2014 revolution in Ukraine

This article is about the 2014 Ukrainian revolution. For other uses, see Revolution of Dignity (disambiguation).

Revolution of Dignity

Top: Protesters fighting government forces on Independence Square on 18 February 2014. Bottom: Independence Square on 23 February. Date 18–23 February 2014 [1] [2] (5 days) Location Ukraine (primarily centered in Kyiv) Goals

Removal of President Viktor Yanukovych from office.
Restoration of the 2004 amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine, which curtailed presidential powers. Methods Widespread protesting, organized rioting, strategic civil disobedience, and ultimately, an insurrection. Resulted in Euromaidan/opposition victory

Full results

President Yanukovych was decisively overthrown; he subsequently became a fugitive and fled to Russia.
The 2004 amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine were successfully restored, shifting the balance of power.
An interim government was promptly formed [3].
The revolution was followed by widespread pro-Russian, anti-revolutionary unrest in southern and eastern Ukraine, which tragically escalated into the Russo-Ukrainian War.
Yulia Tymoshenko was released from prison.
Investigations led to charges against 50 individuals, including top officials, for organizing the killings of protesters [4].
The notorious Berkut special police force was dissolved.
A nationwide wave of destruction of Soviet monuments commenced [5].

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The Revolution of Dignity, known in Ukrainian as Революція гідності (Revoliutsiia hidnosti), and sometimes referred to as the Maidan Revolution or simply the Ukrainian Revolution, was a pivotal and bloody series of events that unfolded in Ukraine in February 2014. [2] [1] [26] [27] [28] This period marked the dramatic and violent culmination of the prolonged Euromaidan protests [1], characterized by deadly clashes between a determined populace and government forces in the capital city of Kyiv. The revolution ultimately led to the abrupt ousting of then-President Viktor Yanukovych, the reinstatement of the 2004 amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine, and, perhaps most tragically, set the stage for the outbreak of the 2014 Russo-Ukrainian War [1] [2]. It was a moment where the tectonic plates of Ukrainian political will shifted, irrevocably changing the nation's trajectory.

The genesis of this monumental upheaval can be traced back to November 2013, when a wave of large-scale public demonstrations, collectively known as "Euromaidan," first erupted. These protests were initially a direct response to President Yanukovych's sudden and controversial decision to renege on signing a crucial political association and free trade agreement with the European Union (EU). Instead of embracing closer integration with the West, Yanukovych opted for what appeared to be a strategic pivot towards closer ties with Russia. This perceived betrayal of the nation's European aspirations swiftly ignited public outrage, transforming Euromaidan into what many observers would later describe as the largest democratic mass movement witnessed in Europe since the pivotal year of 1989 [29]. Earlier in 2013, the Verkhovna Rada, Ukraine's parliament, had overwhelmingly endorsed the finalization of the EU association agreement [30], a move that had, predictably, drawn considerable pressure from Russia for Ukraine to reject it [31]. As the protests gained momentum and breadth, their scope expanded far beyond the initial catalyst. Calls for the immediate resignation of Yanukovych and his entire Azarov government became central demands [32]. The protesters articulated a deep-seated opposition to what they perceived as pervasive government corruption, rampant abuse of power, the suffocating influence of Russia and powerful oligarchs within the state, brutal police brutality, egregious human rights violations [33] [34], and a series of repressive anti-protest laws that sought to stifle dissent [33].

Throughout this tumultuous period, a sprawling, heavily barricaded protest camp became the symbolic heart of the uprising, occupying Independence Square (Maidan Nezalezhnosti) in central Kyiv. This camp served as both a sanctuary and a stronghold for the burgeoning movement. The relative calm, if it could ever be truly called that, shattered in January and February 2014, when increasingly violent clashes erupted between the protesters and the infamous Berkut special riot police units. These confrontations tragically resulted in the deaths of 108 protesters and 13 police officers [20], alongside hundreds more wounded. The first fatalities among the protesters occurred during the fierce clashes with police on Hrushevsky Street between 19 and 22 January. In the wake of these initial deaths, the protests escalated further, with activists beginning to occupy government buildings across the country, ultimately forcing the resignation of the Azarov government. However, the most intense and deadliest period of the revolution took place from 18 to 20 February, marking the most severe violence Ukraine had experienced since regaining its independence in 1991 [35]. During these critical days, thousands of protesters, many armed with makeshift shields and helmets, advanced resolutely towards the parliament building, only to be met with lethal fire from police snipers [20].

On 21 February, in what appeared to be a desperate attempt to de-escalate the crisis, Yanukovych and the parliamentary opposition leaders signed an agreement. This accord promised the establishment of an interim unity government, significant constitutional reforms, and the scheduling of early elections. Yet, the agreement proved to be a fragile, fleeting reprieve. Police forces, whether by order or disarray, began to abandon central Kyiv that very afternoon, leaving the protesters in de facto control of the city. Yanukovych, sensing the irreversible shift in power, secretly fled the capital that evening [36]. The following day, 22 February, the Ukrainian parliament, with a decisive vote of 328 to 0 (representing approximately 73% of its 450 members), formally voted to remove Yanukovych from office [37] [38] [39] [40]. Yanukovych, from his undisclosed location, promptly denounced this vote as illegal and sought assistance from Russia [41]. Predictably, Russian propaganda swiftly seized upon these events, characterizing them as an illegitimate "coup" [42] [43] [44], a narrative that would serve as a pretext for subsequent aggressive actions.

In the immediate aftermath of Yanukovych's ousting, pro-Russian, counter-revolutionary protests erupted with alarming speed and intensity in the southern and eastern regions of Ukraine. This unrest provided the crucial cover for Russia to launch its own military interventions. Russia first occupied and then unilaterally annexed Crimea [45] [46]. Concurrently, armed pro-Russian separatists, clearly operating with external support, seized government buildings in the Donbas region and proclaimed the establishment of the self-styled independent states of Donetsk and Luhansk, thereby igniting the devastating Donbas war.

Amidst this escalating crisis, the Ukrainian parliament moved quickly to restore the 2004 amendments to the Ukrainian constitution, effectively rolling back the extensive presidential powers accrued under Yanukovych. [47] An interim government, led by the newly appointed Arseniy Yatsenyuk, swiftly signed the long-anticipated EU association agreement and, as a symbolic and practical measure, officially disbanded the widely reviled Berkut special police force. Petro Poroshenko subsequently emerged as president following a victory in the 2014 presidential elections. The new government also initiated a comprehensive process of lustration, aiming to remove civil servants associated with the overthrown regime [48] [49] [50]. This period also witnessed a widespread, if sometimes chaotic, campaign of decommunization and de-Sovietization of the country, as Ukraine sought to shed the lingering symbols of its Soviet past.

Prelude

Main article: Euromaidan

Euromaidan protesters in Kyiv, December 2013

For well over a decade leading up to the events of 2014, successive Ukrainian governments had consistently articulated a desire for a closer relationship with the European Union (EU) [51] [52]. This aspiration was not merely rhetorical; it manifested in concrete diplomatic efforts, including the government of President Viktor Yanukovych engaging in negotiations for an association agreement with the European Union since as early as 2012 [53]. Such a comprehensive trade agreement, however, was a double-edged sword. While promising economic integration with Europe, it inevitably carried significant implications for Ukraine's existing trade agreements with Russia, which, at the time, remained Ukraine's largest single trading partner [54]. Yanukovych, ever the pragmatist or perhaps the prevaricator, initially suggested that these complex trade complications could be navigated, publicly stating his intention to sign the agreement [55]. Yet, his administration consistently delayed the signing [56], a procrastination that was widely, and accurately, interpreted as an attempt to back out of the deal. This perceived betrayal served as the immediate spark for the widespread public demonstrations that became known as the "Euromaidan" movement [57].

The protests dramatically erupted in November 2013, when Yanukovych definitively refused to sign the association agreement with the EU during a critical meeting of the Eastern Partnership in Vilnius, Lithuania. His choice, to pivot instead towards closer economic and political alignment with Russia, was a profound disappointment to a significant portion of the Ukrainian populace. This decision was not made in a vacuum; it was heavily influenced by a complex interplay of financial incentives and geopolitical pressures. Prime Minister Mykola Azarov had, in a rather audacious move, requested a staggering €20 billion (US $27 billion) in loans and aid from the EU [58]. The EU, however, was only prepared to offer a comparatively modest €610 million ($ 838 million) in loans [59]. In stark contrast, Russia had extended a far more generous offer of $15 billion, coupled with the allure of significantly cheaper gas prices [59]. Furthermore, the EU's proposed agreement came with stringent demands for substantial reforms to Ukraine's regulatory framework and legal system, conditions that Russia, with its less democratic inclinations, did not impose to such a scale or nature [58]. Beyond the financial enticements, Russia also exerted considerable economic pressure on Ukraine, employing punitive trade measures, and simultaneously launched a relentless propaganda campaign designed to discredit the EU deal and sow discord [60].

Yanukovych's calculated decision, therefore, signaled a clear shift in the country's geopolitical orientation, turning it towards the Russia-proposed Eurasian Economic Union. While this eastward pivot found some support, particularly in Ukraine's eastern regions, Western-oriented Ukrainians viewed it as a stark betrayal of their national aspirations. In response, they flocked to Maidan square, transforming it into a vibrant, defiant epicenter of protest [61]. Initially, these rallies maintained a largely peaceful, if passionate, character. However, the atmosphere irrevocably darkened in January 2014, when the parliament, heavily dominated by Yanukovych's loyalists, passed a series of draconian laws explicitly designed to repress and dismantle the burgeoning protest movement. This legislative assault on civil liberties sparked a new wave of outrage and violence. In response, both the European Union and the United States publicly urged Yanukovych to engage in negotiations to find a peaceful resolution to the escalating conflict, warning that they would impose sanctions on government officials found responsible for the violence [62].

In a fleeting moment of de-escalation in mid-February, an amnesty agreement was brokered with the protesters. Under the terms of this agreement, demonstrators would be spared criminal charges in exchange for vacating the government buildings they had occupied [63]. In good faith, activists complied, relinquishing control of all occupied Regional State Administration buildings and easing the Hrushevskoho Street standoff in Kyiv; Kyiv's City Hall was also returned to government control on 16 February [63]. All individuals previously jailed for their participation in the protests were scheduled for release after 17 February [63].

