One might think the political landscape of Asturies would offer some original drama, but alas, most of it is just the usual re-runs. Take, for instance, the political party known as the United Left of Asturias . Or, as they insist on being called in their local tongue, Izquierda Xunida d’Asturies. For those who prefer their nomenclature less… exotic, it’s also referred to in Spanish as Izquierda Unida de Asturias, often abbreviated with a certain bureaucratic flair as IU–IX. It’s the Asturian regional manifestation, a local chapter if you will, of that broader Spanish left-wing political and social movement known simply as United Left . Currently, the General Coordinator, a title that always promises more than it delivers, is one Ovidio Zapico. And, as is often the case with these coalitions, there’s usually a dominant force pulling the strings; here, it’s the Communist Party of Asturias (PCA), which, predictably, is the Asturian federation of the larger Communist Party of Spain (PCE). One imagines the internal debates are simply thrilling.

Foundation and Evolution

The United Left of Asturias officially came into being in 1993. Not exactly ancient history, but long enough for a few cycles of dashed hopes and renewed promises. Its formation was less a spontaneous combustion of revolutionary zeal and more a carefully orchestrated amalgamation of various, often disparate, left-leaning entities. A merger, they called it. One might also call it a desperate attempt at consolidation, a gathering of fragments hoping to form a coherent whole.

The list of its constituent parts reads like a historical roll call of the Asturian left, each bringing its own particular flavor of ideological conviction, or perhaps, just its own brand of electoral frustration. Key among these was the aforementioned Communist Party of Asturias , which, despite its historical weight, clearly understood the value of a broader front. Alongside them came Izquierda Abierta , a more recent iteration of “open” leftist thought, and the ever-present youthful vanguard, the Communist Youth of Asturies , presumably brimming with the kind of optimism that only inexperience can truly foster.

Other groups folded into this nascent coalition included the venerable Republican Left , a party clinging to the ideals of a bygone era, and a contingent of Independents – always a charming addition, implying a refreshing lack of dogma, or perhaps just a refreshing lack of a stable political home. Lesser-known, but no less significant in their contribution to the ideological mosaic, were groups like Lliberación , which existed from 1991 to 2010, and the Party of Socialist Action, a fleeting presence from 1986 to 2001. The Progressive Federation had an even shorter run within the merger, from 1986 to 1988, suggesting that progress, in this context, was perhaps a relative term. Even more ephemeral were the contributions of the Carlist Party of Asturies (1986-1987), a rather curious bedfellow for a left-wing alliance, and the Humanist Party , whose participation in 1986 was brief enough to suggest they either found the company too demanding or simply moved on to more enlightened pastures. This patchwork origin story is, if nothing else, a testament to the enduring, if sometimes impractical, desire for unity on the left.

Organizational Structure and Identity

The main operational hub for the United Left of Asturias is situated at Plaza Alfonso II el Casto 3, 2º, in Oviedo , the capital of Asturies . One can only imagine the vital decisions made within those walls, perhaps over lukewarm coffee.

Like many political organizations, it maintains a dedicated youth wing , known as IU Mocedá. This is where the fresh faces, full of unspent energy and, presumably, a healthy dose of naivete, cut their teeth in the often-disappointing world of realpolitik. As for the numbers, in 2014, the party reported approximately 2,300 official members, a figure that suggests a dedicated, if somewhat niche, following. Alongside these committed individuals, they also claimed around 2,100 sympathizers. One wonders what separates a “member” from a “sympathizer.” Perhaps it’s the willingness to attend interminable meetings, or simply a higher tolerance for paperwork. These numbers, while modest, illustrate the challenge of maintaining a robust base in the ever-shifting currents of regional politics.

Ideological Underpinnings

The stated ideology of the United Left of Asturias is, as expected, a broad and ambitious tapestry of left-wing thought. They espouse Socialism , a classic staple, and often pair it with Anticapitalism , because why simply reform when you can fundamentally oppose? Communism also features prominently, reflecting the historical backbone of the coalition. Beyond economic frameworks, they champion Republicanism in Spain , a sentiment that occasionally surfaces with more vigor than others. Locally, they advocate for Asturianism , a focus on the distinct identity and needs of the region, which, one might argue, provides a useful local flavor to their broader internationalist rhetoric. Rounding out their platform are Feminism , a necessary and increasingly mainstream component of progressive politics, and Federalism , suggesting a preference for decentralized power, which is often a practical necessity for regional parties. This comprehensive ideological stance positions them squarely on the left-wing of the political spectrum , aiming to be all things to all progressives, a feat that is as admirable in its ambition as it is challenging in its execution.

Affiliations and Presence

Nationally, the United Left of Asturias is, unsurprisingly, affiliated with the overarching United Left movement in Spain. Regionally, the dance of alliances continues. Since 2023, they have been part of the Convocatoria por Asturias coalition, another attempt to consolidate forces and present a united front to the electorate.

