European Commission

Oh, you want to prod around in the guts of the European Union? Fine. Don't expect me to hold your hand. This is the European Commission, the so-called "executive branch." Primary, they say. As if that makes it any less… tedious. It operates like some kind of dysfunctional cabinet government, stuffed with members of the Commission, or "commissioners" as they like to call themselves. Two-thirds the number of member states, unless they decide to change it on a whim. Currently, it's 27. Just 27 souls lost in the bureaucratic labyrinth, each with their own little domain, a body of about 32,000 European civil servants scurrying around them like… well, like ants with access to better stationery. These departments, they call them Directorates-General, are essentially ministries, each with a director-general who answers to a commissioner. And these commissioners, supposedly bound by an oath of office to serve the EU, not their home states. As if loyalty is that simple. The President, currently Ursula von der Leyen, is nominated by the European Council and then has to endure the indignity of being elected by the European Parliament. Then the rest of the crew gets nominated by the Council, in agreement with the President, and the whole circus has to get the Parliament's nod. The current iteration, the von der Leyen Commission II, has been in place since December 2024, after the European Parliament elections in June of the same year. Apparently, that's how it works.

History

This whole enterprise, it traces back to one of the five institutions birthed from the supranational European Community. It all kicked off with Robert Schuman and his grand idea on May 9, 1950. Started as the "High Authority" in the European Coal and Steel Community back in 1951. It’s been through more changes than a chameleon on a disco floor, under various presidents, across three Communities.

Establishment

The very first Commission, or rather its precursor, was the nine-member "High Authority" led by Jean Monnet. This was the administrative engine of the European Coal and Steel Community, kicking off in Luxembourg City on August 10, 1952. Then, in 1958, the Treaties of Rome spawned two more: the European Economic Community (EEC) and the European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom). Their executives, however, were just called "Commissions." Why the name change? Apparently, some states, like France, were a bit wary of the High Authority's clout and wanted more power for the Council of the European Union.

Walter Hallstein was the first to head the EEC Commission. Louis Armand ran the Euratom one. Hallstein’s Commission, which first met on January 16, 1958, managed to sort out a contentious cereal price deal and even made a decent impression on the international stage at the Kennedy Round of General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) talks. Hallstein, he was the one who really started laying down the foundations for European law, leaving a mark on national legislation. At first, nobody paid much attention, but with a little help from the European Court of Justice, his Commission solidified its authority, paving the way for future ones to be taken more seriously. But then came the "empty chair" crisis in 1965. Differences flared up between Charles de Gaulle's government and the other member states over things like British entry, direct elections, the Fouchet Plan, and the budget. It was supposedly about the Common Agricultural Policy, but it was deeper than that. The crisis was resolved the next year, but it cost Étienne Hirsch his presidency of Euratom and eventually Walter Hallstein the EEC presidency, even though he’s generally considered one of the more dynamic leaders before Jacques Delors.

This entire structure, the Politics of the European Union, is a sprawling, intricate beast. You've got your 27 Member states— Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, and so on, all the way to Sweden. Then there are the Candidate countries, like Albania and Ukraine, still hoping for a seat at the table. Negotiations get suspended, countries get stuck in limbo—look at Turkey. And don't forget the Applicant countries, like Kosovo, and those states that aren't even on the agenda yet, like Russia and the United Kingdom. Then there are the Microstates and the European Union – Andorra, Monaco, the usual suspects. It's a whole ecosystem of treaties and declarations, from the Schuman Declaration of 1950 to the Treaty of Lisbon in 2007.

The executive side of things is particularly… layered. You have the European Council, currently headed by Costa, and the European Commission itself, with its President Von der Leyen. Then there's the legislative branch: the Council of the EU, with its rotating Presidency, and the European Parliament, whose members are elected. The judiciary is anchored by the Court of Justice of the EU, and the auditors are overseen by the European Court of Auditors. It's a complex web, designed to check and balance, or perhaps just to create more layers of bureaucracy. You’ve got your Eurozone members, your Schengen Area participants, the European Economic Area. All these interlocking pieces, all governed by European Union law. It’s a system built on treaties, principles like conferral, primacy, and subsidiarity. And then there are the policies: Common Agricultural Policy, Energy policy, Environmental policy, the grand European Green Deal. It's a lot to keep track of, and frankly, most of it is drier than a forgotten biscuit.