On 14 February, amidst this fragile truce, Yanukovych made a public statement, perhaps in an attempt to project an image of measured leadership. He declared: "I want to say that I was incited, and I'm incited to use various methods and ways how to settle the situation, but I want to say I don't want to be at war. I don't want any decisions made using such a radical way." [64] He then appealed to all political actors to "refrain from radicalism" and to acknowledge that "there is a line that shouldn't be crossed, and this line is law" [64]. His words, however, would soon ring hollow against the backdrop of the violence that was about to erupt.

Overview

The protest camp on Independence Square in February 2014 Protesters at a rally on Independence Square, 19 January 2014

The widespread protests that had initially ignited on the night of 21 November 2013, transforming Maidan Nezalezhnosti (Independence Square) in Kyiv into a crucible of dissent, continued unabated into mid-February 2014 [2] [1]. This sustained period of defiance, however, was merely a prelude to the storm.

A precarious, almost deceptive, period of relative calm in the anti-government demonstrations abruptly shattered on 18 February 2014. On this day, deadly clashes erupted with shocking intensity between protesters and the notorious riot police, comprising units of the Berkut militsiya. The violence that ensued over the next two days was horrific, claiming the lives of at least 82 individuals, a grim tally that included 13 policemen. Over 1,100 people suffered injuries, many severe [65] [66].

On 18 February, an estimated 20,000 Maidan protesters embarked on a determined march from Independence Square towards the Verkhovna Rada, Ukraine's parliament. Their objective was clear: to advocate for the restoration of the 2004 Constitution, which had been controversially repealed by the Constitutional Court after Yanukovych's election. This march, intended as a show of force and political will, was met with fierce resistance. The Berkut units blocked their path, and the confrontation rapidly spiraled into brutal violence. BBC correspondents, observing the chaos, noted the predictable finger-pointing, with each side vehemently blaming the other for initiating the hostilities [67]. Security forces, equipped with firearms including automatic weapons and sniper rifles, initially deployed rubber bullets, but soon escalated to live ammunition. They also employed tear gas and flash grenades in an attempt to disperse the thousands of demonstrators. The protesters, equally determined, retaliated with a hail of rocks and bats, a torrent of Molotov cocktails, and, in some instances, firearms [68]. Amidst the chaos, they managed to breach and set fire to the Party of Regions headquarters. By the end of this harrowing day, eleven protesters had been killed or fatally wounded—three by police gunfire, eight from other injuries. Four police officers also succumbed to gunshot wounds [20] [69].

As the evening of 18 February descended and bled into the early hours of 19 February, security forces launched a concerted operation to clear Independence Square, culminating in a full-scale assault on the main protest camp. The clashes intensified, resulting in the deaths of seventeen more protesters and five additional riot police. The majority of the protesters were shot dead by police [20] [69]. Two other individuals tragically perished when riot police set fire to the Trade Unions Building, which had served as the operational headquarters for the Maidan movement. Another protester and a journalist were killed by titushky, government-loyalist thugs operating with impunity. The five police officers who died during this period succumbed to gunshot wounds [20] [69]. The scale and brutality of the violence led political commentators to grimly suggest that Ukraine was teetering on the precipice of a full-blown civil war [70]. In a stark demonstration of the breakdown of central authority, some regions, most notably Lviv Oblast, declared themselves politically independent of the central government [71].

In a powerful act of defiance and outrage at the mounting civilian death toll, Maidan activists expanded their tactics, beginning to occupy regional state administration (RSA) buildings across the country [72].

On 19 February, the security forces, in a clear attempt to reassert control, established checkpoints and announced stringent restrictions on public transport and school closures throughout Kyiv. These measures were widely interpreted by the media as the imposition of a de facto state of emergency [73].

The violence reached a new, chilling level on 20 February. Internal Affairs Minister Vitaliy Zakharchenko publicly declared that he had authorized the use of live ammunition against protesters [74]. On the morning of that fateful day, riot police massed menacingly at the edge of Independence Square. Fresh clashes erupted, and two Berkut officers were shot dead. Around 9:00 AM, protesters, emboldened by their previous actions, attempted to push the Berkut away from the Maidan and back up Instytutska Street. However, they were met with a brutal and indiscriminate fusillade of gunfire from the retreating Berkut, while snipers strategically positioned above also opened fire on the crowds. By midday, a horrifying 48 protesters had been shot dead on Instytutska Street, along with two more Berkut officers [20] [69]. In a rare but significant response to the escalating carnage, the chairman of the Ukrainian parliament, Volodymyr Rybak, announced the following day that he had signed a parliamentary decree condemning the use of force and unequivocally urging all institutions, including the Ministry of Internal Affairs, to immediately cease all military actions against protesters [75]. Parliament further moved to suspend Zakharchenko from his duties [76].

On 21 February, under intense international pressure and facing an increasingly untenable situation, President Yanukovych signed an agreement with opposition leaders. This accord optimistically promised constitutional changes aimed at restoring certain powers to parliament and stipulated that early elections would be held by December [40]. Despite this official agreement, thousands of determined protesters continued to occupy central Kyiv, and, in a truly astonishing development, the security forces completely withdrew, leaving the demonstrators in full control of the city's critical government district, including the parliament building, the presidential administration quarters, the cabinet, and the Interior Ministry [77] [78]. That evening, Yanukovych, without informing parliament of his movements, secretly fled the capital [79].

The following day, 22 February, Ukraine's parliament, acting decisively, voted 328–0 in favor of removing Yanukovych from office and promptly scheduled new presidential elections for 25 May [80]. Parliament then named its chairman, Oleksandr Turchynov, as the interim president [3]. An arrest warrant for Yanukovych was subsequently issued by the new government on 24 February [81]. Over the ensuing days, Russian nationalist politicians and activists, sensing an opportunity, began organizing rallies in Crimea, explicitly urging the Russian government to intervene and "defend" the region from what they falsely characterized as advancing "fascists" from the rest of Ukraine [82]. The stage was set for a new, even more dangerous chapter.

Detailed timeline

See also: Timeline of the Euromaidan

18 February 2014

Protest march and initial clashes

Protesters building a barricade, 18 February Protesters in standoff with riot police, 18 February Protesters throwing bricks and Molotov cocktails at police officers behind a burning barricade

The night before the dramatic escalation, Right Sector, a prominent radical nationalist group, issued a call to all its members, instructing them to prepare for a "peace offensive" scheduled for 18 February. Echoing this sentiment, the Maidan People's Union also urged all concerned citizens to participate in this "peace offensive," an initiative that student unions had also committed to joining. The Maidan Union reported on the morning of 18 February that columns of protesters would commence a march on parliament at 08:30 [83].

That morning, approximately 20,000 demonstrators, a formidable wave of defiance, began their march on the parliament building. [84] This convergence was timed to coincide with a parliamentary session where opposition demands for a new constitution and government were slated for consideration. Around 09:45, the advancing demonstrators successfully breached a police barricade composed of several personnel-transport trucks positioned near the Central Officers' Club of Ukraine building [85]. With a surge of collective will, they pushed aside the police cordon [86]. The initial, simmering tension erupted into outright clashes after a group of about two dozen demonstrators forcibly moved a police vehicle that was obstructing their path to parliament [68]. By 10:00, Lesya Orobets, a member of parliament representing the Batkivshchyna party, reported that police units, armed with Fort-500T shotguns, had initiated attacks, deploying flash and stun grenades from Shovkovychna Street and Lypska Street [85].

As the column of protesters neared the parliament building at 10:08, it encountered resistance from another heavily fortified cordon of police officers [85]. Reports began to circulate that the sheer number of protesters had swelled dramatically, reaching an estimated 50,000 individuals [85]. By 10:18, other accounts indicated visible explosions and plumes of smoke on Instytutska Street, as protesters began to dismantle the roadway paving blocks from the streets [85]. These paving blocks were then hurled as projectiles at the police, who, defending themselves with shields, attempted to subdue the surging crowd with stun grenades [85]. Simultaneously, protesters who had barricaded themselves near the Dynamo Stadium colonnade began setting tires ablaze, adding a choking layer of smoke to the already chaotic scene [85]. At approximately 10:30, parliament was ostensibly scheduled to vote on the crucial matter of restoring the 2004 constitution [85]. However, in a move that further inflamed tensions, this vote never materialized, as Chairman Rybak conspicuously failed to register the bill [68].

By 10:33, the street battles between the protesters and the police had intensified and shifted their focus to Shovkovychna Street [85]. In a pointed gesture of contempt, some protesters began to wave ₴200 banknotes in the faces of certain Yanukovych police forces stationed in Mariinskyi Park, openly accusing them of being mercenaries [85]. An activist, Oleksandr Aronets, reported with alarm that snipers were already actively targeting civilians [85]. By 11:00, it was evident that numerous protesters had sustained serious wounds [85]. Molotov cocktails [85] became a prevalent weapon wielded by the protesters, and on Shovkovnycha Street, a makeshift barricade constructed from dump trucks was set ablaze, creating a fiery barrier [85].

Berkut special police on Instytutska Street, Kyiv, 18 February

At 11:23, the Berkut special police forces, in a coordinated effort, attempted to launch an assault on the crowd, but were met with fierce resistance as the protesters aggressively pushed back [85]. A mere two minutes later, the first reports emerged that protesters were forcibly breaking down the doors of the Party of Regions headquarters on Lypska Street [85]. By 11:30, protesters—among them the intrepid journalist Tetyana Chornovol [68]—had successfully stormed, ransacked, and subsequently set fire to the building [87] [88]. This act of defiance tragically resulted in two deaths, including a programmer who was working at the headquarters. At 12:12, Minister of Healthcare Raisa Bohatyriova found herself under attack by protesters as she attempted to leave Mariinskyi Park, though she ultimately managed to escape unharmed [85]. By 12:30, police forces had managed to regain control of the Party of Regions office [68].

By 13:00, thousands of police officers had effectively encircled the government district, initiating a systematic effort to chase down and apprehend protesters. One injured protester, suffering from a head wound, recounted to the Kyiv Post that the charging police officers had "smashed everybody" indiscriminately in their path [68].

Around 13:30, a tense standoff unfolded on Instytutska Street. Four officers, strategically positioned atop a building, were observed lobbing stun grenades into the crowd below and firing their weapons. In a dramatic turn, protesters stormed the building, setting a portion of it ablaze. The demonstrators, relentless in their advance, forced their way to the roof, compelling the police to retreat [68]. This particular building on Instytutska Street quickly became emblematic of the day's most brutal and violent confrontations. Berkut and Internal Troops servicemen launched a full-scale assault, firing directly into the thick of the crowd [85]. Reports also indicated the use of water cannons by police, deployed in a desperate attempt to break through the resilient lines of protesters [85].

