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Jean-Bertrand Aristide

Ah, yes. Jean-Bertrand Aristide. A name that echoes through the halls of Haitian history, often accompanied by a cacophony of cheers and condemnations. You want an article? Fine. But don’t expect me to polish this narrative into something palatable for the masses. Truth, much like a poorly aimed bullet, tends to leave a mess.

Jean-Bertrand Aristide

"Aristide" redirects here. For other individuals bearing the name, consult Aristide (name).

This particular article, I’m told, is in need of an update. A rather quaint way of saying it’s probably outdated. Time, as it always does, marches on, leaving behind the static pronouncements of yesterday. Let’s see what we can salvage from the wreckage.

His Excellency

Jean-Bertrand Aristide

Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 1993

Personal Details

Ecclesiastical Career

Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Born into the grinding poverty of Port-Salut on July 15, 1953, a date etched in the annals of Haitian struggle. His father vanished before he was even born, a ghost before he was a man. He landed in Port-au-Prince with his mother, a child of circumstance. The Salesian order took him in, a five-year-old stepping into the austere world of priests. He excelled, naturally. Graduating with honors from Collège Notre-Dame in Cap-Haïtien in 1974, he pursued studies in the Dominican Republic, then returned to Haiti for philosophy and psychology at the State University of Haiti.

His post-graduate wanderings took him through Europe – Italy, Greece – and to the Cremisan Monastery in Beit Jala. By 1982, he was ordained a Salesian priest and assigned a curate in a humble Port-au-Prince parish. A parish that would become a crucible.

Haiti, during the brutal reign of the Duvalier dynasty – François "Papa Doc" and then his son, Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" – was a land of profound suffering. Aristide saw it, felt it, and refused to remain silent. He became a thorn in the side of the regime, and, inconveniently for some, the church hierarchy. His sermons, steeped in liberation theology, denounced the Duvaliers. This defiance, as you might expect, did not go unnoticed. Exiled to Montreal, he returned in 1985, just as the winds of change, or perhaps a hurricane, began to stir against Duvalier. His Easter Week sermon, "A call to holiness," was a rallying cry: "The path of those Haitians who reject the regime is the path of righteousness and love." A potent, if somewhat poetic, declaration.

He found his flock among the dispossessed, leading the Ti Legliz movement, the "little church" in Kreyòl. St. Jean Bosco church became his pulpit, a place where youth found a voice. In 1986, he founded Lafanmi Selavi, "Family is Life," an orphanage for street children, a testament to his belief in participatory democracy, even for the smallest among us. But when you speak for the voiceless, you attract unwanted attention. Assassination attempts became a grim backdrop to his ministry. The most infamous, the St. Jean Bosco massacre in 1988, saw armed thugs storm his church during Mass. Thirteen dead, seventy-seven wounded, the church itself reduced to ashes, all while the army and police stood by. Aristide, miraculously, survived and vanished into hiding.

The Salesians, pressured, expelled him in December 1988. They called his political fervor an "incitement to hatred and violence." He countered, "The crime of which I stand accused is the crime of preaching food for all men and women." A righteous indignation, some might say. In 1994, the perpetual tension between his political calling and his ecclesiastical vows led him to leave the priesthood entirely. He married Mildred Trouillot in 1996, a union that produced two daughters.

First Presidency (1991–1996)

The air in Haiti was thick with caution after the chaotic national election of 1987. Aristide, however, stepped boldly into the fray. His campaign, a whirlwind under the banner of the "Front National pour le Changement et la Démocratie" (FNCD), culminated in his election as president in 1990, a victory secured with 67% of the vote. It was, by most accounts, the first truly honest election Haiti had ever witnessed.

But a mere eight months later, the fragile democracy shattered. A violent military coup, the 1991 Haitian coup d'état, ripped him from power. He broke from the FNCD, forging a new path with the Struggling People's Organization (OPL), which he dubbed "Lavalas" – "the flood" or "torrent" in Kreyòl. The coup itself was a grim anniversary, occurring just weeks after the commemoration of Bois Caïman, the Vodou ceremony that ignited the Haitian Revolution two centuries prior.

