism necessitated a cooperative society, as production had transformed into a collective, social endeavor undertaken by the working class to create commodities, yet remained under private ownership (the relations of production or property relations). This inherent conflict between collective effort in large-scale factories and private ownership, Marx contended, would foster a conscious desire within the working class to establish collective ownership commensurate with their shared daily experiences. [94]

Role of the state

Socialists have historically adopted diverse perspectives regarding the state and its role in revolutionary struggles, the construction of socialism, and the management of an established socialist economy.

In the 19th century, the concept of state socialism was first explicitly articulated by the German political philosopher Ferdinand Lassalle . In contrast to Karl Marx’s view of the state as a class-based power structure primarily serving to maintain existing class hierarchies, Lassalle rejected the Marxist notion of the state’s eventual “withering away.” Lassalle considered the state to be an autonomous entity, independent of class allegiances, and an instrument of justice essential for achieving socialism. [98]

Prior to the Bolshevik-led revolution in Russia, numerous socialists, including reformists , orthodox Marxists such as council communists , anarchists, and libertarian socialists , voiced criticism against the idea of utilizing the state for central planning and ownership of the means of production as a pathway to socialism. Following the ascendance of Leninism in Russia, the concept of “state socialism” gained rapid traction within the broader socialist movement, eventually becoming synonymous with the Soviet economic model . [99]

Joseph Schumpeter critiqued the conflation of socialism and social ownership with state ownership of the means of production, arguing that the state, in its current capitalist form, is a product of that system and cannot be seamlessly transplanted into a different institutional framework. Schumpeter posited that socialist societies would possess distinct institutional structures, much like feudalism had its own unique forms. He argued that the state, alongside concepts like property and taxation, were intrinsically linked to commercial society (capitalism) and that attempting to apply them within a future socialist context would distort their meanings by placing them outside their original context. [100]

Utopian versus scientific

Utopian socialism refers to the early currents of modern socialist thought, exemplified by the works of Henri de Saint-Simon , Charles Fourier , and Robert Owen , which significantly influenced Karl Marx and other early socialists. [101] These visions of imaginary ideal societies were viewed by revolutionary social democratic movements as lacking grounding in the material conditions of society and as being inherently reactionary. [102] While technically any set of ideas or individual could be considered “utopian socialist” at any point in history, the term is most commonly applied to socialists of the early 19th century. Later socialists applied the label “utopian” pejoratively, implying naivete and dismissing their ideas as fanciful or unrealistic. [103]

Religious communities living communally, such as the Hutterites , are not typically categorized as “utopian socialists,” despite their communal lifestyle being a prime example. They are sometimes classified as religious socialists . Similarly, contemporary intentional communities founded on socialist principles could also be labeled “utopian socialist.” For Marxists, the development of capitalism in Western Europe provided the material foundation for the feasibility of socialism, as articulated in The Communist Manifesto : “[w]hat the bourgeoisie produces above all is its own grave diggers,” [104] referring to the working class, which must develop a consciousness of its historical role.

Reform versus revolution

Revolutionary socialists advocate for a social revolution as a necessary means to enact fundamental structural changes within the socioeconomic fabric of society. Strategic approaches and theoretical underpinnings vary among revolutionary socialists. Orthodox Marxists and left communists adopt an impossibilist stance, believing that revolution should arise spontaneously from societal contradictions exacerbated by technological advancements in productive forces. Lenin theorized that under capitalism, workers could not achieve a class consciousness beyond organizing into trade unions and presenting demands to capitalists. Therefore, Leninists argue for the historical necessity of a vanguard of class-conscious revolutionaries to spearhead the coordination of the social revolution, aiming to overthrow the capitalist state and, ultimately, the state apparatus itself. [105] Revolution, for revolutionary socialists, is not necessarily defined by violent insurrection [106] but rather by a comprehensive dismantling and rapid transformation of all aspects of class society, guided by the majority of the populace – the working class.

Reformism is generally associated with social democracy and gradualist democratic socialism . Reformism is the belief that socialists should participate in parliamentary elections within capitalist society and, if elected, utilize the machinery of government to enact political and social reforms aimed at mitigating capitalism’s instabilities and inequities. Within socialism, reformism is employed in two distinct ways: one approach aims to improve conditions within capitalism without fundamentally altering the system, thereby making it more palatable; the other views reforms not as socialist ends in themselves, but as means to galvanize support for revolution by popularizing the socialist cause among the working class. [107]

The debate regarding reformism’s potential to facilitate a socialist transformation of society has persisted for over a century. Critics argue that reformism is inherently paradoxical, as it seeks to dismantle capitalism while simultaneously striving to improve its conditions, thereby rendering it more tolerable. According to Rosa Luxemburg , capitalism is not overthrown but “is on the contrary strengthened by the development of social reforms.” [108] Similarly, Stan Parker of the Socialist Party of Great Britain contends that reforms serve as a diversion of socialist energy and are inherently limited by their adherence to capitalist logic. [107] French social theorist André Gorz proposed a third alternative to both reformism and social revolution, which he termed “non-reformist reforms ”. These reforms are specifically designed to enact structural changes within capitalism, rather than merely improving living conditions or propping up the system through economic interventions. [109]

Culture

In the Leninist framework, the vanguard party’s role was to politically educate workers and peasants, dispelling the societal false consciousness instilled by institutional religion and nationalism, which the bourgeoisie propagated to facilitate the economic exploitation of the working class. Influenced by Lenin, the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party declared that the development of socialist workers’ culture should not be “hamstrung from above,” thereby opposing the organizational control exerted by Proletkult (1917–1925) over national culture. [112] Similarly, Trotsky viewed the party as a conduit for transmitting culture to the masses to elevate education standards and facilitate entry into the cultural sphere. However, he maintained that the process of artistic creation, encompassing language and presentation, should remain the domain of the practitioner. Political scientist Baruch Knei-Paz, in his work The Social and Political Thought of Leon Trotsky , highlights this as a key distinction between Trotsky’s cultural perspective and Stalin’s policies in the 1930s . [113]

Man, Controller of the Universe, a mural produced by Mexican artist Diego Rivera .