Early Development

The original three executives, they were a bit of a mishmash until the Merger Treaty in 1967. That’s when they were all shoved together into one outfit, with Jean Rey at the helm. The Rey Commission managed to get the customs union sorted in 1968 and pushed for a directly elected European Parliament. But even though Rey was the first president of the combined entity, Hallstein is still seen as the true progenitor of the modern Commission.

After that came the Malfatti and Mansholt Commissions, dealing with monetary matters and the first expansion in 1973. With that enlargement, the College grew to thirteen under the Ortoli Commission – the United Kingdom snagged two Commissioners, naturally. That Commission navigated a choppy sea of economic and international instability. Roy Jenkins, who jumped ship from the UK's Labour government, became the first Commission President to grace a G8 summit. Following the Jenkins Commission, Gaston Thorn's Commission oversaw the southern enlargement and started work on the Single European Act.

Jacques Delors

Then there was Jacques Delors. His Commission, from 1985 to 1994, is credited with giving the Community a sense of purpose, a direction. They’re even called the "founding fathers" of the euro. The International Herald Tribune summed it up nicely at the end of his second term: "Mr. Delors rescued the European Community from the doldrums… he breathed life and hope into the EC and into the dispirited Brussels Commission." He rallied everyone for the single market and then pushed for even grander goals: economic, monetary, and political union.

Jacques Santer

After Delors came Jacques Santer. His tenure ended rather spectacularly in 1999 when the entire Commission was forced to resign by the Parliament due to a fraud and corruption scandal. Internal auditor Paul van Buitenen was the one who blew the whistle, with French commissioner Édith Cresson taking a lot of the heat. It was the first time a whole College had been ousted like that, a clear power shift towards the Parliament. Still, the Santer Commission managed to push through the Treaty of Amsterdam and lay some groundwork for the euro. And in the aftermath, the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF) was established.

Romano Prodi

Romano Prodi stepped in next. The Amsterdam Treaty had beefed up the Commission's powers, and the press started calling Prodi something like a Prime Minister. The Treaty of Nice in 2001 further strengthened the President's hand in shaping the College.

José Manuel Barroso

José Manuel Barroso took over in 2004. The Parliament flexed its muscles again, objecting to his proposed team, forcing him to shuffle his deck before taking office. This was the first full Commission after the big enlargement in 2004, bringing the total to 25 members, and later 30. The Amsterdam Treaty had stipulated a reduction to one Commissioner per state, a move away from the larger states getting two. Allegations of fraud and corruption resurfaced in 2004, and even the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF) faced criticism for its lack of independence and effectiveness.

Barroso's first term ended in 2009. The Treaty of Nice had a clause about reducing the number of Commissioners when the member states reached 27, making membership rotate. Then the Treaty of Lisbon, effective December 2009, mandated further reductions and mandated rotation. Ireland’s initial rejection of Lisbon, partly over the fear of losing their Commissioner, led to guarantees that the number would be managed to accommodate all states, a compromise that eventually saw the treaty approved. Lisbon also merged the roles of European Commissioner for External Relations and the Council's High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy, creating a powerful figure as both a Vice-President of the Commission and the EU's chief diplomat. The treaty also emphasized the role of the European Parliament in electing the Commission President, moving from simple approval to a more active selection process. In response to growing Euroscepticism, the Barroso Commission was said to have adopted a more cautious approach to enforcement, prioritizing integration.

Jean-Claude Juncker

In 2014, Jean-Claude Juncker became President. He appointed Martin Selmayr, his campaign director, as his chief of staff, a move that saw Selmayr described as "the most powerful EU chief of staff ever."

Ursula von der Leyen

Then came Ursula von der Leyen in 2019. Her appointment was somewhat unconventional, as she wasn't the lead candidate from the winning party in the European Parliament elections. The European People's Party had won, but not with the expected dominance, leading to her nomination. The Council of the European Union then put forward the list of proposed commissioners, which the Parliament had to approve.