Even before his inauguration, the vultures circled. On January 6, Roger Lafontant, a notorious Tonton Macoute loyalist from the Duvalier era, attempted a power grab, seizing the interim president, Ertha Pascal-Trouillot. But the streets, fueled by Aristide's supporters, roared in protest, and the army, for once, quashed the nascent coup.

Aristide’s initial term, though tragically short, was a whirlwind of reformist zeal. He dared to challenge the entrenched power of Haiti's business and military elites. He sought to subordinate the military to civilian control, retiring the army’s commander, Hérard Abraham. Investigations into human rights abuses were initiated, and Tonton Macoute members who hadn't fled faced trial. He even imposed restrictions on the emigration of prominent Haitians until their financial dealings were scrutinized.

His relationship with the National Assembly, however, quickly soured. He bristled at their interference, attempting to circumvent them on judicial appointments, Cabinet positions, and ambassadorial nominations. His choice of René Préval, a close friend and political ally, as prime minister ignited fierce opposition. The Assembly threatened a no-confidence vote against Préval in August 1991. A mob, numbering at least 2,000, descended on the National Palace, issuing threats. Aristide’s failure to unequivocally condemn such mob violence provided the junta with the pretext it needed, allowing them to accuse him of human rights violations. The nomination of Marie-Denise Fabien Jean-Louis, a physician with ties to the Duvalier regime and no diplomatic experience, as minister of foreign affairs, further alienated many within his own Lavalas movement.

1991 Coup d'état

Then came September 1991. The army, under the command of General Raoul Cédras – a man Aristide himself had promoted to commander-in-chief just months earlier – struck. Aristide was ousted on September 29, and after a harrowing few days, forced into exile, his life reportedly spared by the intervention of U.S., French, and Venezuelan diplomats. Power, in theory, passed to Superior Court Justice Joseph Nérette as président provisoire, tasked with organizing elections within 90 days. In reality, Raoul Cédras held the reins.

The complicity of Haiti's National Intelligence Service (SIN), a U.S.-backed entity created by the CIA, in the coup is a murky subject. While reports suggest SIN members were still receiving CIA funding and training at the time, the agency denies any involvement in orchestrating the coup itself. The New York Times reported that "No evidence suggests that the C.I.A. backed the coup or intentionally undermined President Aristide." Yet, whispers of CIA involvement in Haitian politics, even before the coup, led to congressional hearings in the U.S.

Following Aristide's ouster, a reign of terror against his supporters commenced, spearheaded by Emmanuel Constant. Constant, who had been a CIA informant since 1992, went on to co-found the Front for the Advancement and Progress of Haïti (FRAPH), a group notorious for its targeted assassinations of Aristide loyalists.

Aristide, meanwhile, navigated the treacherous currents of exile, first in Venezuela and then in the United States, tirelessly building international support. A United Nations trade embargo, intended to pressure the coup leaders, inflicted significant damage on Haiti's already fragile economy. Even presidents George H. W. Bush and later Bill Clinton maintained exemptions from this embargo for American companies operating in Haiti, a decision that certainly didn't aid the struggling nation.

Beyond the economic stranglehold, the coup regime thrived on the illicit profits of the drug trade, allegedly facilitated by the Haitian military's connections to the Cali Cartel. Aristide himself claimed that his efforts to crack down on drug dealers were a direct catalyst for the coup, a sentiment echoed by his former Secretary of State, Patrick Elie. Representative John Conyers voiced concerns that the Drug Enforcement Administration was the only U.S. agency publicly acknowledging the junta's drug trafficking activities, yet the Clinton administration appeared to downplay this crucial factor, rather than leverage it against the regime. The narrative of ongoing CIA ties to these traffickers, dating back to SIN's inception, persists, partially corroborated by Emmanuel Constant's own revelations about FRAPH's connections to the CIA both before and during the coup.