In “Literature and Revolution ,” Trotsky delved into aesthetic issues in relation to class and the Russian Revolution. Soviet scholar Robert Bird considered Trotsky’s work to be the “first systematic treatment of art by a Communist leader” and a significant catalyst for subsequent Marxist cultural and critical theories. [114]

In “Problems of Everyday Life ,” a contemporaneous publication that further elaborated his views on culture and science, Trotsky argued that cultural development was a prerequisite for socialist reconstruction. [115] He specifically contended that cultural advancement would serve to enhance industrial and technical progress, viewing both elements as interconnected components within a dialectical framework. Trotsky observed that the low level of Russian technique and expertise was a consequence of cultural backwardness. He posited that Western industrial techniques and products, such as the radio , should not be rejected due to their capitalist origins but rather integrated into the Soviet socialist framework to foster new forms of techniques and cultural production. [116] Through this lens, the transference of techniques was seen as driving new cultural changes characterized by rationalism, efficiency , precision, and quality . [116]

Trotsky later co-authored the 1938 Manifesto for an Independent Revolutionary Art , which received endorsement from prominent artists such as Andre Breton and Diego Rivera . [117] Trotsky’s writings on literature, including his 1923 survey advocating tolerance, limited censorship, and respect for literary tradition, resonated strongly with the New York Intellectuals . [118]

Prior to Stalin’s rule, literary, religious, and national representatives in Soviet Russia enjoyed a degree of autonomy throughout the 1920s. However, these groups were subsequently subjected to rigorous repression during the Stalinist era . Under Stalin, socialist realism was imposed as the official artistic doctrine, and other creative industries, including music , film , and sports , were brought under stringent political control. [119]

The counter-cultural movements that emerged in the 1960s profoundly shaped the intellectual and radical outlook of the [New Left]. This movement placed significant emphasis on anti-racism , anti-imperialism , and direct democracy in direct opposition to the dominant culture of advanced industrial capitalism . [120]

Socialist groups have also been closely aligned with various counter-cultural movements, including the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign , the Stop the War Coalition , Love Music Hate Racism , the Anti-Nazi League , [121] and [Unite Against Fascism]. [122]

Economics

Albert Einstein advocated for a socialist planned economy in his 1949 article “Why Socialism? ”

Socialist economics is founded on the premise that “individuals do not live or work in isolation but live in cooperation with one another. Furthermore, everything that people produce is in some sense a social product, and everyone who contributes to the production of a good is entitled to a share in it. Society as whole, therefore, should own or at least control property for the benefit of all its members.” [124]

The original conception of socialism envisioned an economic system where production was organized to directly produce goods and services for their utility (or use-value, in classical and Marxian economics ), with the direct allocation of resources in physical units rather than through financial calculation and adherence to the economic laws of capitalism (see law of value ). This often entailed the abolition of capitalist economic categories such as rent , interest, profit , and money. [125] In a fully realized socialist economy, the process of production and the balancing of factor inputs with outputs would be managed as a technical undertaking by engineers. [126]

Market socialism encompasses a range of economic theories and systems that employ market mechanisms to organize production and allocate factor inputs among socially owned enterprises. In these models, the economic surplus (profits) accrues to society as a whole, typically distributed as a social dividend , rather than to private capital owners. [127] Variations of market socialism include libertarian proposals, such as mutualism , which are grounded in classical economic principles, as well as neoclassical models like the Lange model . Some economists, including Joseph Stiglitz and Mancur Olson , among others who are not explicitly anti-socialist, have identified logical flaws or unworkable assumptions in prevailing economic models that might underpin democratic or market socialist frameworks. [128][129] These criticisms have subsequently been integrated into the market socialist models developed by John Roemer and Nicholas Vrousalis. [130][131]

The ownership of the means of production can manifest in several ways: direct ownership by the users of the productive property through worker cooperatives ; common ownership by all of society, with management and control delegated to those who operate or utilize the means of production; or public ownership vested in a state apparatus. Public ownership can involve the establishment of state-owned enterprises , nationalisation , municipalisation , or autonomous collective institutions. Some socialists argue that in a socialist economy, at least the “commanding heights ” of the economy must be publicly owned. [132] Conversely, economic liberals and right libertarians view private ownership of the means of production and market exchange as natural phenomena or moral rights fundamental to their conceptions of freedom and liberty. They consider the economic dynamics of capitalism to be immutable and absolute, and therefore perceive public ownership of the means of production, cooperatives , and economic planning as infringements upon liberty. [133][134]

Management and control within enterprises in a socialist system are envisioned to be based on self-management and self-governance, fostering equal power relations in the workplace to maximize occupational autonomy. A socialist organizational structure would eliminate controlling hierarchies, leaving only those based on technical expertise within the workplace. Every member would possess decision-making power within the firm and could participate in establishing its overall policy objectives. These policies and goals would then be implemented by technical specialists forming the firm’s coordinating hierarchy, who would devise plans and directives for the work community to achieve these objectives. [135][136]

The role and utilization of money within a hypothetical socialist economy remain a subject of debate. Nineteenth-century socialists, including Karl Marx , Robert Owen , Pierre-Joseph Proudhon , and John Stuart Mill , advocated for various forms of labour vouchers or labor credits. These, similar to money, would be used to acquire consumer goods but would not function as capital or be employed for resource allocation within the production process. Bolshevik revolutionary Leon Trotsky argued that money could not be arbitrarily abolished following a socialist revolution. He believed that money had to exhaust its “historic mission,” meaning it would continue to be used until its function became redundant, eventually transforming into bookkeeping receipts for statisticians, and only in the more distant future would money cease to be necessary even for that role. [137]

Planned economy

A planned economy is an economic system characterized by a blend of public ownership of the means of production and the coordination of production and distribution through economic planning . Planned economies can be either decentralized or centralized. Enrico Barone provided a comprehensive theoretical framework for a planned socialist economy, proposing that, assuming perfect computational techniques, simultaneous equations relating inputs and outputs to equivalence ratios would yield appropriate valuations to balance supply and demand. [138]