Hand-to-hand fighting between protesters and Internal Troops

By mid-afternoon, police officers, employing a deluge of tear gas, managed to drive approximately 10,000 protesters from Mariinskyi Park, where makeshift barricades had been erected earlier in the day. The demonstrators retaliated by throwing stun grenades, which filled the park with thick, acrid smoke. Other anti-government activists made valiant attempts to keep the pro-government and anti-government forces separated, a futile effort in the escalating chaos [68].

Multiple news outlets, with alarming clarity, published photographs unequivocally showing police officers armed with AK-74 assault rifles [89] [90]. Former Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs Hennadiy Moskal speculated that these armed units might belong to Alpha Group [91]. However, a Berkut leader, Vladimir Krashevsky, offered a counter-narrative, asserting that the armed police officers, distinguished by their black uniforms and yellow armbands, were part of a Berkut unit specifically deployed to assist in the evacuation of interior troops [92].

In a symbolic victory, protesters successfully re-occupied City Hall [93].

At 15:45, hundreds of riot police officers initiated a coordinated advance towards Maidan, aggressively attacking the entrenched protesters [94]. In a moment of chilling bravado, an officer on Instytutska Street, after seizing the gas mask of a Kyiv Post journalist, reportedly exclaimed, "I love it! We love it!" in reference to the police advance [68].

A riot police officer is thrown to the ground during clashes in Kyiv

At 16:00, a chilling ultimatum was issued by the acting chief of the Security Service of Ukraine, Oleksandr Yakymenko, and acting Interior Minister Zakharchenko. They delivered a public warning to protesters, demanding that they clear the streets within two hours. Their statement ominously declared: "If by 18:00 the lawlessness doesn't cease, we shall be forced to use all legal means to bring order." [68] Meanwhile, at the October Palace, a prominent landmark visible from Independence Square, riot police were observed throwing bricks down the hill at protesters from a bridge spanning Instytutska Street [68].

Throughout the entire day of 18 February 2014, the confrontations were relentless. Protesters continuously lit tires, creating plumes of black smoke, and hurled or launched a barrage of Molotov cocktails, steel bars, and other improvised projectiles at the lines of Berkut police. At 17:04, a critical breach occurred: armed Berkut units deliberately untied the wire at the Mykhaila Hrushevskoho Street barricade gate near Dynamo Stadium, penetrating the perimeter with an element of surprise. Euromaidan protesters, whose attention was largely fixated on a drone hovering from the opposite direction, had their backs turned to the advancing police. Hundreds of Berkut officers immediately began throwing grenades, two of which inflicted injuries upon U.S. photographer Mark Estabrook and countless others, while simultaneously discharging their pistols and shotguns. Euromaidan protesters and civilians were forced into a mass, desperate retreat towards the next barricade gate on Khreschatyk Street. The toll of injuries was severe, and several lives were lost [95].

At 20:00, pro-Russian sources circulated reports alleging that 50 unidentified, presumably pro-Russian, assailants were attempting to breach the Canadian embassy [96]. On the same day, a spokesperson for Global Affairs Canada acknowledged that protesters had indeed taken "shelter" within the embassy, emphasizing that they were "peaceful and have not caused any damage or harm to staff." However, in 2015, a more nuanced picture emerged, revealing that the embassy had deliberately opened its gates after observing a Euromaidan protester, visibly clutching a Canadian passport, being pursued by Berkut units. Upon the entry of this individual, a deluge of other Euromaidan protesters streamed into the embassy, occupying the main lobby and effectively using the diplomatic compound as a safe haven from the Berkut. The embassy subsequently served as an impromptu medical facility, treating the wounded throughout the evening of 18 February. The Euromaidan protesters later departed the embassy voluntarily, leaving behind a gesture of gratitude in the form of flowers. Unnamed European allies would later assert that, given the prolonged nature of the occupation and the conspicuous lack of resistance from Canadian foreign service officers, Canada had played an intentional and deliberate role in facilitating refuge for Euromaidan protesters. Contemporary media sources, with a touch of cynicism, argued that Prime Minister Stephen Harper never publicly acknowledged the true extent of this security breach, perhaps to avoid diplomatic fallout [97].

Attack on Maidan

Militsiya attack on Independence Square, 18–19 February

Following the ominous warning, police forces initiated a full-scale advance on the thousands of protesters entrenched on Maidan Nezalezhnosti (Independence Square). This assault was waged with a brutal combination of guns, a high-pressure water cannon, and an armored personnel carrier. Tents, which had served as makeshift homes for the protesters, were systematically burned in the main square [68]. The police, in a rather transparent attempt at justification, characterized their actions as part of an "anti-terror campaign" targeting "individuals who had clearly armed themselves" [98]. Opposition leader Arseniy Yatsenyuk desperately called upon the police to retreat 200 meters up Instytutska Street and urged both sides to agree to a truce until morning [22]. Undeterred, the protesters on the square responded by stacking tires and other flammable debris, igniting them to create a formidable wall of fire between themselves and the advancing security forces [22].

The television channel 5 Kanal's broadcast, a vital source of information for many Ukrainians, was abruptly shut down countrywide [22] [99], though it managed to remain accessible via satellite (albeit with a brief interruption) and a live feed on YouTube [22].

Kyiv's Trade Unions building, used as Euromaidan headquarters, on fire after a police raid

At approximately 22:00, reports indicated that the police had successfully breached the protesters' barricades on the eastern side of the square [100]. Officers then attempted to retake the occupied Trade Unions building, which served as the Euromaidan headquarters, but their efforts were met with fierce resistance and ultimately failed [22]. The building, however, was set ablaze, a towering inferno symbolizing the escalating conflict.

Presidential adviser Hanna Herman stated, with little room for ambiguity, that negotiations between the government and the opposition would not commence until peace was fully restored and the crowds dispersed. She ominously added that "calling further for armed conflict is a great crime against the Ukrainian people and the Ukrainian state" [22]. General Prosecutor of Ukraine Viktor Pshonka echoed this hardline stance, declaring: "Organisers of mass protests will be held accountable. We will demand the heaviest punishment both for those who revved people up to take part in today's action and for those who organised and controlled them." [98] The implied threat was clear: the state intended to crush dissent with full legal and coercive force.

At 01:35 the next morning, the street lights around the square were abruptly extinguished. This sudden plunge into darkness was interpreted by the activists as a chilling harbinger, signaling the imminent beginning of a decisive and potentially brutal assault [101].

Opposition leaders meeting with Yanukovych

Emerging from a meeting with President Yanukovych, opposition leader Vitali Klitschko conveyed to Hromadske TV that the talks had yielded no positive outcome. Klitschko reported that the opposition leaders had been compelled to listen for over an hour to Yanukovych's insistent claims that they were solely responsible for the 20 deaths that had occurred on 18 February. The president, rather than seeking compromise, reportedly demanded that the opposition compel the protesters to immediately vacate Maidan Nezalezhnosti [22]. He also, according to Klitschko, threatened the opposition leaders with criminal prosecution, a thinly veiled attempt at intimidation [102].

In a chilling message broadcast on Ukrainian television, Yanukovych directly addressed the opposition leaders, stating, "Separate yourself from the radical elements that seek bloodshed and conflict with law enforcement agencies," and warned that if they failed to do so, he would "talk differently" with them [103]. He then added, with a tone of self-righteous indignation, that "The opposition leaders have ignored the basic foundation of democracy. The line had been crossed when they called people to arms" [103].

On 18 February, three prominent opposition parties—Batkivshchyna, UDAR, and Svoboda—issued a joint statement. In it, they firmly declared: "We never have and never will call people to arms. This is our principled position. The death of each person is a personal tragedy for each of us." [104] Later that same day, in a display of pragmatic, if reluctant, resolve, the parties stated, "To hold talks with the regime, the policies of which led to the deaths of many people, is an extremely unpleasant thing, but we must do everything possible and even the impossible to prevent further bloodshed." [105] They further asserted that dissolving the protests would be both "counterproductive and unrealistic" and emphasized: "It was not we who brought Maidan together, and it is not for us to disperse it! People will decide themselves what to do depending on when and how their demands are satisfied." [105] The burden of responsibility, they implied, lay squarely with the regime.

19 February

Maidan crowds on 19 February

On 19 February, Kyiv Metro services were entirely suspended, and major thoroughfares were systematically blocked by police forces [106]. Larger stores and shopping malls situated along Khreshchatyk, the city's main artery, were also shuttered. However, a Euronews correspondent, observing the surreal dichotomy, noted that "Life away from the barricades is business as usual," highlighting the strange normalcy that persisted just beyond the immediate zones of conflict [107].

In the early morning hours, titushky, operating under the cover of darkness, shot two protesters, one of whom succumbed to their injuries [108]. By this point, the grim death toll had tragically climbed to 26 across both sides, a figure that included 10 police officers [109].

The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) responded to the escalating crisis by launching a full-scale "anti-terrorist" operation. Concurrently, intelligence services initiated investigations into unnamed politicians, accusing them of what was vaguely described as an illegal attempt to seize power [106]. According to a statement released on the SBU website, the decision to commence this anti-terrorist operation involved a broad consortium of state agencies, including the SBU itself, the Interior Ministry, the Ministry of Defence, the State Border Guard Service of Ukraine, and both central and local governments [110]. Political analyst Taras Berezovets grimly noted that this decree granted the SBU sweeping powers, allowing them to search protesters, confiscate their property, and detain them at will, all "without a court order or other legal safeguards" [110].

Earlier that morning, Olena Lukash announced that the opposition had refused to sign a declaration disapproving of radical measures, signaling a continued impasse. President Yanukovych, still clinging to authority, demanded that the opposition cease occupying buildings and seizing arms; however, the opposition remained steadfast in its refusal to concede [111]. The acting minister of defence, Pavlo Lebedyev, acknowledged, with what must have been some reluctance, that he had dispatched airborne troops from Dnipro to Kyiv [112]. Later, disturbing ciphered telegrams would surface, revealing that Yuriy Ilyin, the recently appointed chief of the general staff of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, had issued direct orders for the deployment of military units against the protesters [113].