1994 Return

The persistent pleas of Haitian expatriates, numbering over 60,000 in New York City alone, urging President Bill Clinton to honor his promise of Aristide's return, eventually bore fruit. Bolstered by international pressure, including United Nations Security Council Resolution 940 passed on July 31, 1994, the military regime relented. U.S. troops, under Operation Uphold Democracy, were deployed. On October 15, 1994, Aristide was finally reinstated in Haiti to conclude his unfinished term.

His commitment to human rights education was recognized in 1996 with the UNESCO Prize.

Opposition (1996–2001)

By late 1996, Aristide’s relationship with the OPL had fractured. He cited its growing "distance from the people" as the reason for his departure and founded a new political entity: Fanmi Lavalas. The OPL, still holding a majority in both the Sénat and the Chambre des Députés, rebranded itself as the Organisation du Peuple en Lutte, retaining the OPL acronym.

The 2000 legislative election saw Fanmi Lavalas emerge victorious in May. However, a handful of Senate seats awarded to Lavalas candidates sparked controversy. Critics argued these seats should have gone to runoffs, pointing to the elimination of smaller parties' votes in final tallies—a practice, they noted, that had been employed in earlier elections. The charge was that Fanmi Lavalas, controlling the Provisional Election Commission, had manipulated the outcome, though proponents countered that such vote-counting techniques were not unprecedented in Haitian electoral history. Later that year, Aristide secured a landslide victory in the 2000 presidential election. This election, however, was largely boycotted by the opposition, who had coalesced into the Convergence Démocratique. While the U.S. government claimed a turnout of barely 10%, international observers reported closer to 50%, and CNN itself cited a 60% turnout with over 92% favoring Aristide. The Bush administration, seizing on these criticisms, along with Haitian expatriate opposition leaders in Florida, used the election controversy as grounds to impose an embargo on international aid to the Haitian government.

Second Presidency (2001–2004)

In 2003, Aristide made a bold, perhaps audacious, demand. He called upon France, Haiti's former colonial master, to pay $21 billion in restitution. This sum was intended to compensate for the crippling debt Haiti was forced to assume upon its independence—90 million gold francs, paid to France between 1825 and 1947 in exchange for recognition, a debt that effectively mortgaged the nation’s future.

2004 Overthrow

The narrative following Aristide's return to power in 2001 is fraught with accusations of increasing reliance on street gangs to enforce his will and intimidate political opponents. The murder of Amiot Métayer, leader of the pro-Aristide "Lame Kanibal" (Cannibal Army) gang in Gonaïves in September 2003, proved to be a critical turning point. Métayer's followers, convinced Aristide was behind his death, turned against the president. By December 5, 2003, organized pro-Aristide forces were implicated in violent attacks against students at the University of Port-au-Prince who were protesting the government.

Early 2004 saw the Cannibal Army joined by former military and police personnel, many of whom had regrouped in the Dominican Republic and had been staging cross-border raids since 2001. This paramilitary coalition was led by ex-police chief Guy Philippe and Louis Jodel Chamblain, a former founder of the FRAPH death squad. The conflict escalated, and in February 2004, pro-Aristide forces were accused of perpetrating a massacre in the city of Saint-Marc.

The rebels rapidly gained control of the North, eventually laying siege to and then invading the capital. Under circumstances still debated, Aristide was flown out of the country on February 28, 2004, by the U.S., with assistance from Canada and France. Aristide and his bodyguard, Franz Gabriel, maintained they were victims of a "new coup d'état or modern kidnapping" orchestrated by U.S. forces. Mrs. Aristide reported that the personnel escorting them wore U.S. Special Forces uniforms before changing into civilian attire on the aircraft. Jamaican Prime Minister P. J. Patterson issued a statement questioning the voluntariness of Aristide's departure, given the rebel advance and the international community's perceived inaction. He warned of a dangerous precedent for democratically elected governments worldwide. Conversely, National Palace security agent Casimir Chariot and Aristide's own prime minister, Yvon Neptune, asserted that Aristide had resigned willingly.

Following Aristide's removal, his villa was looted. The barricades in the streets largely disappeared the day after his departure, as the shooting ceased, with Haitian police, rebels, and vigilantes maintaining a semblance of order. The Jamaican government, after hosting the Aristide family temporarily, facilitated their relocation to South Africa.

Aristide himself would later claim that France and the U.S. orchestrated his "kidnapping" from Haiti to South Africa via the Central African Republic. However, officials stated his temporary asylum was negotiated by the United States, France, and Gabon. On March 1, 2004, U.S. congresswoman Maxine Waters and Randall Robinson reported Aristide's claim of being forced to resign and abducted, alleging he was threatened with death by the U.S. embassy's chief of staff if he refused. Representative Charles Rangel echoed these sentiments, stating Aristide felt abandoned by the international community and resigned under duress, fearing for his life. U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell, while acknowledging the difficult situation, suggested such claims should be vetted before public release, and asserted that Aristide had not governed effectively. CARICOM, the Caribbean bloc, called for a UN investigation into Aristide's removal, but reportedly faced pressure from the U.S. and France to withdraw the request. Some analysts suggest a covert orchestration of the rebellion and Aristide's removal by these nations and Canada.

In 2022, Thierry Burkard, the French ambassador to Haiti at the time, told The New York Times that France and the United States had effectively orchestrated a coup by forcing Aristide into exile. James Brendan Foley, the U.S. Ambassador to Haiti during the coup, refuted these claims, stating it was never U.S. policy to remove Aristide and that he had requested a U.S. rescue, with the dispatch of a plane to ensure his safety agreed upon after discussions at Aristide's behest.

In a 2006 interview, Aristide alleged that the United States reneged on agreements regarding the privatization of enterprises, specifically concerning the distribution of profits to the Haitian populace, and subsequently launched a disinformation campaign to discredit him.

Exile (2004–2011)

Following his forced departure, Aristide and his family found refuge in South Africa in mid-2004, welcomed by government officials and diplomats. He lived in a government villa in Pretoria, receiving a salary and staff from the South African government. During his exile, Aristide pursued academic interests, becoming an honorary research fellow at the University of South Africa, learning Zulu, and earning a doctorate in African languages in 2007.

On December 21, 2007, his broadcast speech criticized the 2006 presidential election, in which René Préval was elected, calling it a mere "selection" and a "knife of treason" in the back of the Haitian people. The period of exile also saw violence directed at high-ranking Lavalas members. Lovinsky Pierre-Antoine, a prominent human rights organizer and Lavalas member, disappeared in August 2007, his whereabouts still unknown.

Return to Haiti

A confidential U.S. embassy cable from 2008, authored by former ambassador Janet Sanderson, emphasized the indispensable role of the UN peacekeeping mission (MINUSTAH) in Haiti, warning that its premature withdrawal would leave the government vulnerable to "resurgent populist and anti-market economy political forces," thereby jeopardizing U.S. government policy interests.

At a meeting with U.S. State Department officials in August 2006, Edmond Mulet, then head of MINUSTAH, urged U.S. legal action against Aristide to prevent his return to Haiti and diminish his influence. UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, at Mulet's request, pressed South Africa’s then-President Thabo Mbeki to ensure Aristide remained in exile.

In a confidential cable dated March 22, 2005, U.S. ambassador James Foley noted that an August 2004 poll indicated Aristide still held a favorability rating above 50% in Haiti.

Following René Préval's election as president in 2006—a former ally of Aristide—he suggested that Aristide's return to Haiti was a possibility. On December 16, 2009, thousands marched in Port-au-Prince, demanding Aristide's return and protesting the exclusion of his Fanmi Lavalas party from upcoming elections.

Shortly after the devastating earthquake in Haiti on January 12, 2010, Aristide extended his condolences and expressed a desire to return and assist in the rebuilding efforts. In an exclusive interview with Nicolas Rossier, published in Eurasia Review and the Huffington Post on November 7, 2010, Aristide reiterated his wish to return to Haiti but stated he was barred from traveling out of South Africa and that the 2010 elections were not inclusive of Fanmi Lavalas.

In February 2011, Aristide declared he would return to Haiti within days of the government issuing him a Haitian passport. On March 17, 2011, he departed South Africa. U.S. President Barack Obama had reportedly asked South African President Jacob Zuma to delay Aristide's departure, fearing his return would destabilize the country ahead of the presidential run-off election scheduled for March 20. Aristide's party had been barred from participating. On March 18, 2011, he and his wife arrived at Port-au-Prince Airport to a rapturous welcome from thousands of supporters. Addressing the crowd, he declared, "The exclusion of Fanmi Lavalas is the exclusion of the Haitian people. In 1804, the Haitian revolution marked the end of slavery. Today, may the Haitian people end exiles and coups d’état, while peacefully moving from social exclusion to inclusion."

Post-exile (2011–Present)

Upon his return to Haiti in 2011, Aristide largely abstained from direct political involvement. However, on September 12, 2014, Judge Lamarre Belzaire placed him under house arrest amidst a corruption investigation. Aristide's legal team and Fanmi Lavalas supporters challenged the legality and impartiality of the judge's order.

In late 2016, Aristide re-entered the electoral fray, touring the country to endorse Fanmi Lavalas candidates. The subsequent election, which his party deemed illegitimate, saw right-wing forces regain power amidst a dismal 20% voter turnout.

Accomplishments

Under Aristide's administrations, significant reforms were enacted. These included expanded access to healthcare and education, increased adult literacy rates, strengthened protections for the accused, improved judicial training, the prohibition of human trafficking, the disbandment of the Haitian military, and an improved climate for human rights and civil liberties. The minimum wage was doubled, land reform and support for small farmers were instituted, and a food distribution network was established to provide affordable food to the poor. Low-cost housing initiatives were also implemented, alongside efforts to curb government corruption.

Achievements in Education

During the successive Lavalas administrations, Aristide and René Préval oversaw the construction of 195 new primary schools and 104 secondary schools. Prior to Aristide's 1990 election, only 34 secondary schools existed nationwide. Lavalas also provided thousands of scholarships, enabling children to attend private and church schools. Between 2001 and 2004, primary school enrollment reached 72%, and an estimated 300,000 adults participated in Lavalas-sponsored literacy campaigns, raising the adult literacy rate from 35% to 55%.

Achievements in Health Care

In tandem with educational advancements, Aristide and Lavalas initiated an ambitious plan to develop the public primary health care system, with assistance from Cuba. Following the devastation of Hurricane Georges in 1998, a humanitarian agreement was forged, involving the training of Haitian doctors in Cuba and the deployment of Cuban physicians to rural areas. By the time of the 2010 Haiti earthquake, 573 doctors had completed their training in Cuba.

Despite operating under an aid embargo, the Lavalas administration managed to reduce infant mortality rates and the incidence of underweight newborns. A successful AIDS prevention and treatment program was also established, prompting the Catholic Institute for International Relations to note the "incredible feat of slowing the rate of new infections in Haiti... despite the lack of international aid... and despite the notable lack of resources."

Disbanding the Army and Paramilitary Units – the Fad'H, Tonton Macoutes, and Attaches

A core tenet of the Lavalas political project was the promotion of a civilian police force and the dismantling of the instruments of elite repression: the military and paramilitary forces. Under Aristide, trials were held for paramilitary death squads, resulting in the imprisonment of numerous individuals involved in civilian massacres, broadcast publicly on Haitian television. Wealthy individuals who financed these death squads, including Judy C. Roy, who had ties to former dictators Raoul Cedras and Jean-Claude Duvalier, were brought to justice. However, reforming the security services proved a persistent challenge, particularly as the U.S. sought to re-insert its right-wing allies into the police force. Furthermore, cuts in U.S. aid under President George W. Bush hampered Lavalas's reform efforts, while corruption linked to the drug trade remained a persistent issue.

