The 2024 Georgian parliamentary election, a pivotal event for the nation's trajectory, unfolded on 26 October 2024. This election was particularly significant as it was conducted under the electoral system reformed in 2017 through constitutional amendments, shifting towards a fully proportional representation system with a 5% electoral threshold. The incumbent Georgian Dream (GD) party, having governed since 2012, aimed for a fourth consecutive term. Their campaign was notably bolstered by the return of founder Bidzina Ivanishvili, an influential oligarch and former prime minister, who had officially stepped away from politics in 2021 but re-entered the fray months before the election to lead GD.
The backdrop of the Russo-Ukrainian war heavily influenced the political discourse. Georgian Dream's primary campaign message centered on "safeguarding peace" through a "pragmatic policy" with Russia. This was complemented by a focus on socially conservative policies, exemplified by the recently enacted "LGBT propaganda law," and the reinforcement of the Georgian Orthodox Church's status within the constitution. The ruling party also proposed measures to outlaw opposition parties, which they accused of "dragging the country into the 2008 war with Russia" and instituting "a system of violence and torture" during their tenure. Concurrently, Georgian Dream adopted a more Eurosceptic stance, not outright rejecting EU membership but promising to pursue it "by playing by Georgian rules." They also pledged to restore the country's territorial integrity, with Ivanishvili making overtures to the Kremlin and controversially suggesting Georgia should apologize for its role in the 2008 war.
Conversely, the opposition coalitions emphasized what they perceived as Georgian Dream's pro-Russian shift and its failure to meet the European Commission's criteria for EU accession, campaigning vigorously for European integration. The election was preceded by significant 2023–2024 Georgian protests triggered by controversial legislation requiring organizations receiving foreign funding to register as "foreign agents". This law had strained Georgia's relations with the West, leading to U.S. visa designations and financial sanctions against Georgian officials and their families. Consequently, Georgia's European Union membership candidate status was effectively frozen, and a proposed U.S. Congressional MEGOBARI Act further complicated the situation.
Preliminary results, released by the Central Election Commission of Georgia, indicated a victory for Georgian Dream, securing over 53% of the vote. The four main opposition coalitions, having pledged not to cooperate with Georgian Dream in parliament through the Georgian Charter, collectively garnered 37.79%. Georgian Dream demonstrated strength in rural areas, particularly in regions like Samtskhe-Javakheti, Kvemo Kartli, Svaneti, Racha-Lechkhumi, Guria, and Adjara. However, they lost ground in the capital, Tbilisi, and Rustavi to the opposition, and their margins were narrow in other major cities. In Tbilisi, GD secured 42% of the vote, while the opposition coalitions combined received 46%, with the smaller libertarian Girchi party taking 5.3%. The Georgian diaspora also showed a significant preference for the opposition.
The opposition coalitions and President Salome Zourabichvili contested the results, alleging widespread vote-buying, ballot-box stuffing, intimidation, and pressure on voters. They accused Georgian Dream of "stealing the election", with President Zourabichvili refusing to recognize the official outcomes, deeming them illegitimate. The opposition subsequently announced a boycott of the new parliament. Election monitors characterized the electoral conduct as "fundamentally flawed." In the wake of the disputed election, the V-Dem Institute reclassified Georgia's democracy from an "electoral democracy" to an "electoral autocracy," leading to the 2024-2025 Georgian political crisis.
Background
Political context
By the time of the elections, Georgian Dream had established itself as the ruling party since its victory over Mikheil Saakashvili's United National Movement in the 2012 parliamentary election. While initially professing a policy of joining the European Union and NATO, Georgian Dream also advocated for a more measured approach toward Russia compared to its political rivals. However, the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine and the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict complicated Georgia's balancing act. Statements from Ukrainian politicians suggesting Georgia could have "greatly aided" Ukraine by opening a "second front" against Russia, coupled with Western efforts to isolate Russia through sanctions, placed Georgia in a precarious geopolitical position.