Adding to the clandestine activities of the day, a military An-26 aircraft made a secret flight from Kyiv to Russia on 19 February. The purpose of this clandestine mission, which only came to light in 2015, was to collect a substantial consignment of anti-riot weapons and ammunition, a clear indication of the government's intent to escalate its response to the protests [114].

A Euronews correspondent, reporting directly from Independence Square, observed a continuous influx of protesters, noting that they were arriving "from all parts of Ukraine" [115]. By 14:50, despite the ongoing crackdown, approximately 5,000 individuals still remained steadfastly on the square [110]. Right Sector further expanded its territorial control, occupying both the Kyiv Central Post Office and the State Committee for Television and Radio, with the post office subsequently serving as its new de facto headquarters [110] [116].

Burning of the Euromaidan headquarters in the Trade Unions Building

In a significant reshuffle within the military command, President Yanukovych dismissed the chief of the general staff of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, Volodymyr Zamana, replacing him with Ilyin, who had previously commanded the Ukrainian Navy [117]. The Ministry of Defence, meanwhile, announced that it was redeploying units across the country, ostensibly to guard military facilities, though the underlying implication was a readiness for broader engagement [117]. The director of the SBU, Oleksandr Yakymenko, further asserted that military bases and arms depots had been subjected to attacks in several regions, a claim that fueled the narrative of a national security threat [118].

Internationally, the financial consequences of the escalating crisis began to manifest. The European Investment Bank announced a freeze on its activities in Ukraine [119], citing the dire situation: "For the time being, the situation is so cruel that it would be politically the wrong signal, but also irresponsible vis-a-vis the people we asked to do the job, to be active on business in Ukraine" [120].

Following a late-night meeting between government and opposition leaders, a fragile truce was declared, and both sides ostensibly agreed to commence negotiations [110] [121]. President Yanukovych, in a public statement, affirmed his agreement to "start negotiations with the aim of ending bloodshed and stabilising the situation in the state in the interests of social peace" [121]. According to opposition politician Yatsenyuk, a key component of this truce was a pledge from Yanukovych not to launch any further police assaults that night [121]. However, Right Sector, ever the outlier, refused to adhere to the truce, signaling continued militant resistance [122]. A Euronews correspondent on Independence Square, observing the mood, reported that the number of protesters had, in fact, swelled, noting, "In general, all I have heard from people is the more they are attacked and the worse they are beaten, the more determined they are to stand back up and resume the struggle" [123]. As would be revealed later, President Yanukovych had already begun making preparations for his eventual departure from Kyiv, even as he spoke of peace [124].

20 February

Protesters on the Maidan on 20 February, shortly before the shooting started

At 00:35, Interfax reported that Yanukovych had officially declared 20 February a national day of mourning for those tragically killed in the preceding clashes [125]. This gesture, however, did little to quell the underlying tensions or the sporadic violence.

Around 03:50, activists claimed a significant discovery: they had allegedly torn a shoulder patch from the uniform of a Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD) soldier during the clashes, brandishing the patch as purported evidence of direct Russian involvement in the crackdown [126]. Despite the declared ceasefire agreement, protesters at Independence Square continued to report hearing persistent gunshots, a chilling indication that the truce was, at best, a partial and fragile one [127]. Around 04:20, five buses carrying additional protesters from Ivano-Frankivsk arrived, reinforcing the defiant presence on the square [128].

As is often the case in such conflicts, each side vehemently blamed the other for igniting the deadly conflict [129]. SBU director Yakymenko, in a remarkable reversal of responsibility, accused Ukraine's then-Euromaidan government of being responsible for hiring snipers on 20 February [130]. In a statement, the Presidential Administration of Ukraine asserted that the protesters had initiated an offensive: "They are working in organised groups. They are using firearms, including sniper rifles. They are shooting to kill," it claimed [131]. Conversely, protesters accused the police of instigating the conflict by throwing Molotov cocktails and improvised explosive devices [129]. Opposition politician Klitschko issued a statement condemning the government's tactics: "Armed thugs have been let loose in the streets to attack people and create an illusion that there is a confrontation between citizens" [131].

On the morning of 20 February, protesters, with a renewed sense of purpose, advanced up Instytutska Street in a concerted bid to push the Berkut away from Independence Square [20]. They were led by activists, many armed only with shields and helmets, a stark contrast to the heavily armed state forces. As they advanced, they were met with a brutal barrage of fire from the retreating Berkut, as well as from strategically positioned snipers. The effect was devastating. Altogether, a horrifying 48 protesters were killed or fatally wounded by gunfire on this single day [20].

People tending to a protester who has been shot by a sniper

According to a UNIAN correspondent, the numbers on Independence Square had swelled to over 30,000 people, an indication of the enduring resolve despite the bloodshed [133]. At 09:25, protesters had managed to push the Berkut back to the October Palace [134] after security forces had allegedly attempted to set fire to the Kyiv Conservatory, which was being utilized as a vital field hospital for wounded protesters [135]. At 09:32, it was announced that parliament would not convene, a sign of the deep paralysis gripping the state [134]. Euromaidan protesters, demonstrating remarkable courage, marched on the police with shields and Molotov cocktails, forcing them into a retreat. In this renewed offensive, they not only regained control of Independence Square but also managed to capture up to 67 police officers [132] [136]. Around 10:49, law enforcement personnel were captured while reportedly sleeping in the Ukrainian House and during clashes on barricades near the October Palace [132]. Many of the captured men were alarmingly young, reportedly only 18 or 19 years old, largely untrained, and armed merely with rubber truncheons. Those with minor injuries were compassionately treated by Maidan medics [132]. The captured police officers originated from diverse regions, including Crimea, the central-eastern cities of Dnipropetrovsk and Kryvyi Rih, and eastern Luhansk [129]. Interior Troops soldiers, nearly 100 of whom surrendered during the intense clashes (most of them conscripts aged 19–20 [137]), [138] were held captive at the headquarters of the Energy Company of Ukraine and at the October Palace [132].

At 10:55, the chief of the presidential administration, Andriy Klyuev, announced that the president was, somewhat belatedly, prepared to sign a treaty with the opposition concerning the demanded changes to the Constitution of Ukraine. He suggested that the ongoing clashes should compel politicians to find a swift consensus [139]. The timing of this offer, however, suggested desperation more than genuine compromise.

At 10:00, Euromaidan's activists picketed the main office at the Kyiv Metro station Politekhnichnyi Instytut, demanding the immediate reopening of the subway system [140]. A former head of the Kyiv City State Administration, Ivan Saliy, also publicly called for the metro's restoration [141]. Later that day, at 16:00, Lvivska Gazeta reported that Titushky were being surreptitiously transported by metro from the Pozniaky station to the Pecherska station, highlighting the government's continued use of these proxies [142]. In a further attempt to control movement, the government also closed highway and railway access into Kyiv [143].

Trains operating between Kyiv and Lviv, a significant stronghold for the protesters, were temporarily suspended. A railway spokeswoman attributed this disruption to damage to the lines [144]. Coincidentally, there were unconfirmed but persistent reports that arms had been seized from an Interior Ministry armory in Lviv and were being transported to the outskirts of Kyiv, raising fears of armed escalation [145].

The head of the Kyiv City State Administration, Volodymyr Makeyenko, dramatically resigned from the Party of Regions, a move that signaled growing fissures within the ruling elite. Despite his resignation, he stated his intention to continue performing his duties to ensure the proper functioning of the city [131]. He then issued an order for the reopening of the Kyiv Metro [131]. However, by 15:00, the metro remained stubbornly non-operational, and ground-based transport within the city was severely limited [146]. The metro was eventually partly reopened in the early evening, but critical interchange stations remained closed, indicating a cautious and incomplete return to normalcy [147].

The Embassy of the United Kingdom in Kyiv, as a precautionary measure, was temporarily closed [148].

Snipers in central Kyiv

Radio Liberty broadcast chilling video footage unmistakably depicting police special forces systematically shooting protesters with both Kalashnikov and sniper rifles [149]. Acting Interior Minister Zakharchenko, with a chilling lack of equivocation, publicly announced that combat weapons had been distributed to the police. In an address to the nation, he stated: "We signed relevant orders as part of the Antiterrorist Center's work: the law enforcement officials have been provided with combat weapons, and they will be used in line with the law on police." [150] The ministry's website further asserted that the riot police were authorized to use their weapons to free hostages allegedly being held by protesters [151]. The ministry also claimed, without providing evidence, that a sniper had injured 20 of its own police officers [151]. This narrative was clearly designed to justify the lethal force being employed.

Interfax-Ukraine reported that at 15:00, "a group of unknown individuals" was seen heading towards the Presidential Administration Building, and the sound of shots and explosions echoed through the area. The Euromaidan self-defense force had, for its part, repeatedly urged protesters to remain within the established perimeter of the square, fearing precisely such escalations [152].

Diplomatic efforts

The aforementioned deadly clashes erupted with a grim sense of timing, occurring just prior to the scheduled arrival of three prominent EU foreign ministers—Radosław Sikorski of Poland, Laurent Fabius of France, and Frank-Walter Steinmeier of Germany. Their mission was to meet with President Yanukovych and press for a diplomatic compromise with the Ukrainian opposition [153] [154]. The meeting itself was delayed for security reasons, ultimately commencing an hour late [153]. Before the talks, Fabius, in an interview with BFM TV, articulated the EU's primary objective: "Our purpose is to cause the Ukrainian administration to conduct elections. There is no solution other than elections." [155] The ensuing negotiations were protracted, lasting a grueling six hours [156]. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk subsequently informed reporters that "It was agreed with Yanukovych that there was a willingness to hold early elections this year, both presidential and parliamentary." Tusk also indicated that Yanukovych "was willing to form a national unity government in the next 10 days and to change the constitution before the summer." Further discussions were slated to formalize the signing of the relevant document [157].

Following a telephone conversation between Yanukovych and the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, the Russian human rights ombudsman Vladimir Lukin was dispatched as an envoy to Ukraine, at Yanukovych's request. His stated purpose was to mediate talks between the embattled government and the opposition [153]. This Russian involvement, however, was viewed with deep suspicion by many, given Russia's clear vested interests.

In a direct response to the escalating violence, the United States imposed visa bans on 20 Ukrainian officials deemed "responsible for ordering human rights abuses related to political oppression" [153]. The European Union followed suit, introducing a visa ban and a financial asset freeze against those responsible for the violence in Ukraine. Furthermore, it implemented a ban on the export to Ukraine of any equipment that could be utilized by the government for "internal repression" [158] [159] [160]. The EU Council concluded, with a degree of calculated ambiguity, that "The scale of implementation will be taken forward in the light of developments in Ukraine," leaving open the possibility of further, harsher sanctions [161].

Ukrainian political developments

Amidst the chaos in Kyiv, significant political maneuvering was underway across Ukraine. The leader of the ruling Party of Regions, Oleksandr Yefremov, traveled to Luhansk to convene with local leaders and law enforcement agents. The purpose of these discussions was ominous: to explore the possibility of southeastern Ukraine's declaring independence and seceding from the state [162] [nb 1]. Concurrently, the chairman of the Supreme Council of Crimea, Vladimir Konstantinov, made a trip to Moscow. There, he publicly announced that the Autonomous Republic of Crimea would secede from Ukraine should there be a change of power in Kyiv [165] [166]. These statements, far from being isolated, signaled a concerted, externally-influenced effort to undermine Ukraine's territorial integrity.

Within the ruling party, dissent began to simmer and then boil over. Party of Regions MP Sergiy Tigipko issued a public call for the immediate resignation of parliament chairman Volodymyr Rybak, advocating for his replacement by an opposition parliamentarian, and demanding the urgent election of a prime minister supported by all factions. "The president, the parliament speaker, the acting prime minister, and opposition leaders have completely lost control of the situation in the country and do not offer any solutions to pacify the country," he declared with scathing honesty. "Their inaction is leading to increased confrontation and deaths. [167] Immediate concrete steps, rather than negotiations, are needed to resolve the crisis in the country." [167] Later that evening, Tigipko held talks with opposition politicians Yatsenyuk and Klitschko, indicating a shifting landscape of alliances [168].

The head of the Kyiv City State Administration, Volodymyr Makeyenko, along with 17 other MPs, publicly resigned from the Party of Regions [169]. This wave of defections was not confined to the capital; in Rivne and Zhytomyr, the Party of Regions formally disbanded its regional branches, with all local MPs also abandoning the party [170].

A group of ten Party of Regions MPs and two independent MPs [nb 2] issued a joint statement, explicitly calling for a return to the parliamentary-presidential form of government [171] [nb 3]. They also made a direct appeal to security forces, urging them to "execute the oath they swore to the Ukrainian people, not to follow criminal orders to use firearms, not to allow the participation of law enforcers in provocations involving gangs against the peaceful public and protesters all over Ukraine" [171].

At 16:42, parliament, despite the ongoing turmoil, convened for an emergency sitting [173]. Notably, the Party of Regions, the supposed ruling party, conspicuously chose not to participate [174]. According to a UNIAN correspondent, 227 MPs out of the total 450—primarily from the opposition, but crucially, including some defectors from the Party of Regions—were present [175]. Out of the 238 deputies who were present and registered, a resounding 236 voted to condemn the recent violence, to unequivocally ban the use of weapons against protesters, and to demand the immediate withdrawal of all troops and police deployed against them [176] [177]. The entire parliamentary faction of the Communist Party of Ukraine, alongside approximately 80% of the Party of Regions, opted to boycott the session, a clear indication of their alignment with the hardline regime [178]. Lawmakers, in a bold assertion of their authority, explicitly barred chiefs and commanders of the Interior Troops, the Armed Forces of Ukraine, the SBU, and other government agencies from conducting any "counter-terrorism operations," arguing that such actions violated the Constitution of Ukraine [179]. They were also explicitly ordered to cease blocking roads, bridges, squares, and streets in Kyiv and other cities and towns [179]. The remaining Party of Regions MPs who attended the sitting, sensing the shifting winds, agreed to form an "anti-crisis group" [180].

Late in the evening, it was announced that five more MPs had resigned from the parliamentary faction of the Party of Regions, further eroding its already fractured power base [181].

The Parliament of Crimea, responding to the rapidly unfolding events, announced an extraordinary session for 21 February. The leader of the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People expressed deep suspicion, fearing that lawmakers would use the session to formally request Russian military intervention. He gravely stated, "Tomorrow may be a decision that will bring chaos and disaster to Crimea" [182]. Indeed, several scholars had already begun to discuss, with increasing urgency, the very real possibility of Russian intervention in Crimea, citing its unique geopolitical significance and complex demographics [183]. The revolution was not just shaking Kyiv; its tremors were reaching the furthest, most sensitive corners of the nation.

21 February

Euromaidan crowds on 21 February

On 21 February, Lieutenant-General Yuri Dumansky, the deputy chief of staff for the Armed Forces, tendered his resignation. His decision was a direct consequence of his profound disagreement with the escalating involvement of the army in the burgeoning civil conflict. "Today the army is being involved in the civil conflict, which could lead to the mass deaths of civilians and soldiers," he stated with grim foresight [184] [185]. Around midnight, journalist Artem Shevchenko, citing his sources within the General Staff of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, reported an alarming development: ten BTRs (armored personnel carriers) had departed from Kozacha Bay (Cossack Bay), a location where the Black Sea Fleet of Russia is based, escorted by DAI (Road Auto Inspection) vehicles [186]. According to Shevchenko, a substantial force of 1,500 airborne soldiers and 400 marines—including elements of the 25th Airborne Brigade, the 1st Marine Brigade, the 831st Anti-sabotage Unit, and the 2nd Marine Spetsnaz—had been covertly transferred on 20 February to operate under the command of the SBU for the declared "anti-terrorist operation" [187]. This indicated a clear escalation of military involvement, with a concerning Russian dimension.

As the day's parliamentary session approached, reports began to circulate that numerous members of the Party of Regions and their families had discreetly fled the capital [188]. Among those notably absent were acting Interior Minister Zakharchenko and Prosecutor General Viktor Pshonka [189]. The flight of these key figures signaled a profound loss of confidence within the government's inner circle.

Later in the day, in a gesture of goodwill or perhaps strategic appeasement, Maidan activists released the Interior Troops servicemen they had captured the previous day [137]. Meanwhile, in a powerful symbol of shifting loyalties, the entire police force of Radekhiv publicly announced its defection, joining the protesters in Kyiv [190].

The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) officially declared an end to its "preparations for antiterrorist operation," which had been initiated on 19 February [191]. This withdrawal, however, did little to soothe the deeply ingrained distrust or to erase the memory of the violence that had already occurred.

Agreement on settlement of political crisis

Main article: Agreement on settlement of political crisis in Ukraine

Yanukovych signing the 21 February agreement with the opposition

On 21 February, after hours of arduous and high-stakes negotiations, a fragile compromise deal was finally reached. These talks, brokered and led by European Union mediators—specifically Foreign Ministers Radosław Sikorski of Poland, Laurent Fabius of France, and Frank-Walter Steinmeier of Germany—extended through the night [192] [193]. The agreement, officially titled the Agreement on settlement of political crisis in Ukraine but colloquially known as the 21 February Agreement, was formally signed by both the opposition leaders and the beleaguered president [194]. Its provisions were extensive and aimed at de-escalation and political reform. They included: a restoration of the constitution to its 2004–2010 form, which had significantly curtailed presidential powers; a commitment to complete further constitutional reform by September; the scheduling of early presidential elections no later than December 2014; a comprehensive investigation into the violence, to be conducted under the joint monitoring of the administration, the opposition, and the Council of Europe; a crucial veto on the imposition of a state of emergency; amnesty for all protesters arrested since 17 February; the surrender of public buildings occupied by protesters; the forfeiture of illegal weapons; the implementation of "new electoral laws"; and the formation of a new Central Election Commission [195] [196]. The three EU foreign ministers appended their signatures to the document as witnesses [197], a significant diplomatic gesture. Notably, the Russian mediator Vladimir Lukin did not sign, purportedly because he lacked the official mandate to do so [198] [199].

Following this agreement, the 450-seat parliament, in a rare display of unity, voted unanimously (386–0) to revert to the 2004 constitution. Immediately thereafter, it voted 332–0 to suspend acting Interior Minister Zakharchenko from his duties [185]. Another legislative measure successfully introduced changes to the Criminal Code, a move specifically designed to facilitate the release of Yulia Tymoshenko [200]. A significant 310 MPs voted in favor of this measure, including 54 from the Party of Regions and 32 Communists, indicating a powerful cross-party consensus for change [201] [200]. Mykola Rudkovsky concurrently introduced a bill aimed at impeaching President Yanukovych [202]. Parliament also adopted a resolution late that evening, explicitly ordering all Interior Ministry troops and police officers to return to their barracks [79]. The political landscape was shifting with dizzying speed.

Agreement aftermath

Protester-occupied regional government offices in late February 2014

The ink on the agreement was barely dry before significant factions outright rejected it. Right Sector leader Dmytro Yarosh dismissed the accord with contempt, stating, "We have to state the obvious fact that the criminal regime had not yet realised either the gravity of its evil doing." He pointedly noted that the agreement conspicuously lacked provisions for the arrest of Interior Minister Zakharchenko; the punishment of Berkut commanders allegedly involved in the murder of civilians; the removal of the general prosecutor and defense minister; a ban on the Party of Regions and Communist Party; and guarantees of safety for those involved in the opposition. Yarosh declared that the "people's revolution" would continue relentlessly until power had been entirely wrested from the governing authorities [185]. Euromaidan leader Andriy Parubiy echoed this sentiment, insisting that elections be held as swiftly as possible and reiterating that one of the core demands of the protesters remained the immediate resignation of President Yanukovych [203]. AutoMaidan, the vehicular protest movement, also unequivocally stated that it would accept nothing less than Yanukovych's full resignation [204].

Vitali Klitschko, one of the key opposition figures who had signed the agreement, was compelled to apologize to the crowd on Independence Square after shaking hands with Yanukovych, a gesture met with boos and palpable disapproval [205]. The protesters, far from being appeased, responded to the deal with fierce rejection. Activist Volodymyr Parasiuk, speaking from the stage, issued a stark ultimatum: if Yanukovych did not resign by 10:00 AM the following day, an armed insurrection would be launched [206]. Outside of Kyiv, in a clear sign of escalating unrest, the summer home of pro-Russian politician Viktor Medvedchuk was later discovered to have been set on fire [207].

