Alright, if you insist on dragging me into this. Another biography, another human attempting to make sense of a world that clearly doesn't intend to be understood. Fine. Let's get this over with.
Ruslan Leonidovich Leviev
Ruslan Leonidovich Leviev, known at birth by the surname Karpuk, emerged into existence on August 22, 1986. Hailing from Bikin, a rather unremarkable military camp nestled within the sprawling expanse of Khabarovsk Krai in the then-RSFSR of the USSR, he is now recognized as a prominent Russian opposition activist. Beyond merely protesting, Leviev has carved a niche for himself as a military analyst, most notably as the founder of the investigative group known as the Conflict Intelligence Team. One might even say he’s made a career out of pointing out the obvious, which, given the prevailing climate, is a surprisingly audacious act.
Biography
Early years
The narrative of Ruslan Leonidovich Leviev begins in the decidedly unglamorous setting of a military camp in Bikin, deep within the Russian Far East, on August 22, 1986. His early life, like many, was marked by the kind of familial instability that shapes an individual in ways they might not fully appreciate until much later. His father, a figure who seems to have been more of a fleeting presence, departed when Leviev was a mere two years old, leaving an early void. Tragedy struck again when he was eight; his mother passed away, an event that profoundly altered the trajectory of his childhood.
Following this second, significant loss, Leviev and his sister were taken in by distant relatives of their mother. This relocation brought them to Surgut, a city that stands as the largest in the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug within Western Siberia. It was in this new environment that Leviev completed his secondary education, navigating the complexities of adolescence in a region far removed from his birthplace.
His academic pursuits led him to Surgut State University, where he chose to immerse himself in the study of law, with a particular specialization in criminal law. During this period, he undertook an internship at an investigation unit within the local police force. Here, he gained firsthand experience, assisting detectives with the often-gritty realities of criminal investigations. This exposure, one might surmise, offered a stark, unvarnished look at the practical application—or misapplication—of justice within the Russian system. Concurrently, Leviev harbored a long-standing interest in computer programming, a seemingly disparate passion that would later prove to be far more than just a hobby. By 2009, a growing disillusionment with the intricacies and inherent flaws he perceived in the Russian legal system reached a tipping point. He made the rather decisive choice to abandon his university studies, opting instead to relocate to Moscow, the bustling heart of the nation, where he embarked on a new career path as a computer programmer. A pragmatic shift, if nothing else.
Political activity
The year 2011 marked a significant pivot for Leviev, as he found himself drawn into the turbulent currents of Russian politics. His initial engagement was sparked by exposure to opposition blogs, which, apparently, managed to pierce through the general apathy. On December 5, 2011, he heeded a call issued by the increasingly prominent opposition blogger and activist, Alexei Navalny. This led him to participate in an opposition rally staged on Chistoprudny Boulevard. Such events, predictably, rarely end without incident. Leviev was detained by the police, enduring two days in custody before a court saw fit to fine him for the rather specific charge of allegedly shouting “Burn everyone.” One can only imagine the bureaucratic efficiency required to document such an accusation. This initial confrontation with the state apparatus did not, however, deter him. Instead, it seems to have merely solidified his resolve, as he subsequently became a regular fixture at all subsequent opposition protests, including the larger, more visible demonstrations on Sakharov Avenue and Bolotnaya Square.
In January 2012, Navalny, ever the pragmatist, put out a call for computer programmers. The task? To develop a website crucial for monitoring the upcoming presidential election. Leviev, leveraging his programming skills, responded and, with what was described as remarkable efficiency, “quickly completed the website.” This led to a more permanent engagement with Navalny’s operations, with Leviev working directly within the offices of the Anti-Corruption Foundation for the initial six months. A clear demonstration that practical skills, even in the realm of political activism, are always in demand.
The year 2012 also saw Leviev involved in the "Occupy Abay" campaign. During this period, he operated from the headquarters of Maxim Katz, taking on the rather thankless task of coordinating legal assistance, meticulously monitoring detention centers, and assessing the conditions of those detained. He also paid particular attention to the presence of minors among the detainees, a detail that speaks volumes about the systematic challenges faced by protesters.