During the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the Georgian government officially condemned Russian actions and provided humanitarian aid to Ukraine. However, it notably refrained from joining international sanctions against Russia, which inadvertently led to an influx of Russian capital and skilled individuals seeking to evade military mobilization. Russia, in turn, did not approve of the referendum proposal by Georgia's breakaway de facto South Ossetian republic to join the Russian Federation. Despite generally hostile relations, Georgia was not placed on Russia's unfriendly countries list.
On 25 February 2022, significant protests erupted in front of the Georgian parliament in Tbilisi, continuing for six consecutive days to express solidarity with Ukraine. These demonstrations soon took on an anti-government tone, reflecting growing dissatisfaction with the Georgian authorities' perceived insufficient response to the Russian invasion. Elene Khoshtaria, a leader of the opposition Droa party, addressed the crowds, demanding the resignation of Prime Minister Irakli Garibashvili and his administration. She called for immediate and effective support for Ukraine, including calls for closing the sky to Russia, and urged Georgia to formally apply for EU membership.
Protesters expressed anger over alleged obstacles placed in the path of volunteers and the government's refusal to join international sanctions against Russia. On 28 February, Georgian authorities denied landing permission to a Ukrainian charter flight intended to transport Georgian volunteers to Ukraine. Georgian Dream's leader, Mamuka Mdinaradze, stated that Georgia could not send volunteers due to its vulnerable position and the risk of war with Russia. In response, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy recalled Ukraine's ambassador to Georgia. Prime Minister Irakli Garibashvili further articulated Georgia's stance against joining international sanctions against Russia, arguing it would harm the Georgian economy more than Russia, which fueled the escalating anti-government sentiment. Garibashvili also pointed out that neither the West nor Ukraine had imposed sanctions on Russia during or after the 2008 Russo-Georgian War, suggesting a double standard in expectations placed upon Georgia, which was being asked to "sacrifice itself and 'destroy its economy'."
In June 2022, the European Union denied Georgia's application for membership, citing concerns about alleged media censorship and the government's refusal to impose sanctions on Russia. This decision galvanized the opposition, leading to increased mobilization against the government. In response, a sovereignist faction within the parliamentary majority, People's Power, emerged in August 2022. They proposed legislation to regulate foreign influence by establishing a registry for politically active foreign-funded organizations, many of which received Western funding. While the government maintained the bill was for public disclosure and transparency, the opposition, supported by Western embassies and politicians, organized protests, likening the bill to Russia's foreign agent law and arguing it jeopardized Euro-Atlantic integration. Ultimately, the bill was withdrawn by the parliament.
On 8 March 2023, tens of thousands gathered in front of the Parliament to demand a halt to discussions on the law. Opposition leader Giorgi Vashadze issued an ultimatum, calling for the rejection of the bills and the release of detained protesters. Amidst these protests, the Russian Foreign Ministry issued a cautionary statement against violent power changes in Georgia, with some Russian politicians suggesting potential military intervention in case of "instability on the Russian border." In September 2023, the State Security Service of Georgia announced it had uncovered alleged plans by the opposition and Western-funded groups to stage a coup in Georgia, purportedly with the support of Ukrainian-based Georgian opposition figures. This, in turn, prompted the pro-Russian Georgian opposition party Conservative Movement and its associated TV channel Alt-Info to mobilize an "Anti-Maidan" movement to counter the alleged coup.
A bilingual Georgian-English banner proclaims "Yes to Europe" in bold letters.
However, in December 2023, the European Union granted Georgia candidate status. This followed the release from prison of opposition journalist Nika Gvaramia, who had been arrested on charges of abuse of power and embezzlement, and the parliament's decision to dismiss impeachment proceedings against the pro-opposition president Salome Zourabichvili. In late December 2023, Prime Minister Irakli Garibashvili summarized the year by stating the government had successfully "preserved the peace" amidst threats of destabilization from "radical groups and hostile forces operating within the country," while also securing EU candidate status for Georgia.
Early 2024 saw Georgia plunged back into political crisis and public unrest due to the reintroduction of the "foreign agent" law. Protesters viewed this legislation as a direct threat to civil liberties and democratic principles. Mamuka Mdinaradze, leader of the parliamentary majority, cited the ongoing circulation of illicit funds through non-governmental organizations and covert foreign financing of political activities as the rationale for reintroducing the bill. On 8 April, the Bureau of the Parliament of Georgia registered the bill for parliamentary discussion. Critics argued that the law, requiring organizations and individuals receiving foreign funding to register as "organizations carrying the interests of a foreign power," was designed to suppress dissent and curtail the activities of NGOs and independent media. Protests erupted nationwide, with demonstrators demanding the repeal of the law and the "protection of democratic freedoms." The government's response ranged from dialogue attempts to reports of police violence.
Bidzina Ivanishvili addresses a rally in support of Georgia's Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence on 29 April 2024.
On 11 May, a record-breaking protest rally, widely considered the largest in Georgian history, took place. Despite heavy rain, tens of thousands gathered at four key locations in Tbilisi: First Republic Square, Marjanishvili Metro, 300 Aragveli Metro, and Tsereteli Avenue. The protesters marched along both banks of the Kura River, converging symbolically at Europe Square in Metekhi to celebrate Europe Day. Estimates suggested participation levels ranging from at least 169,000 to potentially 200,000 or even 300,000.
Protesters and other critics, including the European Union and Western countries, voiced strong opposition to the bill, asserting it would undermine democracy and press freedom in Georgia and drawing parallels to the Russian foreign agent law. Officials from the European Union and the United States explicitly stated their opposition, deeming the bill unacceptable, especially after repeated calls for its retraction. Proponents, however, countered these claims, arguing the law would ensure transparency in foreign funding and safeguard Georgia's sovereignty against malign foreign influence. The "People's Power" movement argued that the law would protect democracy and sovereignty from foreign interference aimed at promoting foreign agendas through NGO funding. Some also criticized the EU and US for meddling in Georgia's internal affairs and attempting to dictate its laws through threats of EU candidate status and US sanctions. They emphasized that local NGOs should be grassroots organizations rather than reliant on foreign financial support.
Hundreds of protesters obstruct traffic at Heroes Square.
In August 2024, Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze predicted "unprecedented" and "disruptive" foreign interference in the upcoming elections. Speaker of Parliament Shalva Papuashvili echoed these concerns, citing the Danish government-sponsored "Festival of Democracy" event in Telavi, organized by the Eastern European Centre for Multiparty Democracy. He pointed to banners demanding the release of former President Mikheil Saakashvili as evidence of foreign funding being channeled into Georgian politics to support opposition parties against the ruling party.
On 20 October 2024, just days before the elections, thousands of Georgians gathered in Tbilisi for a pro-European rally. Carrying Georgian and EU flags, demonstrators converged at Freedom Square, Tbilisi after marching from five different locations. Chanting the national anthem and singing the EU anthem, Ode to Joy, they displayed banners proclaiming "Georgia chooses the European Union." The rally was attended by an estimated 90,000 to 100,000 people.
President Zourabichvili joined the rally at Freedom Square, reaffirming Georgia's commitment to EU membership. In her address, she expressed solidarity with Ukraine and Moldova, directly speaking to their leaders, Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Maia Sandu. Zourabichvili commended Sandu's leadership and endorsed her re-election bid, wishing for pro-European outcomes in the 2024 Moldovan European Union membership constitutional referendum. She praised Sandu for guiding Moldova toward its European aspirations. Zourabichvili also voiced support for Zelenskyy, emphasizing that his fight against Russia was vital for Georgia as well, given their shared experience of "Russian aggression." She concluded by urging Georgia's European and American partners to acknowledge the country's unwavering commitment to a European future, declaring Georgia a "winner" on its path to EU integration.
Georgian Charter
• Main article: Georgian Charter
On 26 May 2024, in response to the 2023–2024 protests, President Salome Zourabichvili unveiled the Georgian Charter. This initiative was designed as an action plan to "foster unity among opposition parties ahead of the parliamentary elections." Announced during Georgia's Independence Day celebrations, the Charter aimed to establish a platform for opposition unity. Zourabichvili proposed a new electoral format where voters would choose between the ruling party and a coalition of opposition parties. The plan included forming a temporary government post-election to enact key reforms focused on "enhancing democratic processes and aligning Georgia more closely with European standards," followed by new elections. The Charter's primary objectives were to repeal laws deemed detrimental to European integration and implement significant judicial and electoral reforms to ensure a "fair and democratic process."
The President emphasized that the October parliamentary elections should serve as a referendum on Georgia's future direction, rather than a contest of individuals or parties. She stated that the 2024 elections would effectively decide whether Georgia pursued closer integration with Europe. Seventeen opposition parties, including UNM, Strategy Aghmashenebeli, Ahali, Lelo, European Georgia, Girchi – More Freedom, Droa, Citizens, For Georgia, For the People, the Republican Party, the Greens Party of Georgia, For Justice, European Democrats, Law and Justice, Tavisupleba, State for the People, and the National Democratic Party, along with five individual Members of Parliament, signed the Georgian Charter presented by the president.
Some opposition parties declined to sign the agreement. While Girchi acknowledged Zourabichvili's initiative to unite the opposition, they criticized her for not considering their input and refused to sign. Initially, the For Georgia party also abstained, expressing support for the charter's reforms but viewing discussions about forming a post-election temporary government as detrimental to the pre-election process. However, For Georgia later reversed its decision and signed the Charter.
A ruling party MP, Nino Tsilosani, alleged that the opposition parties' decisions were influenced by "Western embassies" rather than being independently made.
On 5 October, President Salome Zourabichvili revealed in an interview that she had a candidate in mind for the position of Prime Minister in a potential future opposition coalition government. She noted that the Georgian Charter stipulated that the Prime Minister be selected in consultation with the President. While she withheld the candidate's identity, Zourabichvili stressed that the individual had no prior political background, which she believed was crucial for building public trust and reducing political polarization. She also indicated that negotiations with the opposition parties that had signed the charter would commence soon. The following day, Shalva Papuashvili, during a briefing, announced that impeachment proceedings against the president would be re-initiated. He cited alleged constitutional violations, including the president's foreign visits without government permission, such as trips to France, Germany, and Poland in the preceding week, as grounds for the move.
Parties and coalitions
Months before the elections, a split occurred within the largest opposition party, the United National Movement (UNM). In January 2023, Levan Khabeishvili defeated Nika Melia for the position of UNM chairman in internal party elections. Melia, accusing Khabeishvili of being a protégé of businessman Davit Kezerashvili, announced his departure from the UNM in December 2023 and plans to form his own party. On 11 March 2024, Melia officially announced the formation of the Ahali party. He was joined by Nika Gvaramia, a former Minister of Justice and Minister of Education and Science, a former UNM member, former director general of Rustavi 2 TV and Mtavari Arkhi TV, and founder of the pro-opposition Mtavari Arkhi TV. On 8 June, Tinatin Bokuchava assumed the chairmanship of the United National Movement, succeeding Khabeishvili, who resigned due to health issues.
On 30 December 2023, Bidzina Ivanishvili, founder of Georgian Dream, announced his return to politics as honorary chairman of the party, signaling his intention to play an active role in the election campaign. On 8 February 2024, Irakli Kobakhidze was confirmed as the new Prime Minister by parliament, representing the ruling Georgian Dream party. In March 2024, the People's Power movement was officially registered as a political party, with expectations of its participation in the election. However, on 16 July, Mamuka Mdinaradze, Executive Secretary of Georgian Dream, announced during the launch of the election campaign and the party's new central office that People's Power would participate in the parliamentary elections under a common electoral list with Georgian Dream.
On 20 July 2023, the United National Movement announced an alliance with Giorgi Vashadze's Strategy Aghmashenebeli. According to Khabeishvili, this coalition, named "Victory Platform," would center around former president Mikheil Saakashvili. Saakashvili, imprisoned on charges of abuse of power and violence, was slated to lead his party (UNM) in the election from detention. On 8 July 2024, the new Chair of the United National Movement, Tina Bokuchava, unveiled a new political platform called "Unity – to Save Georgia". This platform aimed to unite the United National Movement and Strategy Agmashenebeli—two parties already part of the "Victory Platform" coalition—along with representatives from other parties, civil society, and academia. The new platform would utilize the UNM's ballot number 5 in the upcoming elections.
On 9 July 2024, three opposition parties—Ahali, Girchi – More Freedom, and Droa—announced their intention to run on a joint electoral list for the October parliamentary elections. The leaders indicated that an anticipated alliance with another party, Lelo, had not materialized due to "minor differences." This alliance was subsequently renamed "Coalition for Change". On 18 August, the Republican Party and the youth organization "Activists for the Future" of Georgian Azerbaijanis joined the coalition. Meanwhile, on 17 July, Lelo for Georgia, For the People, and the political movement Freedom Square announced their unification under a single electoral list for the upcoming elections. This alliance was later rebranded as "Strong Georgia". In August, the Citizens party also joined this alliance. On 25 September, Strong Georgia announced the inclusion of former President Giorgi Margvelashvili in their coalition.
On 11 April 2024, the Public Registry revoked the registration of the Conservative Movement party, barring its participation in the election. In June 2024, it was announced that the party would merge with the Alliance of Patriots of Georgia and contest the election together. On 24 June 2024, Irma Inashvili, leader of the Alliance of Patriots of Georgia, declared that ten conservative parties and civic organizations had signed the "Declaration of Unity of the Patriots of Georgia," forming a coalition to unify traditionalist forces and promote a conservative agenda in the next parliament. The declaration invited all who shared this worldview to join, aiming for inclusivity while critiquing the dominant narratives of GD and UNM, which they claimed had "marginalized conservative voices." Its primary objective was to ensure strong representation of conservative values and interests in the Georgian Parliament. On 10 July, it was reported that several parties would run under the banner of Alliance of Patriots alongside the Conservative Movement/Alt Info for joint electoral efforts: Georgian Idea, Georgian Mission, the Conservative-Monarchist Party, the Christian-Democratic Movement, and National Unit.
On 1 August, a majority of the European Georgia electoral list, selected during the party's internal primary election, departed the party. This included key figures like Giga Bokeria and Tamar Chergoleishvili. The split stemmed from disagreements with other prominent members, Gigi Tsereteli and Akaki Bobokhidze, over the primary results. Later, on 15 August, the defecting members of European Georgia formally established a new party named the Federalists. Two days later, European Georgia, in conjunction with the Unity coalition, announced its intention to run on a joint list with the UNM and Strategy Aghmashenebeli. On 25 September, the Federalists confirmed their withdrawal from the elections due to late party registration. Despite this, the party urged its supporters to remain engaged and vote against Georgian Dream.
The Central Election Commission of Georgia refused to register the European Socialists, the [Union of Georgian Traditionalists], and the Generations for Georgia parties, citing their failure to meet the legislative requirement of presenting 25,000 voter signatures for registration. Eight other parties also faced similar refusals and did not participate in the elections. Notably, Ilia Injia, son of European Socialists leader Fridon Injia, became a Georgian Dream candidate.
During a special briefing on 16 September, Salome Zourabichvili emphasized the need for a "positive, third center" to offer opposition-leaning and undecided voters a clearer choice. She announced the forthcoming coalition of two major opposition forces: Strong Georgia and Giorgi Gakharia's For Georgia party. She expressed support for their unification efforts and invited them to the Orbeliani Palace on 17 September to finalize negotiations. Zourabichvili expressed confidence that this alliance was what "society expects." In response, Georgian Dream MP Giorgi Kakhiani accused the President of exhibiting political sympathies towards these parties with her invitation, which he claimed violated the Georgian constitution's requirement for presidential neutrality. The following day, following a meeting at the presidential administration, Khazaradze acknowledged that while some issues persisted, including questions regarding Gakharia's role in the events of 20 June 2019 and the Anaklia Sea Port project, he and Gakharia shared the goal of ousting the ruling Georgian Dream party. Khazaradze stressed the critical need for the country to choose between a path aligned with Russia or a future integrated with Europe.
Gakharia noted that Khazaradze had requested additional time to clarify his position, indicating ongoing negotiations. Gakharia reiterated his party's commitment to prioritizing Georgia's democratic path and expressed gratitude to President Salome Zourabichvili for facilitating the dialogue. He highlighted the upcoming elections as crucial for preventing any single party from dominating Georgian politics. On 19 September, For Georgia announced on Facebook that negotiations had collapsed, citing internal disagreements within Strong Georgia. However, Mamuka Khazaradze refuted this, stating Strong Georgia was prepared to sign the deal but awaited the president's invitation to finalize it. The intended alliance aimed to challenge the dominance of the ruling Georgian Dream party and the opposition UNM, potentially attracting undecided voters. Nevertheless, disagreements, particularly concerning the former prime minister's controversial past and issues of equitable representation on the joint party list, led to the breakdown.
In total, 27 parties registered for the October elections. On election day, Zourabichvili expressed hope that the election would end "one-party rule in Georgia."
List of major coalitions or political parties
The following table lists the major parties and coalitions that participated in the election:
| # | Party/Coalition | Constituent parties
The Georgian Dream party officially commenced its pre-election campaign on 21 August 2024, with the inaugural event held in the town of Mtskheta. Subsequent events took place in Ambrolauri, Ozurgeti, Akhaltsikhe, Gori, Georgia, Telavi, and other regions, culminating in Tbilisi on 23 October. Key figures such as Bidzina Ivanishvili, Irakli Kobakhidze, and Mamuka Mdinaradze delivered speeches at these campaign gatherings. Prior to the official launch, on 20 August, the Political Council of Georgian Dream issued a statement framing the election as a referendum on "war vs. peace, traditional values vs. moral degradation, subservience to external powers vs. an independent and sovereign state." The party urged supporters to vote to secure a constitutional majority, essential for implementing their long-term objectives.
A central campaign theme for Georgian Dream was the pledge to ban the "collective United National Movement," a term used to encompass the former ruling UNM and other parties that signed the Georgian Charter with them, intending to form a coalition government. Georgian Dream leveled accusations of various "crimes against the Georgian people" against the United National Movement during its rule, including allegedly provoking the 2008 war with Russia and attempting to involve Georgia in a "second front" of the Russo-Ukrainian War. The party argued that the existence of the "collective UNM," "entirely controlled from outside and constantly engaged in hostility towards the state," obstructed healthy democratic processes and the "peaceful transition of power". Ivanishvili later described the "Collective UNM" as a "severe disease" that had "plagued the country for two decades," asserting that a constitutional majority would enable legal action to ban "the UNM and its affiliated parties." He drew parallels to the Nuremberg Trials and referred to the UNM as "foreign agents engaged in anti-state activities," arguing that only by replacing the "Collective UNM" with "patriotic political forces" could Georgia hold "truly healthy elections." Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze clarified that Georgian Dream intended to ban the Unity – National Movement (UNM, European Georgia – Movement for Liberty, and Strategy Aghmashenebeli), the Coalition for Change (Ahali, Girchi – More Freedom, Droa, and Republican Party), the Strong Georgia (Lelo, For the People, Freedom Square, and Citizens) alliances, and the For Georgia party led by Giorgi Gakharia. Kobakhidze accused these parties of aligning with the United National Movement and called for criminal investigations, particularly against figures like Mamuka Khazaradze of Lelo. Kobakhidze maintained that banning political parties is a democratic process when "there is a legal basis for it," citing examples in Ukraine and Moldova where similar measures were positively evaluated by the EU.
On 14 September, during a campaign event in Gori, Ivanishvili blamed the United National Movement for provoking the 2008 Russo-Georgian War, calling it their "worst crime." He accused the UNM of committing "many atrocities," claiming evidence supported these allegations. Ivanishvili described the 2008 war as "a well-planned provocation from the outside against the Georgian and Ossetian people, the purpose of which was to split unity, destroy relations and make them exist in conditions of endless, artificial confrontation." He asserted the war was "ordered from outside" and executed by "stateless agents." He pledged to hold "Nuremberg trials" for the UNM and stated that Georgia would need to apologize to the Ossetian people for the "flames of fire in which our Ossetian brothers and sisters were enveloped by the traitorous National Movement in 2008." He concluded that only Georgian Dream could ensure reconciliation with the Ossetian people. These statements generated significant public controversy.
