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Knesset

For those who insist on dissecting the mechanisms of modern governance, here is a detailed, if somewhat predictable, overview of Israel’s unicameral legislature.

For details concerning a Jewish place of worship, one might look elsewhere. Similarly, for the Nachlaot neighborhood known as Knesset Yisrael, your focus is misplaced. This is about the institution itself.

The Knesset

הכנסת‎ الكنيست‎

The 25th Knesset is currently in session, a testament to the enduring, if often frustrating, nature of democratic processes.

Type

A single legislative chamber. Efficient, perhaps, but it also means there are fewer layers of obfuscation for decisions to get stuck in. Or, depending on your perspective, fewer checks on impulsive power.

Leadership

The usual cast of characters, rotating through positions like a well-rehearsed, if often contentious, play.

Structure

  • Seats: 120

A number that, as we shall see, is steeped in tradition, even if the modern reality bears little resemblance to its ancient namesake.

Political groups

The current parliamentary landscape, a delicate balance of alliances and opposition, is as follows:

A finely balanced knife-edge, where every defection or alliance shift can send tremors through the political establishment. One might almost call it… precarious.

Elections

The electoral system, designed to reflect the diverse political landscape, often results in a fragmented parliament where forming stable coalitions becomes an art form in compromise and, occasionally, outright political acrobatics.

Meeting place

Website

  • Official website

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Political system of Israel

The Knesset (Hebrew: הַכְּנֶסֶת, romanized: HaKnesset [haˈkneset] [ˈha kˈne set] (ⓘ) lit. 'gathering, assembly'; Arabic: الْكِنِيسِت, romanized: al-Kinisit) stands as the unicameral legislature of Israel. It is, in essence, the single definitive voice of the state's legislative will, for better or worse.

This body is tasked with the rather significant responsibility of passing all national laws, a role it performs with varying degrees of deliberation and public spectacle. Beyond mere legislation, the Knesset holds the power to elect the president [6] and the prime minister [7], effectively shaping the executive leadership of the nation. It also formally approves the composition of the cabinet and is charged with supervising the broader operations of the government through a network of committees and debates. This oversight function is crucial, though its effectiveness is, naturally, subject to the political will and composition of the moment.

Furthermore, the Knesset elects the state comptroller, an independent official responsible for auditing state institutions. Its powers extend to the internal conduct of its own members, including the ability to waive their parliamentary immunity, a measure intended to prevent abuse of office. It can also remove the president and the state comptroller from their respective posts, demonstrating a significant check on executive and oversight power. In a move that highlights its ultimate authority over the executive, the Knesset can dissolve the government through a constructive vote of no confidence, thereby triggering new elections. Conversely, the prime minister himself may also dissolve the Knesset, a dramatic power play that can either resolve political deadlock or plunge the country into further electoral uncertainty. However, even after such a dissolution, the Knesset retains its authority in its existing composition until the subsequent elections are concluded and a new body is officially seated [8]. All these crucial functions are conducted within the confines of its building, nestled in Givat Ram, Jerusalem.

Members of the Knesset are elected nationwide through a system of proportional representation, ensuring that a wide spectrum of political views, however disparate, finds a voice within the legislative halls. Whether those voices always coalesce into coherent governance is, of course, another matter entirely.

Name

The term "Knesset" is not merely a modern bureaucratic label; it is steeped in historical and religious resonance. It is derived directly from the ancient Knesset HaGdola (Hebrew: כְּנֶסֶת הַגְּדוֹלָה), or the "Great Assembly". According to profound Jewish tradition, this venerable assembly consisted of 120 scribes, sages, and prophets. This body operated during a pivotal historical epoch, spanning the period from the cessation of biblical prophecy through the foundational development of Rabbinic Judaism, a span of approximately two centuries concluding around 200 BCE [9].

However, any romantic notion of direct lineage should be tempered by reality. There exists no demonstrable organizational continuity between that ancient, revered body and the modern Israeli parliament. Beyond the symbolic shared number of 120 members, the similarities are superficial at best. The ancient Knesset HaGdola was primarily a religious, entirely unelected body, focused on spiritual and legal interpretations. The modern Knesset, by contrast, is a secular, democratically elected institution, grappling with the decidedly temporal concerns of a contemporary state. A quaint historical echo, nothing more.

