"Banisadr" redirects here. For the Iranian-American artist, see Ali Banisadr.
Abolhassan Banisadr, a name that echoes with the seismic shifts of revolution and the bitter taste of exile, was Iran's first president in the turbulent aftermath of the 1979 Iranian Revolution. He served from February 1980 until his dramatic impeachment in June 1981, a tenure marked by idealism, political maneuvering, and ultimately, a stark fall from grace. Before assuming the presidency, he held the crucial portfolio of Minister of Foreign Affairs within the Interim Government.
His presidency, though brief, was a pivotal moment, attempting to navigate the nascent Islamic Republic through its formative years. However, the political currents were too strong, the ideological divides too deep. Following his impeachment, Banisadr sought refuge in France, where he continued his political life as a dissident and co-founder of the National Council of Resistance of Iran. His later years were dedicated to prolific writing, dissecting the revolution he helped ignite and offering sharp critiques of the Iranian government, particularly under Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, and the controversial 2009 elections.
Early Life and Education
Born on March 22, 1933, in Baghcheh, a modest village north of Hamedan, Abolhassan Banisadr's early life was shaped by his father, Nasrollah, a Shia cleric who had relocated from Bijar in Kurdistan. His academic path was as varied as his political trajectory, with studies encompassing law, theology, and sociology at the prestigious University of Tehran.
Even as a student, Banisadr was a fervent participant in the anti-Shah student movement of the early 1960s. This activism led to his imprisonment on two occasions and a physical injury sustained during the 1963 uprising. His continued political engagements forced him to flee to France, where he pursued higher education in finance and economics at the renowned Sorbonne. It was during this period that he penned "Eghtesad Tohidi," a work that translates roughly to "The Economics of Monotheism," offering his early thoughts on an Islamic economic framework.
A significant turning point in his life occurred in 1972 with the death of his father. It was at the funeral, held in Iraq, that Banisadr first encountered Ruhollah Khomeini. This meeting marked the beginning of a political alliance; Banisadr became a devoted follower and a trusted advisor to Khomeini within the burgeoning Iranian resistance movement. The return of Khomeini to Iran on February 1, 1979, heralded the imminent collapse of the monarchy, and Banisadr was by his side, returning to his homeland alongside the charismatic leader.
Career
With the Interim Government at the helm following the revolution, Banisadr was appointed Deputy Minister of Finance on February 4, 1979. Under the direct guidance of Khomeini, he also secured a seat on the Council of the Islamic Revolution, filling the vacancy left by Mehdi Bazargan, who had assumed the role of prime minister. The interim government's dissolution in November 1979 saw Banisadr elevated to the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs on November 12, replacing Ebrahim Yazdi. His responsibilities expanded further on November 17, when he also took on the role of Minister of Finance, succeeding Ali Ardalan.
The political landscape was shifting rapidly, and in January 1980, Banisadr declared his candidacy for Iran's newly established presidency. Notably, he was not an Islamic cleric. This was in line with Khomeini's directive, as the Supreme Leader of Iran, that members of the clergy should not hold positions in the government. On January 25, 1980, Banisadr was elected president, securing a four-year term with an impressive 78.9 percent of the vote. The inauguration ceremony, held on February 4, took place at a hospital where Khomeini was recovering from a heart condition.
Banisadr's presidency was not without peril. In August and September of 1980, he survived two harrowing helicopter crashes near the volatile Iran–Iraq border. During the escalating Iran–Iraq War, Khomeini appointed Banisadr as the acting commander-in-chief of the armed forces on June 10, 1981, a testament to his perceived leadership during a time of national crisis.
The image of Banisadr's inauguration as the first President of Iran in 1980, with Mohammad Beheshti and Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani beside him, captures a moment of nascent hope for the new republic.
Impeachment
The political stability that Banisadr attempted to foster was short-lived. In June 1981, the Majlis, Iran's parliament, moved to impeach him. The stated reasons were complex, but it's widely believed that his opposition to the increasing power of the clerics in government, particularly Mohammad Beheshti, then the head of the judiciary, was a primary catalyst. Even Khomeini himself appears to have played a role in instigating the impeachment, signing the official articles the following day. According to historian Kenneth Katzman, Banisadr's belief that clerics should not directly govern Iran, coupled with his perceived alignment with the People's Mujahedin of Iran (MEK), sealed his fate. During the parliamentary debate, only one deputy, Salaheddin Bayani, dared to speak in Banisadr's defense. Banisadr himself called for a referendum, arguing for the people's right to choose and highlighting the significant mandate he had received in the presidential election, far exceeding the votes cast for the Islamic Republican Party (IRP) in the parliamentary elections.
Even before Khomeini formally endorsed the impeachment, the Revolutionary Guard had already moved to seize presidential buildings and detain journalists from a newspaper aligned with Banisadr. In the days that followed, the regime carried out the executions of several of Banisadr's close associates and advisors, alongside hundreds of other individuals deemed critical of the new order. Ayatollah Hussein-Ali Montazeri, one of the few prominent figures within the government who had supported Banisadr, was subsequently stripped of his authority.