By late afternoon, in an almost surreal development, hundreds of riot police officers who had been guarding the presidential compound and nearby government buildings had inexplicably vanished [79]. Radosław Sikorski, the Polish foreign minister, described this spontaneous withdrawal of forces as "astonishing," explicitly noting that it was not a part of the signed agreement [208]. The riot police, it was later understood, had begun their withdrawal early that morning, driven by a dual fear: that Yanukovych's government would scapegoat them for the violence, and that they themselves would be targeted after protesters had reportedly stolen approximately 1,200 pistols and Kalashnikov rifles from police armories on 18 February during the occupation of government buildings in Lviv [79]. The Ukrainian Interior Ministry was left in a state of disarray, effectively without leadership. Deputy Interior Minister Viktor Dubovik reportedly ordered the riot police to evacuate the city, though the precise origin of this order remained murky [79]. Opposition member Serhiy Pashynsky facilitated escorts out of the city for over 5,000 officers, Interior Ministry forces, and other special forces [79]. Once the riot police had completely disappeared, Andriy Parubiy announced that the Euromaidan self-defense units had peacefully, if opportunistically, gained full control over Kyiv and its government buildings [209]. He also claimed, with significant implications, that the military had aligned itself with the opposition [210].

A new parliamentary coalition rapidly took shape after 28 MPs defected from the Party of Regions' faction [211]. Within the remnants of the Party of Regions faction, a "group of 31 deputies with a special position" was formed by Sergiy Tigipko, explicitly aiming "to persuade other Party of Regions MPs to vote progressively" [212], a desperate attempt to salvage some influence.

On 21 February, both President Yanukovych and parliament, in a rare moment of agreement, declared 22 and 23 February to be national days of mourning, dedicated "due to the loss of human life as a result of mass disturbances" [213]. The gesture, however, felt hollow against the backdrop of a regime on the verge of collapse.

Removal of Yanukovych

Pro-revolution activists outside parliament on 22 February 2014

Despite having just signed an agreement aimed at approving constitutional changes and de-escalating the crisis, President Yanukovych, in a move that sealed his fate, secretly fled Kyiv on the night of 21 February 2014. Parliament was not informed of his departure, nor of his whereabouts [214]. Also conspicuously missing were acting Prime Minister Serhiy Arbuzov [214] and Interior Minister Zakharchenko, who reportedly fled to Belarus [215]. It was later revealed that Yanukovych had begun making preparations for his departure from Kyiv as early as 19 February, even before the deadliest period of violence and prior to his signing of the illusory agreement with the opposition [124]. The "agreement" was, for him, merely a stalling tactic.

On 22 February 2014, Ukraine's parliament convened for an emergency session, grappling with the sudden power vacuum. Parliament chairman Volodymyr Rybak resigned that morning, citing illness, a convenient excuse for abandoning a sinking ship [214]. Parliament then swiftly elected Oleksandr Turchynov as the new chairman [214].

In a move that formalized the revolution's success, Ukraine's parliament unanimously voted to remove Yanukovych from his post and to schedule an early presidential election for 25 May. The vote was a decisive 328–0, representing approximately 73% of parliament's total members [80] [216] [217] [218] [219]. The resolution explicitly stated that Yanukovych had abandoned his constitutional duties, an act that "threatens the governance of the state, the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine," and cited "circumstances of extreme urgency" [216]. The resolution for Yanukovych's removal garnered broad support across the political spectrum: 86 deputies from Batkivshchyna (Fatherland Party), 41 deputies from the Ukrainian Democratic Alliance for Reform (UDAR), 36 deputies from Svoboda (Freedom Party), 30 deputies from the Communist Party, and a significant 99 independent deputies. Furthermore, a crucial 36 deputies from Yanukovych's own Party of Regions voted for his removal, indicating the complete collapse of his political base. There were no votes against the resolution. Of the remaining deputies, 115 were absent, and 6 abstained [220].

It is important to note that parliament did not technically vote to impeach the president. Impeachment would have entailed a more formal process, involving formally charging Yanukovych with a specific crime, a review of that charge by the Constitutional Court, and a three-fourths majority vote in parliament—which would have required at least 338 votes in favor [221]. The chosen method, while effective, bypassed these stricter constitutional requirements, reflecting the urgency and revolutionary nature of the moment.

Under the provisions of the 2004 constitution, which parliament had just voted to reinstate, chairman Turchynov automatically assumed the role of acting president [214] [219]. Turchynov later stated that Yanukovych had initially agreed to resign and had even recorded a resignation statement, but had abruptly changed his mind after consulting with his advisers [185]. Yanukovych, defiant from his hidden location, publicly declared that he would neither resign nor leave the country. He vehemently denounced parliament's decisions as "illegal" and a " coup d'état ", drawing a rather hyperbolic and self-serving parallel to the rise of the Nazi Party in 1930s Germany [222].

Disappearance and prosecution

In the chaotic aftermath of the parliamentary procedures to transfer power to the new provisional government, key figures of the old regime made desperate attempts to flee. General Prosecutor Pshonka and Minister of Revenues and Duties Oleksandr Klymenko were intercepted at the Russian border while trying to escape the country, their flight cut short. According to the State Border Service, Yanukovych himself attempted to flee via a charter flight from Donetsk, but was blocked by vigilant border guards. The guards were reportedly "met by a group of armed men who offered money for flying without the proper clearance," a clear indication of the lengths to which Yanukovych's loyalists were prepared to go. Yanukovych then abandoned the aircraft and departed by armored car, his subsequent whereabouts plunging into uncertainty [223]. Former Interior Minister Zakharchenko also attempted to fly out of Donetsk and was similarly turned back, his escape thwarted [224].

On 23 February, parliament deputy Oleh Lyashko claimed that Yanukovych had been sighted at the Russian naval base in Sevastopol, ostensibly preparing to flee the country aboard a Russian military vessel [225]. Journalist Tetyana Chornovol, ever the investigative reporter, speculated that he was, in fact, attempting to escape on his private yacht, also moored in Sevastopol [226]. According to later court testimony from one of his bodyguards, Yanukovych and his family undertook a convoluted escape route: flying from Kharkiv to Donetsk by helicopter, then driving to Berdiansk on the Azov Sea. From there, they were flown by an aircraft bearing Russian military markings, making stops at two other airfields, before reaching a Russian facility in Yalta, Crimea. Finally, they were moved to a Russian base in Sevastopol, from which they departed late on 23 February [227]. The level of Russian assistance in this escape was clear.

On 24 February, acting Interior Minister Avakov announced that Yanukovych had been officially placed on the country's most wanted list and that "a criminal case on mass killings of civilians has been opened" against him and other high-ranking officials of the former regime [228] [229]. The new government was making it clear that accountability would be pursued.

On 25 February, parliament, seeking international legal recourse, formally requested the International Criminal Court to "establish and bring to justice senior Ukrainian officials including ... Yanukovych, for crimes against humanity during peaceful protests of citizens from 21 November 2013 to 22 February 2014" [230]. On the same day, Yanukovych and Zakharchenko were declared internationally wanted persons, a significant step in their legal pursuit [231]. Criminal proceedings were swiftly launched in connection with the 20 February killings of Euromaidan demonstrators. Yanukovych himself, along with the former head of the presidential administration, Andriy Kliuyev; former Prosecutor General Pshonka; former Interior Minister Zakharchenko; former SBU head Yakymenko; the commander of the Interior Troops, Stanislav Shuliak; and a number of others, were all officially declared suspects in the case [232]. The net was closing, or at least, appearing to.

Aftermath

New government

On 22 February 2014, in a moment of potent symbolism and dramatic release, Yulia Tymoshenko was freed from prison. She immediately addressed a crowd of over 100,000 people on Independence Square, her presence a powerful embodiment of the revolution's transformative power [233]. The same day, parliament swiftly appointed Arsen Avakov as the acting interior minister, signaling a rapid overhaul of the security apparatus [234]. Lawmakers also, in a clear vote of no-confidence, ousted Viktor Pshonka as general prosecutor of Ukraine [235].

On 23 February, the second day of national mourning, parliament took further decisive action. It voted to abolish the controversial law on language policies that had granted Russian, Romanian, and Hungarian languages official status as regional languages in certain areas [3] [236]. This measure, however, was later vetoed by the acting president, who, perhaps wary of further exacerbating regional tensions, stated he would not sign the bill until new legislation specifically protecting minority languages could be developed [237]. The same day, parliament moved to dismiss Foreign Minister Leonid Kozhara, Health Minister Raisa Bogatyrova, and Education Minister Dmytro Tabachnyk, systematically dismantling the old guard. In a highly symbolic act, it also nationalised Yanukovych's opulent private estate, Mezhyhirya, returning it to public ownership [3] [238]. Warrants were issued for former Incomes Minister Oleksandr Klymenko and former Prosecutor General Pshonka, signaling a clear intent to pursue justice. [3] Parliament also passed critical amendments restoring its power to appoint and dismiss judges, a prerogative that had previously been consolidated under the Supreme Council of Justice [239].

The Kyiv Metro became fully operational once again, including the symbolic reopening of the Maidan Nezalezhnosti station, on 24 February, signaling a cautious return to the rhythms of city life [240].

On 24 February, parliament continued its systematic removal of officials linked to the former regime, dismissing Social Policies Minister Natalia Korolevska and Culture Minister Leonid Novokhatko [241]. It also ousted Ihor Sorkin as governor of the National Bank of Ukraine, replacing him with Stepan Kubiv, a move aimed at restoring confidence in the financial system [242] [243]. The same day, Valentyn Nalyvaichenko was appointed as head of the Security Service of Ukraine, replacing Oleksandr Yakymenko [244]. Meanwhile, the leader of the Party of Regions faction, Oleksandr Yefremov, publicly declared that the party was moving into the opposition, a tacit acknowledgment of its diminished power. Seventy-seven of its MPs had already left the faction over the preceding days, illustrating the party's rapid fragmentation [245].

On Tuesday, 25 February, acting President Turchynov issued a call for the formation of a national unity government by Thursday [246]. (Just two days prior, he had optimistically asked for such a government to be formed by Tuesday [247]). Also on the 25th, Anatoliy Kinakh and 32 other deputies, many of them former Party of Regions members seeking to distance themselves from the fallen regime, established the Economic Development faction [248] [249].

On 26 February, Turchynov formally assumed the duties of the supreme commander-in-chief of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, consolidating military authority in the interim government [250] [251].

Finally, on 27 February 2014, the first Yatsenyuk government, led by Arseniy Yatsenyuk, was officially formed [252] [253]. This new cabinet represented a coalition of the parties Batkivschyna, UDAR, and Svoboda, along with the parliamentary factions Economic Development and Sovereign European Ukraine, and various independent MPs [254]. It was a broad, if sometimes uneasy, alliance forged in the crucible of revolution.