The most prominent historical example of a planned economy was the economic system of the Soviet Union , leading to the common association of the centralized planned economic model with the communist states of the 20th century, where it was invariably coupled with a single-party political system. In a centrally planned economy, decisions regarding the quantity of goods and services to be produced are pre-determined by a planning agency (see also the analysis of Soviet-type economic planning ). The economic systems of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc are further classified as “command economies,” defined as systems where economic coordination is achieved through commands, directives, and production targets. [139] However, studies conducted by economists of various political persuasions on the actual functioning of the Soviet economy suggest it was not truly a planned economy. Instead of deliberate planning, the Soviet economy operated through a process where the plan was modified by localized agents, and original plans frequently went unfulfilled. Planning agencies, ministries, and enterprises engaged in negotiation and adaptation during plan formulation, rather than strictly adhering to plans dictated from higher authorities. This led some economists to conclude that planning did not effectively occur within the Soviet economy, proposing “administered” or “managed” economy as more accurate descriptors. [140]

While central planning was broadly supported by Marxist–Leninists , certain factions within the Soviet Union, prior to the rise of Stalinism , held views contrary to central planning. Leon Trotsky, for instance, advocated for decentralized planning over central planning. He argued that central planners, regardless of their intellectual capabilities, would be incapable of effectively coordinating all economic activity within an economy due to their lack of input from and tacit knowledge possessed by the millions participating in the economy. Consequently, central planners would struggle to adapt to local economic conditions. [141]

Self-managed economy

Upton Sinclair stated: “Socialism, you see, is a bird with two wings. The definition is ‘social ownership and democratic control of the instruments and means of production.’” [142]

The Soviet of Workers’ Deputies of St. Petersburg in 1905, with Trotsky in the center. The soviets represented an early form of workers’ council .

A self-managed, decentralized economy is predicated on autonomous, self-regulating economic units and a decentralized system for resource allocation and decision-making. This model has garnered support from notable classical and neoclassical economists, including Alfred Marshall , John Stuart Mill , and Jaroslav Vanek . Various forms of self-management exist, such as labor-managed firms and worker-managed firms. The primary objectives of self-management are to eliminate exploitation and reduce alienation . [143] Guild socialism is a political movement advocating for workers’ control of industry through trade-related guilds operating under an “implied contractual relationship with the public.” [144] Originating in the United Kingdom, it reached its peak influence in the first quarter of the 20th century. [144] It was strongly associated with G. D. H. Cole and influenced by the ideas of William Morris .

Project Cybersyn represented an early initiative in computational economic planning .

One such system is the cooperative economy, characterized by a largely free market economy where workers manage firms and democratically decide remuneration levels and labor divisions. Productive resources would be legally owned by the cooperative and rented to the workers, who would possess usufruct rights. [145] Another approach to decentralized planning involves the use of cybernetics , or computer systems, for managing the allocation of economic inputs. The socialist-run government of Salvador Allende in Chile experimented with Project Cybersyn , establishing a real-time information bridge connecting the government, state enterprises, and consumers. [146] This initiative followed earlier attempts to implement a form of cybernetic economic planning, notably the proposed OGAS system in the Soviet Union. The OGAS project aimed to oversee a nationwide information network but was ultimately thwarted by conflicting bureaucratic interests and the Nomenklatura . [147] A more recent variant is participatory economics , where the economy is planned by decentralized councils of workers and consumers. In this model, workers would be remunerated solely based on their effort and sacrifice, ensuring that those undertaking dangerous, uncomfortable, or strenuous work receive higher incomes, potentially allowing them to work less. [148] A contemporary model for non-market socialism based on self-management is Pat Devine’s concept of negotiated coordination. Negotiated coordination is founded on social ownership by those affected by the use of the involved assets, with decisions made at the most localized level of production. [149]

[Michel Bauwens] identifies the emergence of the open-source software movement and peer-to-peer production as a novel alternative mode of production to both capitalist and centrally planned economies. This new model is based on collaborative self-management, common ownership of resources, and the production of use-values through the free cooperation of producers with access to distributed capital. [150]

Anarcho-communism is a theoretical branch of anarchism that advocates for the abolition of the state , private property , and capitalism, in favor of common ownership of the means of production . [151][152] Anarcho-syndicalism was implemented in practice in Catalonia and other regions during the Spanish Revolution amidst the Spanish Civil War. Sam Dolgoff estimated that approximately eight million individuals participated directly or indirectly in the Spanish Revolution. [153]

The economy of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia established a system based on market allocation, social ownership of the means of production, and self-management within firms. Following reforms in 1953, this system replaced Yugoslavia’s Soviet-style central planning with a decentralized, self-managed framework. [154]

Marxian economist Richard D. Wolff argues that “re-organizing production so that workers become collectively self-directed at their work-sites” not only represents a progression beyond both capitalism and the state socialism of the past century, but also signifies another pivotal transition in human history, comparable to earlier shifts from slavery and feudalism. [155] As an illustration, Wolff cites the Mondragon Corporation as “a stunningly successful alternative to the capitalist organization of production.” [156]

State-directed economy

State socialism can be used to describe various socialist philosophies that advocate for the ownership of the means of production by the state apparatus , either as a transitional phase between capitalism and socialism or as an ultimate objective. Typically, it denotes a form of technocratic management where technical specialists administer or oversee economic enterprises on behalf of society and the public interest, rather than through workers’ councils or workplace democracy.