Banisadr, aware of the impending danger, had gone into hiding in Tehran for several days prior to his removal, with assistance from the MEK. From this clandestine base, he attempted to forge an alliance of anti-Khomeini factions, including the MEK, the Kurdistan Democratic Party, and the Fedaian Organisation (Minority). He deliberately excluded any contact with monarchist exile groups. His meetings with MEK leader Massoud Rajavi during this period were frequent, focused on solidifying their planned alliance. However, the execution of a prominent MEK member, Mohammad Reza Saadati, on July 27, 1981, convinced Banisadr and Rajavi that remaining in Iran was no longer viable.
Flight and Exile
On July 29, 1981, Banisadr and Rajavi orchestrated their escape from Iran. They were smuggled aboard an Iranian Air Force Boeing 707 piloted by Colonel Behzad Moezzi. The flight initially followed a standard route before deviating into Turkish airspace and eventually landing in Paris. Banisadr employed a rather desperate disguise for his escape, shaving his eyebrows and mustache and reportedly wearing a skirt.
Upon arriving in Paris, Banisadr and Rajavi were granted political asylum in France, with the condition that they refrain from anti-Khomeini activities within French territory. This restriction, however, proved to be temporary, effectively becoming moot after France evacuated its embassy in Tehran. In October 1981, Banisadr, Rajavi, and the Kurdish Democratic Party formally established the National Council of Resistance of Iran in Paris. Yet, by 1984, the alliance between Banisadr and Rajavi fractured. Banisadr accused Rajavi of espousing dictatorial tendencies and advocating for violence. Furthermore, Banisadr disagreed with Rajavi's commitment to armed opposition, preferring instead to seek international support for Iran amidst its ongoing war with Iraq.
My Turn to Speak
In 1991, Banisadr published an English translation of his 1989 French text, "My Turn to Speak: Iran, the Revolution and Secret Deals with the U.S." The book presented a controversial thesis, alleging covert dealings between the Ronald Reagan presidential campaign and figures in Tehran. The core accusation was that these clandestine negotiations aimed to prolong the Iran hostage crisis until after the 1980 United States presidential election. Banisadr also made startling claims about Henry Kissinger's alleged role in plotting the establishment of a Palestinian state within Iran's Khuzestan province, and that Zbigniew Brzezinski had colluded with Saddam Hussein to orchestrate Iraq's 1980 invasion of Iran.
The book garnered mixed reviews. Lloyd Grove of The Washington Post described it as "never merely direct when it can be enigmatic, never just simple when it can be labyrinthine." In Foreign Affairs, William B. Quandt characterized the work as "a rambling, self-serving series of reminiscences," noting its abundance of "sensational allegations and devoid of documentation." Kirkus Reviews offered a similar assessment, calling it "an interesting—though frequently incredible and consistently self-serving-memoir," and deeming its "frequent sensational accusations" to render the narrative an "eccentric, implausible commentary."
Views
From the early days of his presidency, Banisadr was vocal in his criticism of the Iran hostage crisis. He argued that the prolonged ordeal was isolating Iran from the Third World and fostering the dangerous growth of "a state within a state."
In a 2008 interview with Voice of America, Banisadr placed direct responsibility for the violence emanating from the Muslim world at the feet of Khomeini, asserting that the promises made by Khomeini while in exile were ultimately broken upon his return. By July 2009, Banisadr had publicly condemned the Iranian government's actions following the disputed presidential election, alleging that "Khamenei ordered the fraud in the presidential elections and the ensuing crackdown on protesters." He further stated that the government's grip on power was maintained solely through "violence and terror," and accused its leaders of enriching themselves at the expense of the Iranian populace.
In his written analyses of the 2009 Iranian presidential election protests, Banisadr suggested that the relatively open political discourse preceding the election was a strategic move by the government, desperate to project an image of legitimacy that he argued it had lost. He contended that the subsequent spontaneous uprising had irrevocably eroded the government's political standing, and that Khamenei's threats had instigated a violent crackdown that further stripped the regime of its religious credibility.
Personal Life and Death
From 1981 onwards, Banisadr resided in Versailles, near Paris, in a villa under the protection of French police. His daughter, Firouzé, married Massoud Rajavi in Paris following their shared exile. This union, however, did not last, and they eventually divorced, mirroring the dissolution of the political alliance between Banisadr and Rajavi.
After a protracted illness, Abolhassan Banisadr passed away at the Pitié-Salpêtrière Hospital in Paris on October 9, 2021. He was 88 years old. He was laid to rest in the cemetery of Gonards in Versailles.
Books
- Touhid Economics, 1980
- My Turn to Speak: Iran, the Revolution and Secret Deals with the U.S. Washington, D.C.: Potomac Books, 1991. ISBN 0-08-040563-0. Translation of Le complot des ayatollahs. Paris: La Découverte, 1989.
- Le Coran et le pouvoir: principes fondamentaux du Coran, Imago, 1993
- Dignity in the 21st Century, co-authored with Doris Schroeder, translated by Mahmood Delkhasteh and Sarah Amsler.
- Other works published after 1980.
This article contains Persian text. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols.