Muhammad Ahmad bin Abdullah bin Fahal, a figure who cast a long shadow over the tumultuous landscape of Sudan in the late 19th century, was born on August 12, 1843, on Labab Island in the Dongola region of northern Sudan. His lineage, a point of pride and spiritual significance, traced back to the Prophet of Islam, Muhammad, through his grandson Hassan ibn Ali. This distinguished heritage stemmed from an Arabized Nubian family, deeply rooted in religious tradition. Shortly after Muhammad Ahmad's birth, his family relocated to Karari, a town north of Omdurman. His father, Ahmad bin Abdullah, a boat builder, struggled to secure sufficient timber for his trade and passed away soon after their arrival. The family's fortunes shifted again when they moved to Khartoum for a brief period, during which his mother, Zainab bint Nasr, died and was interred.
While his brothers continued the family's maritime trade, Muhammad Ahmad found himself drawn to the contemplative life of religious scholarship. His early education was under Sheikh al-Amin al-Suwaylih in the Gezira region, south of Khartoum. Later, he studied with Sheikh Muhammad al-Dikayr 'Abdallah Khujali near the town of Berber, in northern Sudan.
A profound inclination towards asceticism, mysticism, and spiritual devotion led him, in 1861, to seek out Sheikh Muhammad Sharif Nur al-Dai'm, the grandson of the founder of the Samaniyya Sufi sect in Sudan. Muhammad Ahmad remained a devoted disciple for seven years, his piety and asceticism earning him considerable respect. He was eventually granted the title of Sheikh and began undertaking religious missions across the country, authorized to initiate new followers into the Tariqa and Uhūd.
In 1870, his family, in pursuit of timber, relocated once more to Aba Island. Here, Muhammad Ahmad established a mosque and dedicated himself to teaching the Quran. His reputation as an eloquent orator and a profound mystic grew rapidly among the local populace. His teachings, in essence, advocated a return to the foundational principles of Islam, emphasizing strict devotion, prayer, and simplicity, as elucidated in the Quran and the teachings of Muhammad.
The year 1872 marked a significant development when Muhammad Ahmad invited Sheikh Sharif to relocate to al-Aradayb, a locale on the White Nile adjacent to Aba Island. Initially, their relationship was cordial, but by 1878, a rift emerged, fueled by Sheikh Sharif's growing resentment of his former student's burgeoning popularity. This discord culminated in Sheikh Sharif expelling Muhammad Ahmad from the Samaniyya Order. Despite Muhammad Ahmad's earnest attempts at reconciliation, his mentor remained unyielding.
Recognizing the impossibility of mending the schism with Sheikh Sharif, Muhammad Ahmad turned to Sheikh al-Qurashi wad al-Zayn, another esteemed figure within the Samaniyya Order. He resumed his devout life on Aba Island. During this period, his travels extended to the province of Kordofan, west of Khartoum, where he engaged with the local leadership in El-Obeid. This region was embroiled in a fierce power struggle between two competing claimants for the governorship.
On July 25, 1878, Sheikh al-Qurashi passed away, and his followers acclaimed Muhammad Ahmad as their new leader. It was around this time that Muhammad Ahmad first encountered Abdallahi bin Muhammad al-Ta'aishi, a man who would rise to become his most trusted deputy and, ultimately, his successor.
Announcement of the Mahdiyya
On June 29, 1881, Muhammad Ahmad declared himself the Mahdi, a messianic figure prophesied to herald the second coming of Jesus. This bold claim was rooted in his established status as a prominent Sufi sheikh, commanding a considerable following within the Samaniyya Order and among the tribes inhabiting the vicinity of Aba Island.
The concept of the Mahdiyya, however, was not new to the Samaniyya tradition. Sheikh al-Qurashi Wad al-Zayn, the preceding leader, had himself prophesied that the awaited redeemer would emerge from the Samaniyya lineage. According to his pronouncements, the Mahdi would manifest through specific signs, some echoing those found in early Islamic history and documented in the Hadith literature. Others possessed a more localized origin, such as the prediction that the Mahdi would ride a particular sheikh's pony and later erect a dome over his grave.