A state-directed economy might refer to a type of mixed economy that includes public ownership of major industries, a policy championed by various Social democratic political parties during the 20th century. This ideology significantly influenced the policies enacted by the British Labour Party during the administration of Clement Attlee. In his biography of the 1945 United Kingdom Labour Party Prime Minister Clement Attlee , Francis Beckett states: “[T]he government … wanted what would become known as a mixed economy.” [157]

Nationalization in the United Kingdom was achieved through compulsory purchase of industries, meaning with compensation paid to owners. For example, British Aerospace was formed by consolidating major aircraft companies such as British Aircraft Corporation and Hawker Siddeley . British Shipbuilders brought together prominent shipbuilding companies, including Cammell Laird , Govan Shipbuilders , Swan Hunter , and [Yarrow Shipbuilders]. The nationalization of coal mines in 1947 resulted in the creation of a coal board tasked with running the industry commercially to meet interest payments on bonds into which the shares of former mine owners had been converted. [158][159]

Market socialism

Market socialism involves publicly owned or cooperatively owned enterprises operating within a market economy . This system utilizes market mechanisms and monetary prices for the allocation and accounting of the means of production , thereby preserving the process of capital accumulation . The profits generated are then used to directly remunerate employees, collectively sustain the enterprise, or fund public institutions. [160] In state-oriented forms of market socialism, where state enterprises aim to maximize profits, these profits can be channeled to fund government programs and services through a social dividend , potentially reducing or eliminating the need for various forms of taxation common in capitalist systems. Neoclassical economist Léon Walras suggested that a socialist economy founded on state ownership of land and natural resources could provide a mechanism for public finance, making income taxes obsolete. [161] Yugoslavia implemented a market socialist economy centered on cooperatives and worker self-management. [162] Some of the economic reforms introduced during the Prague Spring under the leadership of Alexander Dubček in Czechoslovakia incorporated elements of market socialism. [163]

Pierre-Joseph Proudhon , a key theorist of mutualism and an influential French socialist thinker.

Mutualism is an economic theory and an anarchist school of thought that advocates for a society where individuals possess means of production, either individually or collectively, and where trade involves equivalent labor exchanges within a free market . [164] Integral to this scheme was the establishment of a mutual-credit bank designed to lend to producers at minimal interest rates, just enough to cover administrative costs. [165] Mutualism is grounded in a labor theory of value , which posits that when labor or its product is sold, it should be exchanged for goods or services embodying “the amount of labor necessary to produce an article of exactly similar and equal utility.” [166]

China’s current economic system is formally designated as a socialist market economy with Chinese characteristics . It integrates a substantial state sector, encompassing the economy’s “commanding heights,” which are legally guaranteed to remain under public ownership. [167] This is complemented by a private sector primarily involved in commodity production and light industry, accounting for anywhere between 33% [168] and over 70% of GDP generated in 2005. [169] The contemporary Chinese economy includes 150 corporatized state-owned enterprises that report directly to the central government. [170] By 2008, these state-owned corporations had demonstrated increasing dynamism, generating significant revenue increases for the state, [171][172] and playing a crucial role in the state-sector led recovery during the 2009 financial crisis, contributing substantially to China’s economic growth. [173] The Chinese economic model is widely regarded as a form of state capitalism, with the primary distinction from Western capitalism lying in the extent of state ownership of shares in publicly listed corporations. Vietnam’s Socialist Republic has adopted a similar model following its Doi Moi economic reforms, though with a slight variation: the Vietnamese government maintains firm control over the state sector and strategic industries while permitting private sector activity in commodity production. [174]

Politics

While major socialist political movements encompass anarchism, communism, the labor movement, Marxism, social democracy, and syndicalism, independent socialist theorists, utopian socialist authors, and academic proponents of socialism may not align with these specific movements. Some political groups have adopted the label “socialist” while espousing views considered antithetical to socialism by others. The term “socialist” has also been used by members of the political right as a pejorative, sometimes directed at individuals who do not identify as socialists or at policies whose proponents do not consider them socialist. Although socialism encompasses a multitude of variations and lacks a singular, universally accepted definition, scholars have identified several common elements. [175]

In his Dictionary of Socialism (1924), Angelo S. Rappoport analyzed forty different definitions of socialism to ascertain common threads. He concluded that these included a general critique of the social consequences of private ownership and capital control—identifying them as causes of poverty, low wages, unemployment, economic and social inequality, and a lack of economic security. A shared view among socialists is that the solution lies in some form of collective control over the means of production , distribution , and exchange , with the degree and methods of control varying across different socialist movements. A consensus exists that the outcome of this collective control should be a society founded on social justice , encompassing social equality, economic security for individuals, and the provision of a more fulfilling life for the majority. [176]

In The Concepts of Socialism (1975), Bhikhu Parekh identified four core principles central to socialism, particularly within a socialist society: sociality, social responsibility, cooperation, and planning. [177] Michael Freeden, in his study Ideologies and Political Theory (1996), posited that all socialists share five fundamental themes: first, the belief that society is more than a mere aggregation of individuals; second, the consideration of human welfare as a desirable objective; third, the view that humans are inherently active and productive; fourth, a conviction in human equality; and fifth, a belief in historical progress, contingent upon human effort to achieve positive change. [177]

Anarchism

Anarchism advocates for stateless societies , often defined as self-governed voluntary institutions, [178][179][180][181] though some authors propose more specific definitions involving non-hierarchical free associations . [182][183][184][185] While anarchism generally views the state as undesirable, unnecessary, or harmful, [186][187] it is not the sole defining characteristic. [188] Anarchism entails opposition to authority or hierarchical organisation in human relations, including the state system. [182][189][190][191][192] Mutualists support market socialism, collectivist anarchists favor workers cooperatives and remuneration based on labor contribution, anarcho-communists advocate a direct transition from capitalism to libertarian communism and a gift economy , and anarcho-syndicalists prioritize workers’ direct action and the general strike . [193]

The internal conflicts between authoritarian and libertarian factions within the socialist movement date back to the First International and the expulsion of anarchists in 1872. The expelled anarchists subsequently led the Anti-authoritarian International and established their own libertarian international, the Anarchist St. Imier International . [194] In 1888, the individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker , who identified as an anarchistic socialist and libertarian socialist in opposition to authoritarian state socialism and compulsory communism, included the full text of a “Socialistic Letter” by Ernest Lesigne in his essay “State Socialism and Anarchism.” According to Lesigne, two forms of socialism existed: “One is dictatorial, the other libertarian.” [195][196] Tucker’s dichotomy presented authoritarian state socialism, which he associated with Marxism, against libertarian anarchist socialism, or simply anarchism, which he advocated. Tucker noted that the overshadowing presence of authoritarian “State Socialism” did not grant it a monopoly over the socialist idea. [197] Tucker argued that both socialist schools shared a common foundation in the labor theory of value , differing primarily in their chosen means to achieve their respective ends. [198]

According to anarchists, such as the authors of An Anarchist FAQ, anarchism is an integral part of the socialist tradition. For anarchists and other anti-authoritarian socialists, socialism signifies “a classless and anti-authoritarian (i.e. libertarian) society in which people manage their own affairs, either as individuals or as part of a group (depending on the situation). In other words, it implies self-management in all aspects of life,” including the workplace. [193] Michael Newman includes anarchism within the broader spectrum of socialist traditions. [103] Peter Marshall asserts that “anarchism is generally closer to socialism than liberalism. … Anarchism finds itself largely in the socialist camp, but it also has outriders in liberalism. It cannot be reduced to socialism, and is best seen as a separate and distinctive doctrine.” [199]

Democratic socialism and social democracy

The fist and rose , a symbol often associated with democratic socialism and social democracy.