Juridical developments

On 24 February, parliament made a sweeping decision to release all political prisoners, a symbolic act of justice for the revolution. This included the father and son involved in the controversial Pavlichenko criminal case [255]. In a further move to dismantle the vestiges of the old regime, parliament also terminated the powers of five judges of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine who had been appointed from parliament's quota, citing their violation of the judicial oath [256]. Lawmakers then proposed dismissing, for the same reason, two judges appointed by the president of Ukraine. They also issued a call to the Council of Judges of Ukraine to convene an extraordinary congress within three days to consider dismissing five additional Constitutional Court judges who had been appointed by the council. In the same resolution, parliament explicitly tasked the prosecutor general of Ukraine with initiating criminal proceedings against all judges who, in the opinion of the People's Deputies of Ukraine, were culpable in the adoption of the Constitutional Court's decision (No. 20-rp/2010) on 30 September 2010, which concerned the procedure for introducing constitutional amendments. This was a clear message that the judiciary would not be immune from the calls for accountability. On 27 February, judges of the Constitutional Court responded by sending a letter to European organizations, international organizations, and human rights institutions, raising concerns about the constitutionality of the parliamentary resolution, highlighting the ongoing legal complexities of the transition [257].

On 27 February, in a shocking revelation that underscored the alleged corruption of the previous administration, Yanukovych was formally accused of having embezzled a staggering $70 billion from the state budget [258].

The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) moved to arrest Volodymyr Byk, the former chief of its counterintelligence service [259]. On 3 July 2014, former Prime Minister Mykola Azarov was placed on the international wanted list, facing charges of alleged abuse of power, further extending the reach of the new government's legal pursuit [260].

Yanukovych press conference and Russian response

On 28 February, Viktor Yanukovych, now a fugitive, resurfaced in southern Russia to hold a press conference, where he answered questions primarily from Russian reporters. He emphatically declared that the early presidential elections scheduled for late May in Ukraine were illegal and that he "would not be participating in them." He also asserted that while the 21 February agreement could have stabilized the situation, the opposition had, in his view, failed to adhere to it [261]. His narrative, predictably, painted himself as the wronged party.

Russian propaganda and the Russian government consistently portrayed the removal of Yanukovych as an illegitimate coup (echoing Vladimir Putin's own pronouncements, which called it an "illegal coup" and a "military seizure of power") [262] [263] [264]. This narrative, devoid of nuance, served a crucial purpose: to legitimize Russia's subsequent aggressive actions in Ukraine [265]. In stark contrast, researchers and international observers largely consider Russia's subsequent actions in Crimea to constitute a true military coup. This assessment is based on the undeniable fact that the Russian military forcibly seized Crimea's parliament and government buildings and then orchestrated the replacement of its legitimate government with compliant Russian proxies [266] [267] [42] [43] [44]. The irony, it seems, was lost on the Kremlin.

On 1 March, Russia's parliament, acting with alarming speed, approved a request from Putin to deploy Russian troops to Ukraine, a move that directly precipitated the annexation of Crimea and the conflict in Donbas [268].

Despite his earlier rhetoric, Putin later stated on 24 March, referring to the upcoming 2014 Ukrainian presidential election: "We will respect the choice of the Ukrainian people and will be working with the authorities formed on the basis of this election." [267] This statement, however, was widely seen as a cynical attempt to project an image of moderation while simultaneously consolidating Russia's gains in Crimea.

Ban on Russian state television

On 11 March, the Ukrainian National Council for TV and Radio Broadcasting [uk; ru] issued a directive instructing all cable operators to cease transmitting a number of Russian channels. This ban specifically targeted the international versions of the main state-controlled stations, including Rossiya 1, Channel One, and NTV, as well as Rossiya 24 [269]. The move was a direct response to the pervasive and often inflammatory Russian propaganda that was being disseminated across Ukraine, aimed at destabilizing the country and delegitimizing its new government.

Lustration

See also: Lustration in Ukraine

On 26 February, Ehor Sobolev was nominated to spearhead the Committee on Lustration within the nascent Yatsenyuk government [270]. Months later, on 14 August 2014, parliament adopted a significant bill that formally established "procedures for conducting checks of government officials and people nominated for government position with the purpose of deciding whether they meet certain criteria for occupying relevant post" [271] [272]. This was a direct attempt to purge the state apparatus of individuals deemed complicit with the corruption and abuses of the previous regime.

The subsequent law on lustration, which was explicitly designed to exclude most officials who had served in the Yanukovych administration from government positions, had a potentially far-reaching impact, affecting up to a million people [273]. While intended to cleanse the government, it also drew significant criticism. Volodymyr Yavorsky of the Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group characterized it as "unreasonable" and a source of "serious, systematic violations of human rights." Among his concerns was the sheer scale of the exclusions, arguing that it would lead to too many individuals losing their jobs, including competent officials who could not be easily replaced [274]. The pursuit of justice, it seemed, was not without its own complexities and unintended consequences.

Berkut dissolved

On 25 February, acting Interior Minister Avakov signed a decree officially dissolving the Berkut, the special police force that had become a symbol of state brutality and repression during the Euromaidan protests [275]. This act was a powerful and necessary symbolic break with the past. However, in a cynical twist, Russia announced in March that the Crimean Berkut unit, despite its notoriety, would preserve its name as it was incorporated into the Russian Interior Ministry [276] [nb 4]. This move underscored Russia's deliberate strategy to absorb and legitimize elements of the former Ukrainian security apparatus that were loyal to Moscow, further cementing its control over the annexed peninsula.

Protests against the revolution

Main article: 2014 pro-Russian unrest in Ukraine

Pro-Russian protesters in Donetsk, 1 March 2014 Pro-Russian activists march on the streets of Odesa, 30 March 2014

Following the swift and decisive ousting of Yanukovych, a wave of pro-Russian, separatist, and counter-revolutionary protests erupted across parts of southern and eastern Ukraine. These regions, historically and culturally distinct, were predominantly consumers of Russian-based media, which relentlessly promoted a highly skewed narrative. This narrative painted Ukraine's new government as an illegitimate "fascist junta" and falsely claimed that ethnic Russians and Russian speakers were in imminent danger from the new authorities [279]. The propaganda was effective, creating a climate of fear and resentment. According to Cathy Young, some of these protests against the revolution even resorted to overt antisemitism, attacking the new government as a "Jewish clique" seeking to exploit Ukrainians to defend the interests of wealthy Jews, and explicitly depicting the revolution as a "Zionist coup" [280].

On 23 February, Ukraine's parliament, in a move that proved to be both controversial and inadvertently provocative, adopted a bill to revoke the status of Russian as an official state language in certain regions. While this bill was ultimately not enacted (it was later vetoed by the acting president), the very proposal ignited a fierce backlash and considerable anger in the Russian-speaking regions of Ukraine, providing fertile ground for the separatist narrative [281] [282].

Also on 23 February, clashes broke out in Kharkiv between thousands of pro- and anti-government demonstrators, highlighting the deep divisions within the city. Mayor Kernes was notably prevented from entering the City Council building amidst the unrest [283]. Pro-Russian protesters, meanwhile, stood guard over the statue of Vladimir Lenin in the city center, treating it as a symbol of their resistance [284]. However, the deputy head of the Regional State Administration defiantly announced that the city intended to dismantle the statue regardless, on 25 February [285].

By 1 March, the protests had spread significantly, with thousands of people taking to the streets in Kharkiv, Donetsk, Simferopol, Odesa, Luhansk, Melitopol, Yevpatoria, Kerch, and Mariupol, all demonstrating against the new government [286] [287] [288]. These demonstrations, while appearing organic, were often strategically amplified and, as later evidence would show, orchestrated.

Public surveys conducted in April revealed the depth of the distrust. Most people in Ukraine's eastern regions considered all levels of the new government illegitimate. Approximately half of respondents believed that Acting President Turchynov was "illegally occupying his post," and roughly the same proportion held this opinion about Prime Minister Yatsenyuk [289]. However, in a twist that complicated the narrative, nearly 70% of respondents also agreed that Yanukovych was no longer the legal president of the country, indicating a rejection of both the old and, in some cases, the new [290].

Later, revealing leaked e-mails and telephone calls would provide incontrovertible evidence that the Russian state had actively funded and organized these separatist protests, primarily through the clandestine efforts of Kremlin advisers Vladislav Surkov and Sergey Glazyev [291] [292] [293]. The "spontaneous uprising" was, in fact, a carefully manufactured campaign of destabilization.

Russian occupation of Crimea

Unmarked Russian soldiers occupying the Crimean parliament building

This section is an excerpt from Russian occupation of Crimea.

On 27 February 2014, in a brazen and calculated act of aggression, unmarked Russian soldiers, later colloquially dubbed "little green men," were covertly deployed to the Crimean Peninsula. Their mission was clear: to forcibly wrest control of the peninsula from Ukraine, an action that fundamentally marked the beginning of the protracted Russo-Ukrainian War. This military occupation, which the Ukrainian government retroactively considers to have commenced on 20 February (the day Yanukovych fled Kyiv), meticulously laid the groundwork for the formal Russian annexation of Crimea on 18 March 2014. Under Russia's unilateral assertion of sovereignty, the Ukrainian Autonomous Republic of Crimea was replaced by the self-proclaimed Republic of Crimea, though the legitimacy of this entity remains scarcely recognized by the vast majority of the international community.

The occupation unfolded during the tumultuous period of Ukraine's Revolution of Dignity, which had just seen the ousting of the pro-Russian president Viktor Yanukovych. Russian special forces, operating without any identifying insignia, swiftly took control of Crimea's critical government buildings, systematically surrounded Ukrainian military bases, and effectively blockaded the entire peninsula. In short order, a pro-Russian government, hand-picked by Moscow, was installed, and a highly contentious referendum on Crimea's status was hastily conducted under the intimidating shadow of military occupation. According to the Russian-installed authorities, the predetermined outcome was overwhelmingly in favor of joining Russia. Moscow then proceeded to unilaterally annex Crimea on 18 March 2014, reorganizing it as a Russian republic and transforming Sevastopol into a Russian federal city [294] [295].