Criticism

Accusations of Human Rights Abuses

Human Rights Watch accused the Haitian police force under Aristide, as well as his political supporters, of carrying out attacks on opposition rallies. They also suggested that the emergence of armed rebels seeking to oust Aristide reflected "the failure of the country's democratic institutions and procedures." Researcher Jeb Sprague's study indicated that paramilitary rebel units received crucial support from select Haitian elites, Dominican government factions, and foreign intelligence agencies, exacerbating the difficulties faced by the understaffed Haitian police in repelling cross-border incursions.

Videos circulated depicting a portion of a speech by Aristide on August 27, 1991, following an assassination attempt. In it, he stated, "Don't hesitate to give him what he deserves. What a beautiful tool! What a beautiful instrument! What a beautiful piece of equipment! It's beautiful, yes it's beautiful, it's cute, it's pretty, it has a good smell, wherever you go you want to inhale it." Critics interpreted this as an endorsement of "necklacing," the brutal practice of placing a gasoline-soaked tire around a person's neck and igniting it. However, others argue he was referring to the use of the constitution to empower oneself and defend the nation against right-wing death squads, citing earlier remarks in the same speech: "Your tool in hand, your instrument in hand, your constitution in hand! Don't hesitate to give him what he deserves. Your equipment in hand, your trowel in hand, your pencil in hand, your Constitution in hand, don't hesitate to give him what he deserves."

Despite these accusations, the OAS/UN International Civilian Mission in Haiti (MICIVIH) reported a significant improvement in the human rights situation following Aristide's return in 1994. Conversely, Amnesty International documented Haiti's descent into a "severe humanitarian and human rights crisis" after Aristide's departure in 2004. BBC correspondents have described Aristide as a champion of the poor, retaining considerable popularity in Haiti, and he remains a pivotal political figure, often regarded as the nation's only truly popular, democratically elected leader. Yet, his second administration was marked by destabilization and considerable hardship for many.

Accusations of Corruption

Certain officials connected to Aristide's government faced indictments in U.S. courts. Companies like IDT, Fusion Telecommunications, and Skytel allegedly engaged in dealings with Aristide's government, with critics suggesting political ties between IDT and Fusion and Aristide. AT&T reportedly refused to wire money to "Mont Salem." Aristide's supporters, however, contend that corruption charges are a calculated effort to sideline a popular leader and prevent his participation in elections.

Views

In his 2000 book, The Eyes of the Heart: Seeking a Path for the Poor in the Age of Globalization, Aristide critiqued the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, accusing them of serving the interests of wealthy nations rather than genuine international development. He advocated for a "culture of global solidarity" to eradicate poverty, presenting it as an alternative to the globalization model characterized by neocolonialism and neoliberalism.

Aristide's activism against the Duvalier dynasty as a priest was rooted in his belief that opposing the privilege of the rich oligarchy and the injustices of capitalism was a Christian duty. He described his actions as a theologian guiding a political struggle: "the irruption of the poor on the social scene." While sometimes labeled a communist, Aristide maintained his views were inspired by Catholic principles, though he acknowledged the value of Marxist writings. He recognized class struggle as an undeniable reality: "I did not invent class struggle. Neither did Karl Marx. I would have preferred never to meet it. This may be possible if one never leaves the Vatican or the heights of Petionville... In the streets of Port-au-Prince, who has not met class struggle? It is not a topic for controversy, but a fact, based on empirical evidence."

Awards and Honors

Publications

  • (With Laura Flynn) The Eyes of the Heart: Seeking a Path for the Poor in the Age of Globalization, Common Courage Press, 2000.
  • Dignity, University of Virginia Press, 1996; translated from Dignité, Éditions du Seuil, 1994.
  • Névrose vétéro-testamentaire, Editions du CIDIHCA, 1994.
  • Aristide: An Autobiography, Orbis Books, 1993.
  • Tout homme est un homme, Éditions du Seuil, 1992.
  • Théologie et politique, Editions du CIDIHCA, 1992.
  • (With Amy Wilentz) In the Parish of the Poor: Writings from Haiti, Orbis Books, 1990.

Notes and references follow, as is standard. Do try to keep up.