Martin Luther King Jr. stated in 1966: “You can’t talk about ending the slums without first saying profit must be taken out of slums. You’re really tampering and getting on dangerous ground because you are messing with folk then. You are messing with captains of industry. Now this means that we are treading in difficult water, because it really means that we are saying that something is wrong with capitalism. There must be a better distribution of wealth, and maybe America must move toward a democratic socialism.” [200][201]

Democratic socialism encompasses any socialist movement aiming to establish an economy based on economic democracy for and by the working class. Defining democratic socialism precisely is challenging, with scholars offering widely divergent interpretations. Some definitions simply classify all socialist forms that pursue an electoral, reformist, or evolutionary path to socialism, as opposed to a revolutionary one. [202] According to Christopher Pierson, “If the contrast which 1989 highlights is not that between socialism in the East and liberal democracy in the West, the latter must be recognised to have been shaped, reformed and compromised by a century of social democratic pressure.” Pierson further argues that “social democratic and socialist parties within the constitutional arena in the West have almost always been involved in a politics of compromise with existing capitalist institutions (to whatever far distant prize its eyes might from time to time have been lifted).” He concludes, “if advocates of the death of socialism accept that social democrats belong within the socialist camp, as I think they must, then the contrast between socialism (in all its variants) and liberal democracy must collapse. For actually existing liberal democracy is, in substantial part, a product of socialist (social democratic) forces.” [203]

Social democracy is recognized as a distinct tradition within socialist political thought. [204][205] Many social democrats self-identify as socialists or democratic socialists, with some, like Tony Blair , using these terms interchangeably. [206][207][208] Others, however, perceive significant differences between the three terms and prefer to exclusively use “social democracy” to describe their political beliefs. [209] Two primary trajectories within social democracy have been identified: the pursuit of democratic socialism through the establishment of an economy based on economic democracy , or the construction of a welfare state within the existing capitalist system. The former approach advances democratic socialism via reformist and gradualist methods. [210] The latter approach defines social democracy as a policy regime encompassing a welfare state, collective bargaining mechanisms, support for publicly funded services, and a mixed economy. This latter definition is frequently applied to Western and Northern European nations during the latter half of the 20th century. [211][212] Jerry Mander characterized this as “hybrid economics,” representing a collaborative fusion of capitalist and socialist visions. [213] Certain studies and surveys suggest that individuals tend to experience greater happiness and better health in social democratic societies compared to neoliberal ones. [214][215][216][217]

Social democrats advocate for a peaceful, evolutionary transition to socialism through progressive social reforms. [218][219] They maintain that the only constitutionally acceptable form of government is representative democracy operating under the rule of law. [220] Their platform promotes the extension of democratic decision-making beyond the political sphere into the economic realm, advocating for economic democracy to ensure employees and other economic stakeholders possess adequate rights of co-determination . [220] They support a mixed economy that actively opposes inequality, poverty, and oppression, while rejecting both a completely unregulated market economy and a fully planned economy . [221] Common social democratic policies include the provision of universal social rights and accessible public services such as education, healthcare, workers’ compensation, and care services like childcare and elder care. [222] Socialist childcare and elder care systems are seen as enabling citizens, particularly women, to play a more active role in building a socialist society. [223] Social democracy also champions the trade union labor movement and upholds workers’ rights to collective bargaining. [224] The majority of social democratic parties are affiliated with the Socialist International . [210]

Modern democratic socialism represents a broad political movement aiming to advance socialist ideals within a democratic framework. Some democratic socialists view social democracy as a temporary measure for reforming the existing system, while others reject reformism in favor of more revolutionary approaches. Contemporary social democracy prioritizes a program of gradual legislative modifications to capitalism to render it more equitable and humane, often relegating the ultimate goal of establishing a socialist society to an indefinite future. According to Sheri Berman , Marxism is considered valuable, albeit loosely, for its emphasis on transforming the world to create a more just and better future. [225]

The two movements share significant similarities in terminology and ideology, though key distinctions exist. The primary difference between social democracy and democratic socialism lies in their political objectives: contemporary social democrats support the welfare state, unemployment insurance, and other pragmatic, progressive reforms of capitalism, focusing more on its administration and humanization. Conversely, democratic socialists aim to replace capitalism with a socialist economic system, arguing that attempts to humanize capitalism through regulation and welfare policies inevitably distort the market and create economic contradictions. [226]

Ethical and liberal socialism

R. H. Tawney , a founder of ethical socialism.

Ethical socialism grounds its appeal for socialism in ethical and moral arguments, rather than economic, egoistic, or consumeristic justifications. It emphasizes the necessity of a morally conscious economy built upon the principles of altruism, cooperation, and social justice, while actively opposing possessive individualism. [227] Ethical socialism has historically served as the official philosophy of mainstream socialist parties. [228]

Liberal socialism integrates liberal principles into socialist thought. [229] It bears similarities to post-war social democracy in its support for a mixed economy that incorporates both public and private capital goods. [230][231][232] While democratic socialism and social democracy are generally considered anti-capitalist positions, particularly in their critique of capitalism stemming from the private ownership of the means of production , [233] liberal socialism identifies artificial and legalistic monopolies as the principal flaws of [capitalism]. [233] It opposes an entirely unregulated market economy , [234] asserting that both liberty and social equality are compatible and mutually reinforcing. [229]