Drawing upon the rich tapestry of Sufi traditions, which were deeply familiar to both his adherents and his adversaries, Muhammad Ahmad asserted that he had been divinely appointed as the Mahdi by a prophetic assembly, known as a hadra (Arabic: Al-Hadra Al-Nabawiyya, حضرة النبوية). Within the Sufi cosmology, a hadra is envisioned as a celestial gathering comprising all the prophets from the time of Adam to Muhammad, alongside numerous Sufi saints who had attained exceptional spiritual proximity to the divine during their earthly lives. This assembly is presided over by Muhammad, referred to as Sayyid al-Wujud, with the seven Qutb, the most senior of whom is designated Ghawth az-Zaman, standing at his side. The hadra also served as the origin for several core beliefs concerning the Mahdi himself, including the notion that he was fashioned from the sacred light emanating from the heart of Muhammad, and that all creation had acknowledged his divine mandate from the moment of his birth.
Muhammad Ahmad articulated the Mahdiyya as a movement aimed at restoring the pristine purity of early Islam, a time when the Ummah, or Muslim community, was united under the spiritual leadership of Muhammad and his immediate successors. To further distinguish his followers from those of other Sufi groups, the Mahdi prohibited the use of the term darwish (commonly translated as "dervish" in English) to describe his adherents. Instead, he mandated the use of the title Ansār, a term Muhammad had used to refer to the people of Medina who welcomed him and his followers after their migration from Mecca.
Response of the Scholars
Despite his considerable popularity among certain clerics of the Samaniyya and other Sufi orders, and his strong support among the tribes of western Sudan, Muhammad Ahmad's claim to Mahdiship was met with staunch opposition from some segments of the Ulama' (scholars), the established religious authorities. Among his most vocal critics were the Sudanese Ulama who remained loyal to the Ottoman Sultan and were employed by the Turco-Egyptian government. Notable among these dissenters were Mufti Shakir al-Ghazi, a member of the Council of Appeal in Khartoum, and Qadi Ahmad al-Azhari in Kordofan. These scholars did not outright reject the theological concept of the Mahdi; rather, they focused their critiques on discrediting Muhammad Ahmad's specific claim to that mantle.
In alignment with the political interests of the Turco-Egyptian government and its British allies, these critics argued that Muhammad Ahmad's emergence did not align with the prophecies found in the Hadith literature. Specifically, they contended that his appearance did not coincide with the foretold "time of troubles," characterized by widespread oppression, tyranny, and enmity.
Advance of the Rebellion
When Governor General Muhammad Rauf Pasha in Khartoum became aware of Muhammad Ahmad's declaration as the Mahdi on June 29, 1881, he initially underestimated the significance of the movement, believing a government pension might placate the claimant. He dispatched a conciliatory letter to Muhammad Ahmad. The Mahdi's response was unyielding, a telegram stating, "He who does not believe in me will be purified by the sword."
Undeterred, Mohammed Rauf Pasha dispatched a small contingent to arrest the Mahdi on Aba Island. However, on August 11, 1881, this force was decisively overcome, marking the beginning of the insurrection in southern Sudan. Rauf Pasha, downplaying the incident in his report to Cairo, then sent the governor of Kordofan with 1,000 soldiers to Aba Island with the objective of crushing the Mahdi. Upon their arrival, they discovered that the Mahdi had already retreated to the southwest. The pursuing soldiers, hampered by the September rains that rendered the roads and riverbeds impassable, eventually abandoned the chase and returned to El-Obeid. The Mahdi, meanwhile, established a new stronghold in the Nuba Mountains.