The second key objective presented by Georgian Dream was to advance the Protection of Family Values and Minors bill, which the party had introduced to parliament. This bill, intended to ban "[LGBT propaganda]," was justified by the ruling party as necessary to prevent the spread of "pseudo-liberal ideology" into Georgia from abroad. This initiative was framed within the party's broader promise to protect the country's traditional values. Mamuka Mdinaradze, executive secretary of Georgian Dream, emphasized the importance of maintaining peace, restoring territorial integrity, and preserving traditional values and independence. He asserted that only Georgian Dream could ensure peace with Russia while simultaneously pursuing European integration. Mdinaradze also highlighted the significance of traditional values and Christianity for Georgian identity, ultimately characterizing the party's campaign promises as a means of "surviving physically and surviving spiritually." On 28 September, during a campaign speech in Telavi, Ivanishvili accused the UNM of attempting to alienate Georgia from its national values, specifically citing their "attack on Georgian viniculture," which he described as integral to Georgian national identity. He contrasted this with Georgian Dream's state programs aimed at reviving the viniculture and winemaking industry and restoring access to the traditional Russian market. Speaker of Georgian parliament Shalva Papuashvili stated that Georgia's integration into the European Union should be accompanied by respect for Georgian traditional values, referring to Georgia as "one of the first cradles of European civilization" and a co-creator of European identity through its contributions to agriculture, viticulture, and the Christian faith.
The third objective outlined by the ruling party focused on reintegrating Georgia's Russian-backed separatist regions, Abkhazia and South Ossetia. According to Georgian Dream, the "dynamic development of events" might present an opportunity to "peacefully restore" territorial integrity "at any time." This would necessitate constitutional amendments to align Georgia's governance system and territorial structure with the "new reality." The ruling party argued that the "externally-controlled anti-state" opposition parties would not support the restoration of territorial integrity, making a constitutional majority essential for their own party.
A fourth issue, concerning "protecting Georgia's identity and national values," was still under internal party discussion. Bidzina Ivanishvili later elaborated that this related to "faith," leading to speculation about plans to establish Orthodox Christianity as the state religion in Georgia. This was later confirmed as a proposed amendment aiming to designate Orthodox Christianity as the state religion, framed by the ruling party as upholding "national values and traditions" and aligning with promises to ban "[LGBT propaganda]" and strengthen the Church's role. However, the Georgian Orthodox Church expressed reservations, fearing potential impacts on its independence and increased government control. Senior clergy, including Metropolitan Shio Mujiri and Metropolitan Nikoloz Pachuashvili, voiced concerns about the implications for the traditionally independent yet cooperative state-Church relationship established by the 2002 Concordat. Following the Georgian Orthodox Church's rejection of the ruling party's proposal, Bidzina Ivanishvili addressed the issue again on 31 August during a campaign rally in Ozurgeti. He confirmed ongoing discussions regarding the constitutional status of the Georgian Orthodox Church, stating the proposed amendment would clarify Orthodox Christianity as the "pillar of the Georgian statehood" and highlight its historical and contemporary significance.
Unity – National Movement
A billboard and bus advertisement for the UNM-led political coalition Unity – National Movement.
In early January 2022, it was reported that the imprisoned former president and UNM leader, Mikheil Saakashvili, was collaborating with UNM economist Roman Gotsiridze on a nine-point economic plan. On 10 January, Saakashvili announced the plan's completion and imminent public presentation. The plan, released on 3 February, outlined nine theses for economic development: judicial reform, English law, arbitration, decriminalization of economic crimes; de-oligarchization; energy development; elimination of bureaucracy and superfluous spending; a single tax principle; infrastructure and transport development; construction of the planned city of Lazika; agricultural development; and the establishment of a "Georgian Silicon Valley". The plan emphasized deregulation, digitization of public services, reduction of judicial corruption, democratic development, small government, non-interventionism in economics, and protection of private property to attract foreign investments and stimulate economic growth.