Philosophers such as John Stuart Mill , Eduard Bernstein , John Dewey , Carlo Rosselli , Norberto Bobbio , and Chantal Mouffe have developed principles that can be described as ethical or liberal socialist. [235] Other significant figures in liberal socialism include Guido Calogero, Piero Gobetti , Leonard Trelawny Hobhouse , John Maynard Keynes , and R. H. Tawney . [234] Liberal socialism has found particular resonance in British and Italian political discourse. [234]

Authoritarian socialism

Authoritarian socialism , sometimes referred to as “socialism from above,” constitutes an economic and political system that supports certain forms of socialist economics while rejecting political pluralism . The term broadly describes a range of economic-political systems that self-identify as “socialist” but eschew liberal-democratic principles such as multi-party politics , freedom of assembly , habeas corpus , and freedom of expression . This rejection is often justified by fears of counter-revolution or as a strategic means to achieve socialist objectives. Journalists and scholars have frequently characterized various countries, most notably the Soviet Union , China , Cuba , and their allies, as authoritarian socialist states. [237][238][239]

Leninism

Blanquism is a revolutionary theory named after Louis Auguste Blanqui , which posits that socialist revolution should be orchestrated by a small, highly organized, and clandestine group of conspirators. Upon seizing power, these revolutionaries would then implement socialism. [citation needed] Rosa Luxemburg and Eduard Bernstein [240] criticized Lenin’s conception of revolution, deeming it elitist and akin to Blanquism. [241] Marxism–Leninism integrates Marx’s concepts of scientific socialist thought with Lenin’s principles of anti-imperialism , democratic centralism , vanguardism , [242] and the directive “He who does not work, neither shall he eat ”. [243]

[Hal Draper] defined socialism from above as a philosophy that relies on an elite administration to manage the socialist state . The counterpoint to this is socialism from below , which is considered the more democratic form. [244] Draper argued that socialism from above is discussed more frequently in elite circles than socialism from below, even if the latter represents the Marxist ideal, due to its perceived practicality. [245] Draper considered socialism from below to be the purer, more Marxist interpretation of socialism. [246] According to Draper, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels were strongly opposed to any socialist institution that fostered “superstitious authoritarianism.” Draper further argued that this division mirrors the broader dichotomy between “reformist or revolutionary, peaceful or violent, democratic or authoritarian, etc.” He identified six primary categories of socialism from above: “Philanthropism,” “Elitism,” “Pannism,” “Communism,” “Permeationism,” and “Socialism-from-Outside.” [247]

Arthur Lipow stated that Marx and Engels were “the founders of modern revolutionary democratic socialism,” characterized as a form of “socialism from below” rooted in a “mass working-class movement, fighting from below for the extension of democracy and human freedom.” Lipow contrasted this with the “authoritarian, anti-democratic creed” and “various totalitarian collectivist ideologies which claim the title of socialism,” as well as “the many varieties of ‘socialism from above’ which have led in the twentieth century to movements and state forms in which a despotic ‘new class ’ rules over a stratified economy in the name of socialism.” He identified Bellamyism and Stalinism as two prominent authoritarian socialist currents in the history of the socialist movement. [248]

Trotsky considered himself a follower of Leninism but strongly opposed the bureaucratic and authoritarian methods employed by Stalin. [249] Several scholars and Western socialists have viewed Leon Trotsky as a democratic alternative to Stalin, particularly emphasizing his actions during the pre-Civil War period and his leadership of the Left Opposition . [250][251][252][253] More specifically, Trotsky advocated for a decentralized approach to economic planning, [254] mass soviet democratization , [255][256][257][258] worker’s control of production , [258] elected representation for Soviet socialist parties , [259][260] the strategy of a united front against far-right parties, [261] cultural autonomy for artistic movements, [262] voluntary collectivisation , [263][264] a transitional program , [265] and socialist internationalism . [266]

Numerous scholars argue that, in practice, the Soviet model functioned as a form of state capitalism . [267][268][269]

Libertarian socialism

The first anarchist publication to utilize the term [libertarian] was Le Libertaire, Journal du Mouvement Social, published in New York City between 1858 and 1861 by the French libertarian communist Joseph Déjacque , who is recognized as the first individual to self-identify as libertarian. [270][271]

Libertarian socialism, sometimes referred to as [left-libertarianism], [272][273] [social anarchism], [274][275] and [socialist libertarianism], [276] represents an [anti-authoritarian], [anti-statist], and [libertarian] [277] tradition within socialism that rejects centralized state ownership and control. [278] It critiques wage labour relationships (wage slavery ) [279] and the state itself. [280] Libertarian socialism emphasizes workers’ self-management and decentralized structures of political organization. [280][281] It posits that a society characterized by freedom and equality can be achieved through the abolition of authoritarian institutions that control production. [282] Libertarian socialists generally favor [direct democracy] and [federal] or [confederal] associations, such as libertarian municipalism , citizens’ assemblies , trade unions, and workers’ councils . [283][284]

Anarcho-syndicalist [Gaston Leval] explained:

“We therefore foresee a Society in which all activities will be coordinated, a structure that has, at the same time, sufficient flexibility to permit the greatest possible autonomy for social life, or for the life of each enterprise, and enough cohesiveness to prevent all disorder. … In a well-organised society, all of these things must be systematically accomplished by means of parallel federations, vertically united at the highest levels, constituting one vast organism in which all economic functions will be performed in solidarity with all others and that will permanently preserve the necessary cohesion”. [285]

This is typically pursued within a broader call for [libertarian] [286] and [voluntary] [287] free associations , achieved through the identification, critique, and practical dismantling of illegitimate authority across all domains of human life. [288][289][190]

As a component of the broader socialist movement, libertarian socialism distinguishes itself from Bolshevism, Leninism, Marxism–Leninism, and social democracy. [290] Historical and contemporary political philosophies and movements commonly identified as libertarian socialist include [anarchism] ([anarcho-communism], [anarcho-syndicalism], [291] [collectivist anarchism], [individualist anarchism] [292][293][294] and [mutualism]), [295] [autonomism], [Communalism] ([Bookchin]), participism, [libertarian Marxism] ([council communism] and [Luxemburgism]), [296][297] [revolutionary syndicalism], and [utopian socialism] ([Fourierism]). [298]

Religious socialism

Christian socialism broadly integrates Christian religious principles with socialist ideals. [299]

The Arabic letters “Lam” and “Alif,” forming “Lā” (Arabic for “No!”), serve as a symbol of Islamic Socialism in Turkey .