Members of this legislative body are formally known in Hebrew as חֲבֵר הַכְּנֶסֶת (Ḥaver HaKnesset) if they are male, and חַבְרַת הַכְּנֶסֶת (Ḥavrat HaKnesset) if they are female. A distinction, one might observe, that at least acknowledges basic biological facts, unlike some other political classifications.

History

The genesis of the modern Knesset marks a significant milestone in the establishment of the State of Israel. It first convened on 14 February 1949, in the nascent capital of Jerusalem, shortly after the crucial 20 January elections. This new legislative assembly was not born into a vacuum; it effectively superseded the Provisional State Council, which had served as Israel's official legislative authority from the very moment of its independence on 14 May 1948. Before that, its lineage could be traced, albeit indirectly, to the Assembly of Representatives, the representative body that had articulated the political aspirations of the Jewish community during the preceding Mandate era [10]. A long and winding path, then, from a community council to a national parliament.

Initially, before its permanent home was established, the Knesset did not reside in Jerusalem. Its early sessions were held in Tel Aviv [10], a temporary arrangement before it eventually relocated to the Froumine building in Jerusalem [11]. It seems even legislative bodies need to find their footing, physically speaking.

The iconic Knesset building itself now occupies a prominent hilltop position in western Jerusalem, within a district historically known as Sheikh Badr before the tumult of the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, an area now designated as Givat Ram. The construction of this principal edifice was a grand gesture, notably financed by James de Rothschild, who bequeathed the funds as a significant gift to the fledgling State of Israel in his will. The building's completion in 1966 marked a coming-of-age for the institution, providing it with a symbolic and functional home. The land upon which it stands was initially leased from the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem, a rather practical arrangement that was later formalized through purchase in the 1990s [12]. Over the ensuing decades, various additions were constructed to accommodate the growing needs of the parliament. These expansions, however, were deliberately designed to be built at levels below and behind the original 1966 structure, a conscious effort to preserve the aesthetic integrity and prominent appearance of the main assembly building. A rare instance of architectural deference in the political sphere.

Despite the frequent, almost ritualistic, tabling of motions of no confidence in the Knesset, the historical record shows a remarkable resilience of governments. A government has been successfully brought down by such a motion only once [13]. This singular event occurred on 15 March 1990, when Yitzhak Shamir's government was unseated as part of a convoluted political maneuver that became infamously known as "the dirty trick." It seems that even in politics, some machinations are dirtier than others.

However, a number of other governments have, through various pressures, resigned in the wake of no-confidence motions, even when those motions themselves did not directly succeed in defeating them. Notable instances include the fifth government, which collapsed after Prime Minister Moshe Sharett tendered his resignation in June 1955. This resignation was precipitated by the abstention of the General Zionists, a crucial component of his governing coalition, during a no-confidence vote [14]. Another example is the ninth government, which saw Prime Minister Ben-Gurion resign in January 1961, following a no-confidence motion related to the controversial Lavon Affair [15]. More recently, the seventeenth government resigned in December 1976 after the National Religious Party, then a partner in the governing coalition, chose to abstain in a no-confidence vote against the government. These instances illustrate that the threat of a no-confidence motion, even if not fully realized, often carries enough political weight to force significant changes, or rather, the resignation of the existing order.

Timeline

The Knesset, like all institutions, has a history marked by specific dates and relocations. A rather dry enumeration of its journey:

  • 14 February 1949: The Constituent Assembly, the precursor to the Knesset, holds its inaugural meeting at the Jewish Agency building in Jerusalem.
  • 16 February 1949: The name "Knesset" is officially adopted for the Constituent Assembly, and the number of members is formally fixed at 120. The Knesset then begins its sessions in Tel Aviv, initially at what is now the Opera Tower site, later moving to the San Remo Hotel in Tel Aviv [16]. A transient beginning for a permanent institution.
  • 26 December 1949 – 8 March 1950: The Knesset transitions its operations to Jerusalem, initially convening in the Jewish Agency building.
  • 13 March 1950: The Knesset relocates once more, settling into the Froumine House on King George Street, Jerusalem [16].
  • 1950–1955: The Israeli government initiates architectural competitions to design a permanent, dedicated Knesset building. Ossip Klarwein's design is ultimately selected as the winning entry.
  • 1955: Plans to construct the Knesset building at its present, iconic location are formally approved by the government.
  • 1957: James de Rothschild informs Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion of his intention to finance the construction of the new building, a philanthropic gesture of significant national impact.
  • 14 October 1958: The cornerstone for the new Knesset building is laid, marking the physical commencement of the project.
  • 30 August 1966: The new building is officially dedicated during the tenure of the sixth Knesset, finally providing a permanent and symbolic home for the legislature.
  • 1981: Construction commences on a new wing, indicating the growing needs and expansion of the parliamentary apparatus.
  • 1992: The new wing officially opens its doors.
  • 2001: Work begins on a substantial new wing, a project designed to effectively double the overall floor space of the entire Knesset compound.
  • 2007: This large new wing is completed and opened, accommodating the ever-expanding machinery of state.

An enduring structure, much like the political processes it houses, with layers built upon layers. The Froumine House on King George Street in Jerusalem still bears the historic engraving from its time as the Knesset's temporary abode, a small reminder of past transience.

Government duties

As the very bedrock of the legislative branch within the intricate Israeli system of government, the Knesset bears a multitude of critical responsibilities. It is the primary body that passes all laws, shaping the legal framework of the nation. It also holds the distinct privilege of electing the president and formally approving the composition of the cabinet, thereby directly influencing both the symbolic head of state and the executive government. Furthermore, the Knesset maintains a supervisory role over the government's operations, a function primarily exercised through its various specialized committees.

Beyond these foundational duties, the Knesset possesses inherent powers that underscore its sovereignty. It can waive the immunity of its own members, a crucial mechanism for ensuring accountability. It also holds the authority to remove both the president and the State Comptroller from office, demonstrating a robust system of checks and balances. And, in a testament to its ultimate legislative power, the Knesset can, by its own will, dissolve itself and thereby trigger new elections, a potentially dramatic move that resets the political clock.

The Knesset operates under a system of de jure parliamentary supremacy. This means it can, theoretically, pass any law by a simple majority, even if such a law might appear to conflict with the Basic Laws of Israel. This power is constrained only if a specific Basic Law explicitly outlines particular conditions for its own modification. Following a plan adopted in 1950, these Basic Laws themselves can be adopted and amended by the Knesset, acting in its capacity as a Constituent Assembly [17]. The Knesset's own operational framework is meticulously defined and regulated by a specific Basic Law, aptly titled "Basic Law: the Knesset."

In the absence of a formal, codified constitution and with no Basic Law explicitly granting the power of judicial review to the judiciary, the Supreme Court of Israel has, since the early 1990s, asserted its own authority. When sitting as the High Court of Justice, the Supreme Court has claimed the right to invalidate provisions of Knesset laws that it determines to be inconsistent with a Basic Law [17]. This ongoing tension between legislative supremacy and judicial oversight is a recurring theme in many democracies, and Israel is no exception to this fascinating power dynamic.

The Knesset's proceedings are presided over by a Speaker and a cadre of Deputy Speakers, collectively known as the Knesset Presidium. The current composition of this leadership body is as follows [18]:

Position Name Faction Party
Speaker Amir Ohana Likud Likud
Deputy Nissim Vaturi Likud Likud
Deputy Meir Cohen Yesh Atid Yesh Atid
Deputy Hanoch Milwidsky Likud Likud
Deputy Erez Malul Shas Shas
Deputy Evgeny Sova Yisrael Beiteinu Yisrael Beiteinu
Deputy Moshe Solomon Religious Zionist Party Religious Zionist Party
Deputy Orit Farkash-Hacohen National Unity Party National Unity Party
Deputy Moshe Roth United Torah Judaism Agudat Yisrael

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Knesset committees

Main article: Committees of the Knesset

The real work, or at least the detailed legislative wrangling, often happens away from the main plenum, within the various Knesset committees. These committees are specifically tasked with amending bills pertaining to their designated subjects. It's where the granular details are debated, modified, and sometimes, mercifully, improved.

Knesset members are assigned to these committees, a process that aims to match their expertise or, more often, their party's strategic interests, with the committee's mandate. The chairpersons for these committees are chosen by their members, typically following a recommendation from the influential House Committee. Crucially, the factional composition of each committee is designed to reflect the broader political makeup of the Knesset itself, ensuring a microcosm of the larger parliament. Committees retain the flexibility to elect sub-committees, delegating specific powers to them, or to establish joint committees when issues span the purview of more than one standing committee. To enrich their deliberations, these committees frequently invite non-voting participants, such as government ministers, senior officials, and subject matter experts, to provide insights and information. A rare moment when expertise is actively sought, one might note. Committees also possess the authority to request explanations and information from any relevant minister on any matter falling within their competence, and those ministers, or their appointed representatives, are legally obliged to provide the requested information or explanation [8]. A necessary check, if not always a perfectly exercised one.

There are four distinct categories of committees operating within the Knesset. First, the Permanent committees are foundational, primarily responsible for amending proposed legislation within their specific areas of expertise. They also hold the power to initiate legislation, though this power is somewhat constrained; such legislation can only pertain to the Basic Laws of Israel or laws directly concerning the Knesset itself, its elections, its members, or the State Comptroller. Second, Special committees function in a manner analogous to permanent committees but are established to address particular, often pressing, matters at hand. Their nature is inherently more temporary, as they can be dissolved once their task is complete or, if the need persists, formally converted into permanent committees. Third, Parliamentary inquiry committees are appointed by the plenum (the full assembly) to delve into issues deemed to be of special national importance, often in response to public concern or significant events. Finally, there are two types of committees that convene only as necessity dictates: the Interpretations Committee, comprising the Speaker and eight members selected by the House Committee, which adjudicates appeals against the Speaker's interpretation of Knesset rules or precedents during plenum sittings; and Public Committees, which are formed to address issues directly connected to the Knesset's interaction with the broader public [19][20]. A complex bureaucratic ecosystem, designed to ensure nothing falls through the cracks, or perhaps, to ensure everything gets sufficiently debated into oblivion.

Permanent committees:

Special committees:

  • Committee on Drug Abuse
  • Committee on the Rights of the Child
  • Committee on Foreign Workers
  • Central Elections Committee
  • Public Petitions Committee

Beyond these, two other crucial committees operate: the Arrangements Committee and the Ethics Committee. The latter, the Ethics Committee, is particularly notable for its jurisdiction over Knesset members who might violate the established rules of ethics of the Knesset or become implicated in illegal activities outside the parliamentary sphere. Within its purview, the Ethics Committee is empowered to impose various sanctions on a member, though it is explicitly prohibited from restricting a member's fundamental right to vote. A fascinating limitation, ensuring that even a reprimanded member can still cast their ballot, for better or worse. The Arrangements Committee, on the other hand, is the logistical architect of the Knesset. Following each election, it proposes the precise makeup of the permanent committees, suggests their chairpersons, determines the seating arrangements for political parties within the Knesset chamber, and oversees the allocation of offices within the Knesset building to individual members and their respective parties [21]. A rather thankless task, one imagines, trying to herd these particular cats into organized seating plans.

Caucuses

Beyond the formal structure of committees, Knesset members often gravitate towards less formal, yet still influential, groupings known as "lobbies" or "caucuses." These are essentially voluntary associations where members come together to advocate for, or at least discuss, a particular topic, interest, or cause that resonates with their political or ideological leanings. The sheer number of these caucuses within the Knesset is quite remarkable, often running into the hundreds. It’s a natural consequence of diverse opinions and the enduring human need to find like-minded individuals, even in the cutthroat world of politics.

Among the more prominent and consistently active examples are the Knesset Christian Allies Caucus, which focuses on strengthening ties with Christian communities and advocating for shared values, and the Knesset Land of Israel Caucus, which champions policies aimed at asserting Israeli sovereignty and settlement across the entirety of the historical Land of Israel [22][23]. These caucuses serve as important platforms for focused advocacy, demonstrating that even within a highly structured parliamentary system, informal networks can wield significant influence.

Membership

The Knesset, in a nod to its ancient namesake, the Great Assembly, consists of precisely 120 members. This number, while symbolic, has occasionally been the subject of proposed reforms, with some suggesting changes to the size of the legislative body. However, the number 120 has remained constant, perhaps out of tradition or simply because changing it would be an even greater bureaucratic headache.

A notable feature influencing Knesset membership is the so-called "Norwegian Law." This legislative provision allows Knesset members who are appointed to ministerial positions to temporarily resign their parliamentary seat. Upon their resignation, the next eligible person on their party's electoral list is then able to take their place in the Knesset. This mechanism ensures that the party does not lose a seat in the legislature simply because one of its members has taken on an executive role. Should a minister later leave the cabinet, the Norwegian Law permits them to return to the Knesset, reclaiming their seat from their temporary replacement. It's a system designed to maintain both executive capacity and parliamentary representation, a fluid arrangement that allows for a degree of political flexibility, though it can occasionally lead to a revolving door of parliamentary figures.

Knesset elections

Main article: Elections in Israel

The 120 members of the Knesset, affectionately known as MKs [24], are not selected by divine right or intricate backroom deals, but are popularly elected by the citizens of Israel. This process takes place within a single, nationwide electoral district, where all votes contribute to the national tally. These parliamentary terms are generally set for four years, though, as anyone observing Israeli politics will attest, calls for early elections are not merely common; they are practically a recurring national pastime. All Israeli citizens aged 18 years or older possess the right to cast their vote in these legislative elections, a right exercised through the sanctity of the secret ballot.

The allocation of Knesset seats among the various political parties is determined by the D'Hondt method of party list proportional representation. This system ensures that the distribution of seats broadly reflects the proportion of votes each party receives. However, a party or electoral alliance must first clear an election threshold of 3.25% [25] of the overall valid votes cast to be allocated any seats in the Knesset. To put that into perspective, in the 2022 elections, this translated to approximately one seat for every 152,000 votes. Parties present their candidates via a closed list system, meaning voters cast their ballot for the party of their choice, rather than for any specific individual candidate. This simplifies the voting process but concentrates power within party structures.

The electoral threshold has not always been at its current level. It began at a mere 1% from 1949 to 1992, allowing a greater number of smaller parties to gain representation. It then incrementally rose to 1.5% from 1992 to 2003, and subsequently to 2% until March 2014, when the current threshold of 3.25% was enacted, coming into effect with the elections for the 20th Knesset [26]. The historical effect of this relatively low threshold is that a typical Knesset session often sees 10 or more distinct factions represented, making the political landscape incredibly diverse and, at times, notoriously difficult to manage.

A consequence of this fragmented representation is that no single party or faction has ever managed to secure the 61 seats necessary to command an absolute majority in the Knesset. The closest any entity came was the Alignment, which won 56 seats in the 1969 elections [27]. Intriguingly, the Alignment had briefly held 63 seats before those elections, having been formed shortly beforehand by the merger of several parties, marking the only occasion on which any single party or faction has ever held an outright majority [28]. The inescapable reality, therefore, is that while there have rarely been more than three numerically dominant parties at any given time, and only four parties (or their direct predecessors) have ever led governments, all Israeli governments have, by necessity, been coalitions. A perpetual dance of alliances and compromises, then.

After the dust settles from an election, the president of Israel undertakes the rather delicate task of consulting with the leaders of every party that successfully secured seats in the Knesset. During these consultations, party leaders are asked to recommend which among them should be entrusted with the monumental responsibility of forming the next government. The president then, with an eye towards political viability, nominates the party leader who, in their assessment, is most likely to garner the support of a majority in the Knesset. This individual is not necessarily the leader of the largest party or faction in the chamber, but rather the one most capable of stitching together a workable coalition. The prime minister-designate is then granted a period of 42 days to meticulously assemble a viable government, a deadline that, it must be noted, is frequently extended as negotiations inevitably drag on. Once a proposed government has been formed, it must then successfully win a vote of confidence in the Knesset before officially taking office. A process that is, at best, an exercise in political chess, and at worst, a protracted exercise in brinkmanship.