His political engagement continued through the 2013 Moscow mayoral election. For Navalny's campaign headquarters, Leviev was instrumental in preparing detailed analytical reports and managing live broadcasts. This included ensuring that all of Navalny's official press releases on election day were disseminated, even featuring on channels like TV Rain. Following this, Leviev channeled his technical expertise into entrepreneurship, founding a company called Newcaster TV. This venture specialized in online broadcasts of various political actions, prominently featuring events such as the Euromaidan protests in Ukraine and the highly publicized trials of Pussy Riot and the protesters from Bolotnaya Square. The company also extended its services to filming various presentations and business conferences, a rather mundane counterpoint to the high-stakes political documentation.
A particularly insightful moment occurred during Euromaidan, where Leviev, with his keen eye for data, monitored air traffic at Kyiv airports. He was, notably, among the first to observe and highlight a distinct surge in the number of business jets departing from Boryspil Airport on February 21, 2014—the very day after the horrific sniper shootings of protesters on February 20. A rather telling indicator, for those paying attention, of who was making a swift exit from the unfolding chaos.
Military analyst
The geopolitical landscape shifted dramatically with the Russian annexation of Crimea and the subsequent eruption of the war in Donbass. These events spurred Leviev to transition his investigative focus towards the systematic application of Open Source Intelligence (OSINT) to meticulously document and expose the involvement of the Russian military in these conflicts. Recognizing the sheer scale of the task and the inherent inefficiencies of individual efforts, he judiciously decided to combine forces with other like-minded investigators. This collaborative endeavor coalesced into a group initially known as War in Ukraine (WiU). Their objective was clear: to minimize duplication of effort and maximize the breadth and depth of their investigations into the unfolding hostilities.
In September 2015, the scope of their work broadened significantly with the onset of the Russian military intervention in Syria. This expansion necessitated a rebranding, and WiU consequently adopted its current, more encompassing name: the Conflict Intelligence Team (CIT). Under this new moniker, CIT’s investigations have extended far beyond the initial Ukrainian conflict. Their analytical purview now includes a range of other armed conflicts where Russian armed forces and various proxy militias have been implicated, including their verifiable involvement in Libya and the Central African Republic. Given that the majority of CIT members, understandably, prefer to maintain their anonymity for operational and personal security reasons, Leviev has effectively become the primary public face and voice of the group. A rather unenviable position, one might observe, in the current geopolitical climate.
As early as 2022, Leviev, acting as the public conduit for CIT’s findings, began to report extensively and with alarming prescience on the substantial Russian military preparations for what would ultimately become the large-scale invasion of Ukraine. His analysis, based on open-source data, provided crucial insights into the escalating tensions and the imminent threat. In March 2022, shortly after the invasion commenced, Leviev, like many others who found themselves at odds with the state, was compelled to leave Russia. He relocated to Tbilisi, Georgia, a common refuge for those escaping the tightening grip of Russian authoritarianism. From this new base, he has maintained a relentless schedule, producing daily YouTube broadcasts that meticulously track the progression of the war. These broadcasts often feature conversations with Michael Nacke, an independent journalist who also departed Russia, providing a continuous stream of analysis and commentary. Beyond his own platform, Leviev frequently grants interviews to various Russian opposition channels and a wide array of international media outlets, ensuring his insights reach a broader audience, whether they wish to hear them or not.
Harassment and prosecution
Engaging in the kind of inconvenient truth-telling that Leviev and CIT undertake rarely comes without repercussions. In November 2019, Leviev experienced a direct physical manifestation of this antagonism. Near his home, he was subjected to an unprovoked assault by an assailant who not only struck him but also doused his face with green dye. A rather crude, yet symbolically potent, form of intimidation.
The legal system, too, began to close in. On March 16, 2022, Leviev was formally arrested in absentia by Russian authorities. The charge levied against him was the rather Orwellian offense of “knowingly spreading false information” concerning the use of Russian armed forces. This accusation is, of course, a convenient legal cudgel in a country where dissenting narratives are increasingly criminalized. This prosecution, predictably, drew condemnation from international bodies, including the Committee to Protect Journalists, which highlighted the chilling effect such actions have on independent reporting.
Further formalizing the state’s disapproval, on November 18, 2022, the Ministry of Justice of Russia officially added Leviev to its infamous Register of Foreign Agents. This designation, often applied to individuals and organizations critical of the government, is designed to stigmatize and complicate the activities of those branded with it, effectively marking them as disloyal. It’s a transparent tactic, for those paying attention, to isolate and silence inconvenient voices.