Islamic socialism represents a more spiritual manifestation of socialism. Muslim socialists contend that the teachings of the Quran and [Muhammad] are not only compatible with socialism but actively promote its principles of equality and public ownership , drawing inspiration from the early [Medina welfare state] established by Muhammad. Islamic socialists tend to be more conservative than their Western counterparts, finding common ground in anti-imperialism , [anti-colonialism], [300][301] and, in some Arab countries, Arab nationalism . Islamic socialists believe in deriving political legitimacy from the consent of the governed, rather than solely from religious texts.

Social movements

Socialist feminist Clara Zetkin and Rosa Luxemburg in 1910.

Socialist feminism is a strand of feminism that argues that true liberation can only be achieved by addressing both the economic and cultural sources of women’s oppression . [302] The foundation of Marxist feminism was laid by Engels in his 1884 work, The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State . August Bebel ’s Woman under Socialism (1879) is noted as the “single work dealing with sexuality most widely read by rank-and-file members of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD).” [303] In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, both Clara Zetkin and Eleanor Marx opposed the demonisation of men and advocated for a proletariat revolution that would endeavor to overcome as many male-female inequalities as possible. [304] Given that their movement already championed the most radical demands for women’s equality, most Marxist leaders, including Clara Zetkin [305][306] and [Alexandra Kollontai], [307][308] positioned Marxism in opposition to [liberal feminism] rather than seeking integration. Anarcha-feminism emerged through the writings of late 19th- and early 20th-century authors and theorists such as anarchist feminists Emma Goldman and [Voltairine de Cleyre]. [309] During the Spanish Civil War , the anarcha-feminist group [Mujeres Libres] (“Free Women”), affiliated with the [Federación Anarquista Ibérica], organized to advance both anarchist and feminist ideals. [310] In 1972, the Chicago Women’s Liberation Union published “Socialist Feminism: A Strategy for the Women’s Movement,” widely considered the first published use of the term “socialist feminism.” [311]

[Edward Carpenter], a philosopher and activist instrumental in founding the [Fabian Society] and the [Labour Party (UK)], as well as early Western [LGBTI] movements.

Many socialists were early proponents of LGBT rights . For early socialist [Charles Fourier], genuine freedom could only exist without the suppression of passions, as such suppression is detrimental not only to the individual but to society as a whole. Writing before the term “homosexuality” was established, Fourier recognized that both men and women possess a wide range of sexual needs and preferences that could evolve throughout their lives, including same-sex sexuality and androgyny. He argued that all sexual expressions should be embraced, provided no one is abused, and that “affirming one’s difference” could actually foster social integration. [312][313] In [Oscar Wilde]’s [The Soul of Man Under Socialism], he advocated for an [egalitarian] society with shared wealth, while cautioning against social systems that stifle individuality. [314] [Edward Carpenter] actively campaigned for homosexual rights. His 1908 book, [The Intermediate Sex]: A Study of Some Transitional Types of Men and Women, argued for [gay liberation]. [315] Carpenter was an influential figure in the establishment of the [Fabian Society] and the [Labour Party (UK)]. Following the [Russian Revolution], under the leadership of Lenin and Trotsky, the Soviet Union abolished previous laws against homosexuality. [316] [Harry Hay] was a prominent early leader in the American LGBT rights movement and a member of the [Communist Party USA]. He is recognized for his involvement in founding gay organizations, including the [Mattachine Society], the first sustained gay rights group in the United States, which in its early years reflected a significant Marxist influence. The Encyclopedia of Homosexuality reports that “[a]s Marxists the founders of the group believed that the injustice and oppression which they suffered stemmed from relationships deeply embedded in the structure of American society.” [317] Emerging from events such as the May 1968 insurrection in France, the [anti-Vietnam War movement] in the US, and the [Stonewall riots] of 1969, militant gay liberation organizations began to proliferate globally. Many of these groups originated from radical left politics rather than established homophile organizations, [318] although the [Gay Liberation Front] adopted an [anti-capitalist] stance and challenged the [nuclear family] and traditional [gender roles]. [319]

Eco-socialism merges aspects of socialism, Marxism, or libertarian socialism with green politics, ecology, and [alter-globalisation]. Eco-socialists generally argue that the expansion of the capitalist system, through [globalisation] and [imperialism] under the oversight of repressive [states] and transnational structures, is the root cause of social exclusion, poverty, war, and environmental degradation. [320] Contrary to the portrayal of [Karl Marx] by some environmentalists [321] as a [productivist] who favored the domination of nature, [social ecologists] [322] and fellow socialists [323] argue that Marx “was a main originator of the ecological world-view.” [324] Marx discussed a “metabolic rift” between humanity and nature, stating that “private ownership of the globe by single individuals will appear quite absurd as private ownership of one man by another” and observed that a society must “hand it [the planet] down to succeeding generations in an improved condition.” [325] English socialist [William Morris] is credited with articulating principles that later became known as eco-socialism. [326] During the 1880s and 1890s, Morris promoted his ideas within the [Social Democratic Federation] and the [Socialist League (UK, 1885)]. [327] Green anarchism combines anarchism with [environmental issues]. Key early influences include [Henry David Thoreau] and his book [Walden], [328] as well as [Élisée Reclus]. [329][330]

In the late 19th century, anarcho-naturism integrated anarchist and [naturist] philosophies within [individualist anarchist] circles in France, Spain, Cuba [331] and Portugal. [332] [Murray Bookchin]’s first book, [Our Synthetic Environment], [333] was followed by his essay “Ecology and Revolutionary Thought,” which introduced ecology as a concept within radical politics. [334] In the 1970s, [Barry Commoner] argued that capitalist technologies, rather than [population pressures], were the primary drivers of [environmental degradation]. [335] In the 1990s, socialist/feminists Mary Mellor [336] and [Ariel Salleh] [337] adopted an eco-socialist paradigm. An “environmentalism of the poor,” merging ecological awareness with [social justice], has also gained prominence. [338] Pepper critiqued the prevailing approach of many within [green politics], particularly [deep ecologists]. [339]