The Mahdi and a contingent of his followers, the Ansār (meaning "helpers," often referred to in the West as "Dervishes"), embarked on a significant march to Kurdufan. This strategic move allowed him to recruit numerous fighters, particularly from the Baqqara people, and enlist the support of prominent tribal leaders such as Sheikh Madibbo ibn Ali of the Rizeigat and Abdallahi ibn Muhammad of the Ta'aisha tribes. Furthermore, the Hadendoa Beja in eastern Sudan were rallied to the Mahdi's cause in 1883, largely through the efforts of Osman Digna, a respected Ansār captain.
The Mahdist revolution garnered substantial backing from both the northern and western regions of Sudan. Its influence also extended deeply into the southern territories, with strong support from the Nuer, Shilluk, and Anuak tribes, as well as various groups in Bahr el Ghazal. This widespread allegiance underscored the Mahdist Revolution as a truly national uprising, transcending mere regional discontent. The revolution also managed to bridge religious divides, despite its overtly religious origins. The Mahdi commanded the support of both non-Muslims and Muslims alike, a fact with significant implications for the deeply entrenched slave trade. In a move that challenged traditional Islamic interpretations, the Mahdi permitted the enslavement of free Muslims who did not align with his cause, while simultaneously forbidding the enslavement of non-Muslims who supported him – a reversal of established practices.
In late 1883, the Ansār, armed primarily with spears and swords, achieved a stunning victory over a 4,000-strong Egyptian force near El-Obeid, capturing their rifles and ammunition. This triumph was followed by the Mahdi's successful siege of El-Obeid, which surrendered after four months of starvation. The town subsequently served as the Ansār's primary headquarters for much of the decade.
The Ansār, now numbering 40,000, further solidified their dominance by defeating an 8,000-man Egyptian relief force, led by the British officer William Hicks, near Kashgil in the Battle of Shaykan. This decisive defeat led to the fall of Darfur to the Ansār, a region that had been tenaciously defended by Rudolf Carl von Slatin. Jabal Qadir in the south also fell into Ansārī hands. Consequently, the western half of Sudan was firmly under Ansār control.
Emboldened by these successes, the Hadendoa, under Osman Digna's command, annihilated a smaller Egyptian force led by Colonel Valentine Baker near the Red Sea port of Suakin. In response, Major General Gerald Graham was dispatched with a force of 4,000 British soldiers. He achieved a victory against Digna at El Teb on February 29, but suffered significant casualties two weeks later at Tamai, ultimately leading to Graham's withdrawal.
Khartoum
Following extensive deliberation, the British government decided in December 1883 to withdraw from Sudan, retaining control only of key northern towns and Red Sea ports, including Khartoum, Kassala, Sannar, and Sawakin. The responsibility for evacuating Egyptian troops, officials, and foreign nationals from Sudan was entrusted to General Charles George Gordon. He was reinstated as governor general with the explicit mandate to proceed to Khartoum and orchestrate the withdrawal of the Egyptian garrisons stationed there.
Arrival of Gordon
Gordon arrived in Khartoum in February 1884. Initially, he was met with widespread jubilation, as many of the local tribes in the immediate vicinity harbored animosity towards the Mahdists. The routes for northward transportation remained open, and the telegraph lines were operational. However, the subsequent uprising of the Beja tribes shortly after his arrival drastically altered the situation, severely limiting communications to unreliable runners.
Gordon deemed the northward routes too perilous for the safe evacuation of the garrisons and therefore urgently requested reinforcements from Cairo to assist in the withdrawal. He also proposed a controversial solution: granting tacit control of Sudan to his former adversary, Al-Zubayr Rahma Mansur, a highly capable military commander, as a means to counter the Ansār. Both proposals were rejected by the British government in London, compelling Gordon to prepare for a defensive strategy.
In March 1884, Gordon attempted to launch an offensive aimed at clearing the road north to Egypt. However, a significant number of officers within the Egyptian contingent defected to the enemy, and their troops retreated after firing a single volley. This incident convinced Gordon that only defensive operations were feasible, and he returned to Khartoum to oversee the construction of fortifications.