The following is a comprehensive list of Knesset elections, a testament to the nation's consistent, if sometimes exhausting, democratic rhythm:

Current composition

For a truly comprehensive and exhaustive list of the individuals currently occupying these seats, one might consult the List of members of the twenty-fifth Knesset.

The table below provides a snapshot of the parliamentary factions currently represented within the 25th Knesset, a diverse collection of ideologies and demographics, each vying for influence and power.

Name Ideology Symbol Primary demographic Leader 2022 result (Votes %) Seats
Likud Conservatism, National liberalism, Right-wing populism • מחל‍ – Benjamin Netanyahu, Prime Minister of Israel 23.41% 32 / 120
Yesh Atid Liberal Zionism, Secularism • פה‍ – Yair Lapid, Leader of the Opposition 17.78% 23 / 120
Otzma Yehudit Kahanism • ט‍ – Itamar Ben-Gvir, Minister of National Security 10.83% 7 / 120
Mafdal – Religious Zionism Religious Zionism – Israeli settlers, Modern Orthodox and Hardal Jews Bezalel Smotrich, Minister of Finance – 6 / 120
Noam Religious Zionism, Religious conservatism – – Avi Maoz – 1 / 120
National Unity Zionism • כן‍ – Benny Gantz 9.08% 12 / 120
Shas Religious conservatism • שס‍ Sephardi and Mizrahi Haredim Aryeh Deri 8.24% 11 / 120
United Torah Judaism Religious conservatism, Haredi non-Zionism • ג‍ Ashkenazi Haredim Yitzhak Goldknopf 5.88% 7 / 120
Yisrael Beiteinu Nationalism, Secularism, Conservatism • ל‍ Russian-speakers Avigdor Lieberman 4.49% 6 / 120
Ra'am Islamism, Conservatism • עם‍ Israeli Arab Sunni Muslims, Negev Bedouin Mansour Abbas 4.07% 5 / 120
Hadash–Ta'al Israeli Arab interests, Secularism • ום‍ Israeli Arabs Ayman Odeh 3.75% 5 / 120
Labor Zionism, Progressivism, Secularism – – Yair Golan 3.69% 4 / 120

Historical composition

For those with a penchant for historical data, or perhaps a masochistic desire to trace the ebb and flow of political fortunes, the following charts illustrate the shifting composition of the Knesset across its various terms. It’s a visual representation of how power, like sand, constantly shifts.

1949

4 19 46 2 5 7 3 4 16 14
1951
5 15 45 5 4 20 3 2 8 8 3 2
--- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- ---
1955
6 9 10 40 5 5 13 15 11 6
--- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- ---
1959
3 9 7 47 5 6 8 17 12 6
--- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- ---
1961
5 9 8 42 4 17 17 12 4 2
--- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- ---

1965

1 3 8 4 45 10 5 1 26 11 4 2
1969
1 3 4 56 4 4 26 12 4 2
--- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- ---
1973
1 4 3 3 51 4 39 10 5
--- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- ---
1977
2 5 1 1 32 1 15 3 43 12 4 1
--- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- ---
1981
4 1 47 2 2 48 6 3 4 3
--- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- ---
1984
4 3 44 3 9 41 4 1 4 1 2 4
--- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- ---
1988
4 3 5 39 2 3 1 40 6 2 5 5 3 2
--- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- ---

1992 | 3 | | | | 12 | 44 | | 2 | | | | | | 32 | | 6 | | 8 | | 4 | | 6 | | 3 | | | | | | |---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---| 1996 | 4 | 1 | | | 9 | 34 | | 4 | | | 4 | | | 7 | | 32 | | 10 | | 4 | | 9 | | 2 | | | | | | |---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---| 1999 | 3 | 2 | | | 10 | 26 | | 6 | 6 | | 5 | | 4 | 6 | | 19 | | 17 | | 5 | | 5 | | 4 | | | | | | |---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---| 2003 | 3 | | | | 6 | 19 | | | 3 | | 15 | | 2 | 2 | | 38 | | 11 | | 5 | | 6 | | 7 | | | | | | |---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---| 2006