In September 2024, Von der Leyen unveiled her second team. It was presented as "leaner" and more interconnected, with six executive vice-presidents (EVPs) overseeing clusters of commissioners. Figures like Teresa Ribera and Stéphane Séjourné were given significant roles. Kaja Kallas was appointed EVP for Foreign and Security Policy, and Henna Virkkunen for Tech Sovereignty. New roles like Commissioner for Defence and Security were also introduced.

Powers and Functions

The Commission was designed from the start to be an independent, supranational authority. They call it "the only body paid to think European." While governments nominate the Commissioners, these individuals are supposed to act independently, not just as representatives of their home countries. This sets it apart from the Council (representing governments), the Parliament (representing citizens), and other advisory bodies.

Article 17 of the Treaty on European Union lays out its responsibilities: developing strategies, drafting legislation, arbitrating in the legislative process, representing the EU in trade talks, making rules (especially in competition policy), drawing up the budget of the European Union, and ensuring treaties and laws are followed. The Rules of Procedure of the European Commission detail how it all operates.

Executive Power

Before the Treaty of Lisbon, the Council held most of the executive power, granting powers to the Commission and being able to take them back. Lisbon changed that, giving the Commission more direct power derived from the treaties. However, its powers are still limited, particularly in areas like foreign policy, which is largely handled by the Council and the European Council. The European Council's formal role in appointing the Commission means both institutions can be seen as holding executive power, but the Commission is the primary day-to-day executive body.

Legislative Initiative

This is where the Commission really stands out: it has the sole right of legislative initiative in the EU. Only the Commission can propose new laws. While the Council and Parliament can request legislation, it's the Commission that drafts it. This monopoly is intended to ensure coherence. Of course, some argue the Parliament should have this right too. The Council and Parliament can push the Commission to draft legislation, but the Commission can, and sometimes does, refuse. Citizens can also petition the Commission to legislate, but it’s not binding.

The Commission's legislative proposals often focus on economic regulation, guided by a "precautionary principle." This means they act preemptively if there's a credible hazard, even if it impacts the economy. Think climate change or genetically modified organisms. The EU has committed to carbon neutrality by 2050. Because the EU market is so large, its regulations often set global standards. A prime example is the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive, pushing companies to identify and mitigate human rights and environmental risks. It's expected to be adopted and implemented across member states soon.

More recently, the Commission has been wading into European criminal law. A toxic waste spill in 2006 spurred proposals for "ecological crimes." Their right to propose criminal law was challenged but upheld by the European Court of Justice. Other proposals have focused on intellectual property rights and counter-terrorism measures.

Enforcement

Once laws are passed, it's the Commission's job to make sure they're implemented, either by member states or through its agencies. This involves "comitology," a process where member state representatives and lobbyists help shape the technical measures. The Commission also manages the EU budget, working with the Court of Auditors to ensure funds are spent properly.

As the "Guardian of the Treaties," the Commission can take member states or other institutions to the Court of Justice if they breach EU law. It also plays a role in external representation, alongside member states and the Common Foreign and Security Policy, especially in bodies like the World Trade Organization. The President also typically attends G7 summits.

College of Commissioners

The "College of Commissioners" is the heart of the Commission, currently consisting of 27 members, including the President. Despite being nominated by their home states, they are supposed to represent the EU as a whole, though national interests do creep in. The President assigns specific portfolios to each Commissioner, and their influence varies depending on the portfolio's importance. For instance, the Competition Commissioner holds a very visible, globally impactful role. The entire College must gain the Parliament's approval before taking office. They are supported by their personal cabinet for political guidance and the Civil Service (the DGs) for technical work.

Appointment

The President of the Commission is indirectly elected. The European Council proposes a candidate, considering the results of the latest parliamentary elections, and the European Parliament then votes on them. If Parliament rejects the candidate, the Council proposes another within a month.

Once the President is chosen, and the High Representative appointed by the Council, each member state proposes a Commissioner, in consultation with the President and the Council. The President's proposed College then faces hearings in the European Parliament. If a candidate is deemed unsuitable, the President must either reshuffle them or ask for a new nomination. After Parliament approves the College, the European Council formally appoints them.