By April 1884, Gordon had managed to evacuate approximately 2,500 foreign nationals who were able to undertake the arduous journey northward. His mobile force, under the command of Colonel Stewart, returned to Khartoum following a series of incidents where the roughly 200 Egyptian soldiers under his command exhibited a tendency to flee at the slightest sign of danger.
Siege
The Ansār laid siege to Khartoum in April 1884, effectively isolating Gordon. However, his defensive measures, notably the extensive use of mines, proved so daunting to the Ansār that they were unable to breach the city's defenses. Once the Nile waters receded from their flood stage, Stewart utilized gunboats on the river to conduct several minor engagements and, in August, managed to temporarily recapture Berber. Tragically, Stewart was killed shortly thereafter during another sortie from Berber to Dongola. Gordon only learned of this devastating loss through a personal letter from the Mahdi himself.
Facing mounting public pressure to support Gordon, the British government, under Prime Minister Gladstone, eventually authorized Lord Garnet Joseph Wolseley to lead a relief expedition. Wolseley, already positioned in Egypt due to an attempted coup, assembled a substantial infantry force but advanced at a notably slow pace. Perceiving the delay, Gordon urged Wolseley to dispatch a "flying column" of camel-mounted troops across the Bayyudah Desert from Wadi Halfa, under the command of Brigadier-General Sir Herbert Stewart. This column encountered the Hadendoa Beja, colloquially known as "Fuzzy Wuzzies", twice. The first engagement occurred at the Battle of Abu Klea, followed by another clash two days later, closer to Metemma. On both occasions, the disciplined British square held firm, repelling the Mahdist forces with heavy losses.
At Metemma, approximately 100 miles (160 km) north of Khartoum, Wolseley's advance guard intercepted four of Gordon's steamers. These vessels had been dispatched downriver to expedite the transport of the initial relief troops. From these steamers, Wolseley received a dispatch from Gordon claiming the city was on the verge of collapse. Moments later, a runner delivered another message, asserting that the city could withstand a siege for another year. Opting to believe the latter, Wolseley halted his advance to refit the steamers for increased troop capacity.
Fall of Khartoum
The relief force finally reached Khartoum on January 28, 1885, only to discover that the city had fallen two days prior, during the protracted siege of Khartoum. After the Nile had receded from its flood levels, one of Gordon's pashas (officers), Faraz Pasha, opened the river gates, allowing the Ansār to enter the city. The garrison was systematically slaughtered, the male population massacred, and the women and children were taken into slavery. Gordon himself perished on the steps of the palace, engaging the Mahdi's warriors in a final, desperate fight. He was brutally hacked to death, and his head was severed. Upon presenting Gordon's head before him, the Mahdi ordered it to be impaled on the branches of a tree, "where all who passed it could look in disdain, children could throw stones at it and the hawks of the desert could sweep and circle above." When Wolseley's force attempted to advance into the city center by ship, they were met with a hail of gunfire, forcing their retreat.
The Mahdi's army continued its relentless advance. Kassala and Sannar fell shortly thereafter, and by the close of 1885, the Ansār had begun their push into the southern regions of Sudan. Throughout Sudan, only Suakin, reinforced by Indian troops, and Wadi Halfa on the northern frontier remained under Anglo-Egyptian control.
Death and Succession
Just five months after the capture of Khartoum, Muhammad Ahmad succumbed to typhus. He was interred in Omdurman, near the ruins of Khartoum. The Mahdi, anticipating this eventuality, had designated three deputies to succeed him.