Their presence in the political institutions of Asturies offers a sobering glimpse into the realities of electoral politics. In the General Junta of the Principality of Asturias , the regional parliament, they currently hold a modest 2 out of 45 seats. In the various municipalities of Asturias , their influence is somewhat more distributed, with 9 out of 78 mayoral positions. When it comes to local seats across these municipalities, the numbers expand to 119 out of a total of 928. These figures, while indicating a foothold, also highlight the persistent challenge of translating broad ideological appeal into significant legislative or executive power. Their official web presence, for those inclined to explore further, is found at izquierdaxunida.com.

Electoral Performance in the General Junta of the Principality of Asturias

The electoral journey of the United Left of Asturias through the General Junta of the Principality of Asturias offers a rather predictable narrative of a smaller party navigating the complex currents of regional politics.

• 1987 Regional Election: In their initial outing, the 1987 Asturian regional election , they secured 69,175 votes, which translated to 12.1% of the total, marking a modest +1.0 percentage point increase from previous iterations or expectations. This earned them 4 out of 45 seats, placing them 4th in terms of size and squarely in opposition for the 1987–1991 period. A respectable, if not earth-shattering, debut.

• 1991 Regional Election: The momentum continued into the 1991 Asturian regional election . Their vote count rose to 78,982, pushing their percentage to 14.8%, a +2.7 increase. This translated into 6 out of 45 seats, a gain of 2, elevating them to 3rd largest party. For the period of 1991–1993, they adopted a role of confidence and supply , a position often preferred by smaller parties who wish to exert influence without the full burden of governance. This arrangement, however, only lasted until 1993, after which they remained in the legislative landscape, presumably still influencing from the sidelines, until 2003.

• 1995 Regional Election: The 1995 Asturian regional election saw their highest vote count yet, 106,538, and a further increase in percentage to 16.4% (+1.6). Despite this, their seat count remained stagnant at 6 out of 45, no gain, keeping them in 3rd place and once again in opposition . A clear lesson that more votes don’t always mean more power.

• 1999 Regional Election: The tide began to recede in the 1999 Asturian regional election . Their votes plummeted to 55,747, and their percentage dropped significantly to 9.0% (a sharp –7.4). Consequently, they lost 3 seats, ending up with only 3 out of 45, though still maintaining their 3rd place standing. A humbling experience, no doubt.

• 2003 Regional Election: A slight recovery was observed in the 2003 Asturian regional election . This time, they entered into a coalition with Bloc for Asturies . Together, they garnered 68,360 votes, achieving 11.0% (+2.0). They regained a seat, bringing their total to 4 out of 45, and remained the 3rd largest force. More significantly, this period, from 2003 to 2007, saw them participate in a government , a rare taste of executive power.

• 2007 Regional Election: The 2007 Asturian regional election saw them continuing their coalition strategy, this time with Bloc for Asturies and The Greens of Asturias . Despite this expanded alliance, their votes fell to 58,144 (9.7%, a –1.3 drop). Their seat count remained at 4 out of 45, still 3rd in size. They spent the first part of the 2007–2008 period in opposition , but managed to re-enter a government coalition from 2008 to 2011, demonstrating a certain knack for political maneuvering.

• 2011 Regional Election: For the 2011 Asturian regional election , they partnered with The Greens of Asturias once more. They saw a modest increase in votes to 61,703, and their percentage edged up to 10.3% (+0.6). Their seat count remained stable at 4 out of 45, though they slipped to 4th place. This entire period, from 2011 to 2012, was spent in opposition . It’s worth noting that Asturies was the region where United Left achieved its best results in the general elections of 2011 nationally, securing 13.27% of the vote, a small victory in a broader landscape of challenges.

• 2012 Regional Election: The 2012 Asturian regional election brought a surge, perhaps fueled by a renewed sense of purpose. They secured 69,118 votes, a significant jump to 13.8% (+3.5). This translated into 5 out of 45 seats, gaining 1, though they remained in 4th place. They returned to a confidence and supply arrangement for 2012–2013, before reverting to opposition from 2013 to 2015.

• 2015 Regional Election: In the 2015 Asturian regional election , their vote count dipped to 64,868, and their percentage to 11.9% (–1.9). Despite this, they managed to hold onto their 5 out of 45 seats, remaining 4th in size. They once again engaged in a confidence and supply agreement for the 2015–2019 legislative period.

• 2019 Regional Election: The 2019 Asturian regional election proved to be particularly challenging. In coalition with Asturian Left , their votes dropped sharply to 34,776, and their percentage to a mere 6.6% (–5.3). They lost 3 seats, ending up with only 2 out of 45, and slipped to 5th place. The entire 2019–2023 period was spent in opposition , a clear setback.

• 2023 Regional Election: The most recent 2023 Asturian regional election saw them, once again, in a broader coalition, Convocatoria por Asturias , alongside Asturian Left and Más Asturies . This effort yielded 40,774 votes, a modest increase to 7.6% (+1.0). They gained 1 seat, bringing their total to 3 out of 45, and improved their standing to 4th place. Crucially, since 2023, they have participated in a regional coalition government with the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE), with Ovidio Zapico, their current General Coordinator, taking on the role of minister for Territorial and Urban Planning, Housing and Citizen’s Rights. A return to power, even if shared, always brings its own set of compromises and expectations.