The President then designates Vice-presidents to manage policy areas involving multiple Commissioners. The High Representative is automatically a Vice-President ex officio. The von der Leyen Commission also introduced senior Executive Vice-presidents to spearhead the Commission's top priorities, with dedicated Directorates-General for support.

Dismissal

The European Parliament can dismiss the entire College through a vote of no-confidence, requiring a two-thirds majority. Individual Commissioners can only be asked to resign by the President. However, they can be forced to retire by the European Court of Justice if they breach their obligations.

Political Styles

The Barroso Commission, after some initial parliamentary objections and reshuffling, expanded to 27 members with the accession of Romania and Bulgaria. Barroso adopted a more presidential style, which drew criticism. The Commission also began to lose influence to larger member states, a trend exacerbated by the creation of the President of the European Council under the Treaty of Lisbon. This period also saw increased politicisation within the Commission.

Administration

The Commission is structured into Directorates-General (DGs), akin to ministries, each responsible for a specific policy area or internal service. Each DG is headed by a director-general who answers to a Commissioner. The Commission's civil service is overseen by a Secretary General, currently Ilze Juhansone. The Rules of Procedure of the European Commission govern its operations.

There's been criticism that the fragmented DG structure leads to turf wars and inefficiencies. DGs can wield considerable power, sometimes overwhelming the Commissioner. As of September 2012, the Commission employed around 23,803 officials and temporary agents, with an additional 9,230 external staff. The Directorate-General for Translation was the largest, and Belgians formed the largest national group among staff, with most staff based in Belgium.

Press

Directorate-General Communication handles press relations. The midday press briefings, often called the "Midday Presser," are a unique forum where journalists can question Commission officials and expect official answers. The Spokesperson's Service, working with the President's Cabinet, supports the Commissioners' communication efforts. Commission press releases are noted for their political slant and tendency to be lengthy and complex, often serving to justify the EU and the Commission. Brussels hosts a large press corps, with media outlets from all member states maintaining correspondents there. Despite a global decline in journalism, the EU's extensive press resources—like Europe by Satellite and EuroparlTV—make it accessible for news organizations. The Commission’s decision to shut down Presseurop in 2013 was met with criticism.

Legitimacy and Criticism

The Commission's legitimacy is primarily derived from the European Parliament's approval and its power to dismiss the body. However, concerns about the relatively low turnout in European Parliament elections and the lack of direct elections for the Commission President fuel Euroscepticism. The Commission's power to shape implementing legislation, even with oversight from "comitology committees," also raises questions about democratic accountability.

While democratic structures are evolving, the development of a European civil society hasn't kept pace. The Treaty of Lisbon aimed to strengthen democratic controls by linking presidential selection to election results. Historically, the Commission was viewed as a technocratic body, insulated from politics, much like independent central banks. The argument is that electoral pressures would compromise its regulatory independence. Defenders, however, point out that legislation requires approval from both the Council and Parliament, limiting the Commission's unilateral power.

In 2009, the European Ombudsman reported that most complaints against EU institutions (66%) were against the Commission, with lack of transparency being a major issue (36%). The Commission has faced lawsuits for blocking access to documents, particularly concerning EU biofuel policy, and has been accused of suppressing scientific evidence. Reports from auditing organizations have highlighted issues with transparency, lobbyist relations, conflicts of interest, and excessive spending. It has also faced criticism for its IT practices, especially concerning Microsoft.

In September 2020, the Commission launched an Anti-Racism Action Plan to address structural racism, partly in response to the #BrusselsSoWhite movement highlighting a lack of racial diversity within EU institutions.

Initiatives

Anti-terrorism

The European Commission has an Action Plan to bolster preparedness against chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear (CBRN) security risks, part of its anti-terrorism strategy released in October 2017. Given the increased threat level in Europe, this plan, which prioritizes medical preparedness for CBRN attacks, is considered significant. It aims to protect the over 511 million citizens across the 27 EU member states.

COVID-19 response

On May 4, 2020, the European Commission organized a video conference that raised US$8 billion for COVID-19 vaccine development.

In February 2020, the Commission introduced a new multi-year data plan to accelerate the digitalization of EU society, fostering civic and economic growth. The strategy aims to create a single market for data, allowing free flow across sectors while ensuring privacy and data protection, ultimately positioning the EU as a global leader in the data economy.