Following the ultimate defeat of the Khalifa by the British forces under General Kitchener in 1898, Muhammad Ahmad's tomb was deliberately destroyed. The intention was to prevent it from becoming a rallying point for his devoted supporters. His remains were unceremoniously cast into the Nile. Accounts suggest that Kitchener retained the Mahdi's skull, and, in the words of Winston Churchill, "carried off the Mahdi's head in a kerosene can as a trophy." The skull was reportedly later buried at Wadi Halfa. Nevertheless, the tomb was eventually reconstructed.
Aftermath
Political Heritage
The flag of Sudan, with its black stripe, symbolizes the inhabitants of Sudan and the black flag of nationalists who fought against colonial rule during the Mahdist Revolution.
Muhammad Ahmad's son, Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi, who was born after his father's death, emerged as a pivotal figure in the neo-Mahdist movement within Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. The British recognized his significant influence as a popular leader among the Mahdists. Some Sudanese viewed Abd al-Rahman as a potential future King of Sudan upon the country's independence, but he declined the title for reasons of spiritual conviction. 'Abd al-Rahman was instrumental in sponsoring the Umma (Nation) political Party in the period leading up to and immediately following Sudan's independence in 1956.
In contemporary Sudan, Muhammad Ahmad is often regarded as a foundational figure of Sudanese nationalism. The Umma party proudly traces its political lineage back to him. Their former leader, Imam Sadiq al-Mahdi, was a direct descendant of Muhammad Ahmad – specifically, his great-great-grandson. Sadiq al-Mahdi also held the position of imam of the Ansār, the religious order that professes allegiance to Muhammad Ahmad. A proponent of democratic ideals, Sadiq al-Mahdi served as Prime Minister of Sudan on two occasions: initially for a brief period in 1966–1967, and subsequently from 1986 to 1989. Furthermore, the Mahdi is an ancestor of the Sudanese-English actor Alexander Siddig, whose birth name was Siddig El Tahir El Fadil El Siddig Abdurrahman Mohammed Ahmed Abdel Karim El Mahdi.
Writings
The Complete Writings of the Mahdi of the Sudan, published in 1993, is a comprehensive compilation of his literary output. This collection, numbering approximately 1,000 items, encompasses his letters, proclamations, sermons, prayers, and legal rulings, all produced between 1881 and 1885.
In Popular Culture
- In the 1887 story Ibn el 'amm by the German writer Karl May, the Mahdi offers an explanation for the death of a praying person killed by a lion.
- Karl May's Im Lande des Mahdi (The Mahdi Trilogy, 1896) features the protagonist, Kara Ben Nemsi, meeting Muhammad Ahmad.
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- In Desert and Wilderness*, a young adult novel penned by Henryk Sienkiewicz and published in 1912, is set against the backdrop of the Mahdist uprising.
- In the 1966 film * Khartoum*, the Mahdi was portrayed by the acclaimed actor Laurence Olivier.
- Within the British sitcom * Dad's Army*, the character Lance-Corporal Jones frequently recounts his supposed encounters with the Mahdi.
- The 1999 film * Topsy-Turvy* includes discussions among characters regarding the news of the Mahdi's destruction of the British garrison in Khartoum.
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- The Four Feathers*, a novel from 1902 that has been adapted for film numerous times, is set during the British military expedition against the Mahdi.
- A 2007 episode of the crime drama * Waking the Dead* centered on an attempt to locate the Mahdi's missing skull, an effort intended to de-escalate tensions arising from the hunger strike of a Sudanese Mahdist politician. This episode also referenced the 1966 film Khartoum, particularly Olivier's portrayal of the Mahdi.
- The 2008 novel After Omdurman by John Ferry chronicles the reconquest of Sudan and the downfall of the army led by the Mahdi's successor, the Khalifa.
- "Winston's Lost Night," an episode from the 2013 series * Murdoch Mysteries*, involves the murder of an individual accused of desecrating the Mahdi's tomb. The young Winston Churchill is initially suspected of the crime and delivers a speech condemning the desecration.
- Wilbur Smith's novel * The Triumph of the Sun* is set during the period of the siege of Khartoum, led by the Mahdi.