3 5 19 29 7 4 11 12 12 6 3 6
2009
4 3 13 28 4 15 27 11 5 3 4
--- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- ---
2013
4 6 15 6 19 2 4 13 18 11 7 12
--- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- ---
2015
5 18 11 1 10 6 30 7 6 8
--- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- ---
2019.04
6 4 6 35 4 2 5 35 8 8 5
--- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- ---
2019.09
13 5 6 33 8 32 9 7 7
--- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- ---
2020
15 3 3 33 1 7 36 9 7 6
--- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- ---
2021
6 6 7 8 17 4 6 7 30 9 7 7 6
--- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- ---
2022
5 4 24 12 5 6 32 11 7 14
--- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- ---

Knesset assemblies

Each parliamentary term in Israel is designated by a numerical sequence, a simple yet effective way to track the progression of its legislative history. Thus, the very first Knesset, which was elected following Israel's inaugural elections in 1949, is logically referred to as the First Knesset. Following this convention, the current legislative body, which came into being after the elections held in 2022, is known as the Twenty-fifth Knesset. A straightforward system, thankfully, for an otherwise often convoluted political landscape.

Tourism

For those who harbor a particular fascination with the inner workings of legislative bodies, or perhaps simply enjoy observing political theater from a safe distance, the Knesset offers guided tours. These morning tours are available in a variety of languages, catering to both local citizens and international visitors. You can experience them in Hebrew, Arabic, English, French, Spanish, German, and Russian on both Sundays and Thursdays. Furthermore, for those who prefer to witness the live, unedited spectacle of parliamentary debate, there are designated times for viewing live sessions on Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday mornings [29]. One can only imagine the thrilling drama unfolding during these sessions. Or not.

Security

The Knesset, as a vital national institution, operates under the vigilant protection of the Knesset Guard. This specialized protective security unit is entrusted with the critical responsibility of ensuring the safety and integrity of both the Knesset building itself and its 120 members. Guards are strategically positioned outside the edifice, providing armed protection against any potential threats, while ushers are stationed within the building to meticulously maintain order during sessions and public events. It seems even democracy requires a firm hand to keep things from devolving into utter chaos.

Beyond its primary security mandate, the Knesset Guard also fulfills a significant ceremonial role, participating in various state ceremonies. This includes the notable duty of greeting dignitaries on Mount Herzl on the eve of Israeli Independence Day, a moment where security and symbolism intertwine. A rather fitting dual role for an organization tasked with protecting the very fabric of the state.

Public perception

A poll conducted by the reputable Israeli Democracy Institute in April and May of 2014 offered a rather telling glimpse into the public's sentiment regarding their government. The findings revealed that while a clear majority of both Jewish and Arab citizens in Israel expressed pride in their citizenship, a shared sentiment of distrust permeated both groups when it came to Israel's governmental institutions, including, notably, the Knesset. It seems disillusionment is a bipartisan affair.

Nearly three-quarters of Israelis surveyed indicated that corruption within the nation's political leadership was perceived as either "widespread or somewhat prevalent." A rather damning indictment, though perhaps unsurprising to anyone observing the human condition. While a majority of both Arab and Jewish respondents expressed trust in the Israel Defense Forces, the President of Israel, and the esteemed Supreme Court of Israel, the Knesset fared considerably worse. Both demographic groups reported similarly low levels of confidence in the legislative body, with little more than a third of each group claiming to have trust in the Knesset [30]. It appears that while the public might appreciate the concept of democracy, the practical application, particularly by its elected representatives, often leaves much to be desired. A perennial challenge, indeed.

See also

For those who wish to delve further into the labyrinthine world of Israeli governance and related topics, consider these points of departure:

Notes

  • a Shas exited the government, though it remains part of the coalition. [2]
  • b The Knesset faction is called Blue and White-National Unity. [3]
  • c The Democrats' members sit in the 25th Knesset as members of the Israeli Labor Party. [4]