Location

The Commission's political heart beats in Brussels, with the President's office and the meeting room located on the 13th floor of the Berlaymont building. It also operates from numerous other buildings in Brussels and Luxembourg City. When the Parliament convenes in Strasbourg, Commissioners also meet there in the Winston Churchill building. Commissioners and their "cabinets" are based in Brussels. The Commission also maintains in-house scientific facilities in Ispra (Italy), Petten (Netherlands), Karlsruhe (Germany), Geel (Belgium), and Seville (Spain). A site in County Meath, Ireland, hosts part of DG Santè.

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External links:

European Commission at Wikipedia's sister projects
European Commission - Official website.
Access to documents of the European Commission on EUR-Lex.
Documents of the European Commission are consultable at the Historical Archives of the EU in Florence.
European Commissions on CVCE website.
Statue of Europe.
Spokesperson's Service.

Presidents of the European Commission: High Authority of the Coal and Steel Community (1952–1967): Jean Monnet (Monnet Authority, 1952–55), René Mayer (Mayer Authority, 1955–58), Paul Finet (Finet Authority, 1958–59), Piero Malvestiti (Malvestiti Authority, 1959–63), Rinaldo Del Bo (Del Bo Authority, 1963–67), Acting: Albert Coppé (Coppé Authority, 1967). Commission of the Atomic Energy Community (1958–1967): Louis Armand (Armand Commission, 1958–59), Étienne Hirsch (Hirsch Commission, 1959–62), Pierre Chatenet (Chatenet Commission, 1962–67). Commission of the Economic Community (1958–1967): Walter Hallstein (Hallstein Commission, 1958–67). Commission of the Communities (1967–2009): Jean Rey (Rey Commission, 1967–70), Franco Maria Malfatti (Malfatti Commission, 1970–72), Sicco Mansholt (Mansholt Commission, 1972–73), François-Xavier Ortoli (Ortoli Commission, 1973–77), Roy Jenkins (Jenkins Commission, 1977–81), Gaston Thorn (Thorn Commission, 1981–85), Jacques Delors (Delors Commission, 1985–95), Jacques Santer (Santer Commission, 1995–99), Acting: Manuel Marín (Santer Commission, 1999), Romano Prodi (Prodi Commission, 1999–2004), José Manuel Barroso (Barroso Commission, 2004–09). Commission (2009–present): José Manuel Barroso (Barroso Commission, 2009–14), Jean-Claude Juncker (Juncker Commission 2014–19), Ursula von der Leyen (Von der Leyen Commission, 2019–2024), Ursula von der Leyen (Von der Leyen Commission II, since 2024).

Administration of the European Commission: Civil Service Directorates-General Cabinets Comitology EPSO Civil Service Tribunal

Policy DGs: Agriculture and Rural Development, Climate Action, Communications Networks, Content and Technology, Competition, Defence Industry and Space, Economic and Financial Affairs, Education and Culture, Employment, Social Affairs and Equal Inclusion, Internal Market, Industry, Entrepreneurship and SMEs, Environment, Health and Food Safety, Migration and Home Affairs, Financial Stability, Financial Services and Capital Markets Union, Joint Research Centre, Justice and Consumers, Maritime Affairs and Fisheries, Regional and Urban Policy, Research and Innovation, Taxation and Customs Union, Mobility and Transport, Energy.

External DGs: Service for Foreign Policy Instruments, Neighborhood and Enlargement Negotiations, Trade, International Cooperation and Development, European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations.

General Services: Communication, Eurostat, HERA, OLAF, Publications, Secretariat-General, Secretary-General, Europe by Satellite, Structural Reform Support Service.

Internal Services: Budget, European Political Strategy Centre, Digital Services, Data Protection Officer, Infrastructures and Logistics (Brussels & Luxembourg), Internal Audit Service, Interpretation, Legal Service, PMO, Human Resources and Security, Translation.

Buildings: Berlaymont, Breydel, Charlemagne, Convent Van Maerlant, Euroforum, Jean Monnet 2, Joseph Bech, Madou Plaza Tower, Missions, Triangle building.