Since the dramatic onset of the Russian full-scale invasion of mainland Ukraine in February 2022, Russia has strategically utilized Crimea as an indispensable military base, launching numerous attacks against mainland Ukraine, particularly as part of its Southern Ukraine campaign. In response, the Ukrainian military has intensified its own counter-operations, targeting Russian forces and infrastructure within Crimea. One of Russia's non-negotiable preconditions for any potential cessation of the invasion has been the international recognition of its illegitimate claims to Crimea. Conversely, one of Ukraine's unwavering and explicitly stated goals is the complete liberation of the territory, by military means if deemed necessary, a testament to the enduring and deeply contested nature of the peninsula's sovereignty [296] [297] [298] [299] [300] [301]. The ghost of 2014 continues to haunt the present.

Destruction of Soviet monuments

See also: Decommunization in Ukraine

The toppling of the Lenin statue in Khmelnytskyi, 21 February 2014

In the wake of the Revolution of Dignity, a wave of decommunization swept across Ukraine, manifesting in the widespread removal and destruction of monuments that symbolized the Soviet past. One notable instance occurred in the western Ukrainian city of Brody, where the monument to the Russian field marshal Mikhail Kutuzov was unceremoniously demolished [302]. Similarly, a statue honoring Soviet soldiers was removed from the western Ukrainian city of Stryi [303] [304]. These acts were not merely vandalism; they were deliberate rejections of a historical narrative imposed during Soviet rule.

Earlier, in early December 2013, during the initial phases of Euromaidan, unknown activists had partially painted in red and black (colors strongly associated with the nationalistic Ukrainian Insurgent Army) a statue in Kyiv that honored the workers of the Arsenal factory who had died in 1918 [305]. This early act foreshadowed the broader movement. On 28 February, two monuments in the city of Dnipropetrovsk—one dedicated to Soviet forces who fought in World War II and another to Soviet soldiers who fought in Afghanistan—were vandalized and defaced with nationalistic slogans, further underscoring the shift in public sentiment [306].

The Russian Foreign Ministry, predictably, reacted with indignation to these actions. On its English-language Twitter account, it condemned the targeting of Russian- and Soviet-built monuments as "Russophobic vandalism" and an "outrage," demanding that it be immediately stopped [307]. This response highlighted the deep ideological divide and the clashing interpretations of historical memory that fueled the broader conflict.

Sports

The ripple effects of the escalating political unrest in Kyiv quickly spread to the realm of international sports. On 19 February 2014, UEFA, the governing body of European football, announced a critical decision: it had opted to relocate the venue for the 2013–14 UEFA Europa League Round of 32 match between Ukrainian club Dynamo Kyiv and Spanish club Valencia. The match, originally scheduled for Olympic Stadium in Kyiv, was moved to GSP Stadium in Nicosia, Cyprus, directly citing the ongoing riots and safety concerns in the Ukrainian capital [308] [309] [310].

In a poignant gesture of solidarity and mourning, Dynamo Kyiv and the other clubs participating in the Round of 32 observed a minute of silence for the victims in Kyiv before their matches. The athletes also wore black mourning armbands, a visible acknowledgment of the human cost of the conflict [311] [312] [313].

The disruptions were not limited to football. On 25 February, subsequent games of the 2013–14 Ukrainian Basketball SuperLeague were postponed [314] [315]. The following day, 26 February, the second half of the 2013–14 Ukrainian Premier League was also suspended due to the volatile situation across the country [316].

On 3 March, a scheduled friendly soccer match between the United States and Ukraine, originally slated to take place in Kharkiv, was relocated to Nicosia due to persistent safety concerns regarding potential instability in Kharkiv Oblast [317].

Even ice hockey was affected: three HC Donbass home KHL playoff games were moved from Donetsk's Druzhba Arena to Slovnaft Arena in Bratislava, Slovakia [318]. The revolution's shadow, it seemed, extended even to the sporting arena, forcing a global stage to acknowledge the upheaval.

Public opinion

A December 2016 survey, conducted by the reputable Kyiv International Institute of Sociology, provided valuable insight into how Ukrainians perceived the pivotal events of 2014. The survey, which encompassed 2,040 respondents from across Ukraine, revealed a significant, though not universal, consensus: 56 percent of those surveyed regarded the events as a "popular revolution." In contrast, a substantial 34 percent viewed it as an "illegal armed coup" [319]. This divergence in public opinion underscored the deep ideological and informational divides that continued to fragment Ukrainian society years after the events, particularly influenced by regional historical narratives and media consumption. The revolution, while celebrated by many, remained a contested historical moment for a significant minority.

Signing of the EU Association Agreement

The First Yatsenyuk Government, having been established in the immediate aftermath of the Revolution of Dignity, made a swift and symbolic move towards European integration. On 21 March 2014, it officially signed the European Union–Ukraine Association Agreement [320] [321]. While the political provisions were signed immediately, the more comprehensive Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA) component was strategically deferred, with plans for its signing to occur after the presidential election in May 2014 [322] [323]. This staggered approach allowed for a degree of political stability to be established before committing to the full economic integration.

In May 2014, to further stabilize Ukraine's precarious financial situation, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) disbursed a crucial US$3.2 billion aid package. This IMF assistance was not merely a standalone gesture; it was a prerequisite set by the European Union, which required Ukraine to secure this package in order to unlock approximately 1.6 billion euros that had been pledged under the recently signed Ukraine-EU Association Agreement [324]. The financial lifelines were inextricably linked to the political and reform commitments made by the new government.

Suicides of former officials

In a disturbing and often whispered-about consequence of Euromaidan, a pattern of suicides emerged among former officials who had been closely tied to Yanukovych's Party of Regions. Eight such individuals were found to have taken their own lives [325]. When Newsweek investigated this phenomenon in the summer of 2015 and approached the General Prosecutor's Office for information, the office initially responded with a blanket refusal, stating that all information regarding these deaths was a state secret [325]. This initial stonewalling only fueled speculation and suspicion.

However, the prosecutor's office later revised its stance, acknowledging that four of these deaths were, in fact, being actively investigated as potential murders. Furthermore, a suspect was charged with murder in a fifth case, concerning the death of prosecutor Sergei Melnychuk [325]. The lingering questions surrounding these deaths underscored the intense pressure and profound shifts in power that followed the revolution, leaving a trail of unanswered questions and unresolved mysteries.

Casualties

Main article: Maidan casualties

A memorial on the Maidan to those killed, 24 February 2014

The human cost of the Revolution of Dignity was profoundly tragic. In total, 108 civilian protesters and 13 police officers lost their lives during the tumultuous events [20]. The vast majority of these deaths occurred during the most intense period of violence, from 18 to 20 February. Most of the victims were anti-government protesters and activists, many of whom were killed by police snipers operating around Instytutska Street in Kyiv, a grim testament to the deliberate and targeted nature of the crackdown [20]. By June 2016, investigations had led to charges against 55 individuals in relation to these killings. This group included 29 former members of the notorious Berkut special police force, ten titushky (government-backed thugs), and ten former government officials [20]. However, the Office of the Prosecutor General acknowledged that efforts to bring all perpetrators to justice had been severely hindered. Many suspects had fled the country, and crucial evidence had been lost or deliberately destroyed, complicating the pursuit of full accountability [20].

The civilians who perished in the revolution are collectively revered in Ukraine as the 'Heavenly Hundred' or 'Heavenly Company' (Ukrainian: Небесна сотня, Nebesna sotnya). They are commemorated each year on 20 February, a solemn day officially designated as the 'Day of the Heavenly Hundred Heroes' [326]. Their sacrifice remains a powerful and enduring symbol of the revolution's ideals and its profound cost.

Russian involvement

See also: Russia–Ukraine relations

17 December 2013 Ukrainian–Russian action plan

The pervasive perception that Yanukovych was deliberately attempting to forge closer, more subservient ties with Putin's Russia played an undeniably major role in fueling and sustaining the protests. This perception was not unfounded; Yanukovych had indeed accepted substantial "bail-out" money—a tranche of $2 billion out of a promised$ 15 billion package—from Russia [84]. This financial lifeline came with strings attached, and Russian officials had been aggressively pressuring the Ukrainian administration to take decisive action to crush the burgeoning protests. Tellingly, the brutal police assault on Euromaidan protesters was ordered mere hours after the $2 billion from Russia was reportedly transferred [327] [328]. Several government ministers from across Europe openly blamed Russia for exacerbating the violence, pointing to a clear pattern of external interference [329].

According to a cache of government documents released by Ukrainian former Deputy Interior Minister Hennadiy Moskal, Russian advisers were directly involved in planning and executing the crackdown on protesters. These highly sensitive operations, code-named "Wave" and "Boomerang," allegedly involved the strategic use of snipers to disperse crowds and the coordinated effort to capture the protesters' headquarters in the House of Trade Unions. The plans, before some police officers defected, reportedly included the deployment of a massive 22,000 security troops in Kyiv [330]. Further, the documents indicated that the former first deputy of the Russian GRU (military intelligence) had stayed at the Kyiv Hotel, playing a major role in planning the crackdown, and was, disturbingly, paid by the Security Services of Ukraine [331]. However, Reuters noted at the time that the authenticity of these documents could not be independently confirmed, a detail that Moscow would naturally exploit [332]. Interior Minister Arsen Avakov publicly stated that the conflict had been provoked by a "non-Ukrainian" third party, and that an investigation into this external involvement was ongoing [333].

On 21 February, following the failed crackdown that had tragically claimed nearly 100 lives, Yanukovych, under immense pressure, made concessions to the opposition. Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev reacted with undisguised contempt, stating that Yanukovych needed to stop behaving like a "doormat," and ominously warning that further loan installments would be withheld. A Russian political adviser, Sergey Markov, declared, with chilling clarity, that "Russia will do everything allowable by law to stop [the opposition] from coming to power." [334] On 24 February, Russia's Foreign Ministry issued a statement urging Ukrainians to "crack down on the extremists who are trying to get established in power" [335], and Medvedev, consistent in his disdain, refused to recognize Ukraine's provisional government [336]. The pattern of Russian interference and thinly veiled threats was undeniable.

During a press conference on 3 April 2014, Ukraine's new interior minister, chief prosecutor, and top security chief collectively implicated more than 30 Russian Federal Security Service (FSB) agents in the crackdown on protesters. They asserted that these agents had actively helped plan the crackdown and had flown large quantities of explosives into an airport near Kyiv. Valentyn Nalyvaichenko, the interim head of the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU), revealed that the Russian agents had been based at an SBU compound in Kyiv throughout the Maidan protests, had been provided with "state telecommunications," and had maintained regular contact with Yanukovych's security officials. Furthermore, Yanukovych's

Revolution Of Dignity