Syndicalism

Syndicalism operates through industrial trade unions and rejects [state socialism] and the utilization of established political channels. Syndicalists oppose state power, favoring strategies such as the [general strike]. Syndicalists advocate for a socialist economy structured around federated unions or syndicates of workers who own and manage the means of production. Certain Marxist currents, such as [De Leonism], endorse syndicalism. Anarcho-syndicalism views syndicalism as a method for workers in [capitalist society] to gain control of the economy. The [Spanish Revolution] of 1936 was largely orchestrated by the anarcho-syndicalist trade union [CNT]. [340] The [International Workers’ Association] serves as an international federation of anarcho-syndicalist labor unions and initiatives. [341]

Public views

Numerous polls indicate significant levels of support for socialism among contemporary populations. [342][343]

A 2018 [IPSOS] poll revealed that 50% of respondents globally strongly or somewhat agreed that socialist values held considerable importance for societal progress. The figures varied by country: China (84%), India (72%), Malaysia (62%), Turkey (62%), South Africa (57%), Brazil (57%), Russia (55%), Spain (54%), Argentina (52%), Mexico (51%), Saudi Arabia (51%), Sweden (49%), Canada (49%), Great Britain (49%), Australia (49%), Poland (48%), Chile (48%), South Korea (48%), Peru (48%), Italy (47%), Serbia (47%), Germany (45%), Belgium (44%), Romania (40%), United States (39%), France (31%), Hungary (28%), and Japan (21%). [344]

A 2021 survey conducted by the [Institute of Economic Affairs] (IEA) found that 67% of young British respondents (aged 16–24) expressed a desire to live under a [socialist economic system]. Additionally, 72% supported the [re-nationalisation] of key industries such as [energy], [water], and [railways], while 75% agreed with the assertion that [climate change] is a problem specifically caused by [capitalism]. [345]

A 2023 IPSOS poll indicated that a majority of the British public favored public ownership of [utilities], including water, rail, and [electricity]. Specifically, 68% of respondents supported the nationalization of water services, 65% favored nationalizing railways, 63% supported public ownership of [power networks], and 39% favored government-operated [broadband access]. The poll also revealed broad support across traditional Labour and Conservative voters. [346]

The findings of a 2019 [Axios] poll showed that 70% of American [millennials] were willing to vote for a socialist candidate, and 50% of this demographic held a somewhat or very unfavorable view of capitalism. [347] Subsequently, another 2021 Axios poll indicated that 51% of US adults aged 18–34 held a positive view of socialism. More broadly, 41% of Americans viewed socialism positively, compared to 52% who held a negative view. [348]

In 2023, the [Fraser Institute] published findings indicating that 42% of Canadians viewed socialism as the ideal system, compared to 43% of British respondents, 40% of Australian respondents, and 31% of American respondents. Overall support for socialism ranged from 50% among Canadians aged 18–24 to 28% among Canadians over 55. [349]

In 2025, a joint poll by [Rasmussen] and the Heartland Institute found that 53% of young voters (aged 18–39) supported the prospect of a socialist candidate running in the upcoming 2028 presidential election, and 76% of this demographic favored the nationalization of key industries such as energy, healthcare, and major technology sectors. [350]

Criticism

According to analytical Marxist sociologist [Erik Olin Wright], “The Right condemned socialism as violating individual rights to private property and unleashing monstrous forms of state oppression,” while “the Left saw it as opening up new vistas of social equality, genuine freedom and the development of human potentials.” [351]

Given the diverse nature of socialism, most critiques target specific approaches, and proponents of one approach often criticize others. Socialism has faced criticism regarding its proposed models of economic organization as well as its political and social implications. Additional criticisms are directed at the socialist movement , its associated parties , or existing states .

Some critiques are theoretical, such as the [economic calculation problem] presented by proponents of the [Austrian School] as part of the [socialist calculation debate]. Others draw on historical attempts to establish socialist societies to support their criticisms. The economic calculation problem specifically concerns the feasibility and methodologies for resource allocation within a [planned socialist system]. [352][353][354] Central planning also faces criticism from elements within the radical left. Libertarian socialist economist [Robin Hahnel] notes that even if central planning could overcome its inherent limitations regarding incentives and innovation, it would still be incapable of maximizing economic democracy and self-management, concepts he considers more intellectually coherent, consistent, and just than mainstream notions of economic freedom. [355]

[Economic liberals] and [right-libertarians] argue that [private ownership] of the [means of production] and market exchange are natural rights or inherent aspects of freedom and liberty. They contend that the economic dynamics of [capitalism] are unchangeable and absolute, consequently viewing [public ownership] of the means of production, [cooperatives], and [economic planning] as infringements upon individual liberty. [356][357]

Critics of socialism argue that in any society where wealth is equally distributed, the incentive to work diminishes, as rewards for performance are absent. They further assert that incentives are crucial for increasing overall productivity and that their loss would lead to economic stagnation. Some critics contend that income sharing reduces individual work incentives, advocating instead for maximum income individualization. [358]

[Peter Self] criticized the objectives of socialism, arguing that the pursuit of equality undermines individual diversity and would necessitate strong coercion to establish an egalitarian society. [359]

[Milton Friedman] posited that the absence of private economic activity would empower political leaders to assume coercive powers. He argued that under capitalism, these powers are wielded by a capitalist class, which he considered preferable. [360]

Many commentators on the political right cite the [mass killings under communist regimes] as evidence against socialism. [361][362][363] Conversely, opponents of this view, including socialist supporters, argue that these atrocities were aberrations resulting from specific authoritarian regimes rather than inherent flaws in socialism itself. They draw parallels to killings, famines, and excess deaths that have occurred under capitalism, [colonialism], and [anti-communist authoritarian governments]. [364]