The plan proposed the creation of a constitutional commission for judicial reform, aiming to expedite case reviews and curb corruption. It advocated for the unrestricted application of English law in commercial matters, expanded use of private arbitration, and decriminalization of economic crimes. De-oligarchization was a key goal, with a proposal to prohibit individuals controlling over 5% of Georgia's GDP from founding, joining, or funding political parties.
Tina Bokuchava presents "5 priorities" during a campaign event in Kvareli.
The economic development model envisioned by the plan was largely infrastructure-driven, focusing on constructing new power plants, railways, and airports to position Georgia as a "regional logistical and transport hub." It identified bitcoins as a significant issue, citing the "Abkhaz and Georgian clans" over-exploitation of electricity and a lack of accountability.
Saakashvili's plan also proposed outsourcing large segments of public services to the private sector and gradually downsizing the public sector. The idea of building the new Lazika city within a ten-year timeframe was revived, presented as the country's future "financial capital." For the agricultural sector, Saakashvili advocated for the adoption of new technologies from abroad as the sole viable development path and supported reducing subsidies in certain sectors, which he believed would foster entrepreneurship and growth. An "agricultural insurance system" was proposed to stimulate agricultural development. Citing Belarus, Saakashvili introduced the "Georgian silicon valley" as a new project, suggesting Rustavi or another city near Tbilisi become a "tax-free zone" with symbolic privatization of enterprises and investment obligations.
On 4 September 2024, UNM Chairman Tina Bokuchava presented the party's and its coalition partners' "5 priorities" during a campaign event in Kvareli: European integration, increasing average income, raising pensions, strengthening Georgian families, and dismantling monopolies. In foreign policy, the coalition pledged to initiate EU accession negotiations, secure free trade and visa liberalization agreements with the United States, and repeal the Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence. Domestically, Bokuchava promised free school meals, free housing for students, and the cancellation of pension loans.
Unity – National Movement prioritized securing Georgia's EU membership. The party and its coalition partners planned to commence EU accession talks immediately upon victory, unlocking access to Georgia's "14 billion euro European fund." Additionally, the party committed to signing a free trade agreement with the United States and obtaining visa-free travel for Georgian citizens to the U.S. They also promised to create tens of thousands of new jobs annually. A €1 billion EU subsidy was earmarked for agriculture, aiming to increase the average national salary to 3,500 lari and set a minimum wage of 1,500 lari. Other key pledges included abolishing pension loans, increasing pensions to 1,000 lari, and establishing a €1 billion fund in Mikheil Saakashvili's name to support the return of Georgian emigrants.
For Georgia
On 8 August 2024, Giorgi Gakharia, leader of the For Georgia party, visited Batumi for campaign events. On 17 August 2024, Gakharia officially launched the party's election campaign with an opening ceremony in Zugdidi. Gakharia's campaign promises included raising the minimum wage from 50 GEL to 950 GEL, introducing six-month unemployment benefits, and linking pension increases to economic growth. For Georgia argued that healthcare is a fundamental human right and that the state must ensure its protection. The party planned to transition to a compulsory universal healthcare insurance model, funded by excise taxes on tobacco, alcohol, and vehicle imports. They committed to strengthening primary healthcare, retraining doctors, improving service quality, and regulating costs to ensure access to quality medicines. The party advocated for fast-tracking Georgia's EU integration, securing sectoral benefits such as access to the single market and the European Energy Union, and implementing digital policies before full membership. They also supported NATO membership without a "Membership Action Plan" (MAP), following the model of Finland and Sweden. Economically, the party aimed to establish a European-style social state focused on sustainable and inclusive growth, with priorities including employment programs, sectoral policy development, and an export financing agency. A four-year infrastructure project was planned to complete gasification, water supply, and internet access nationwide, with an emphasis on developing a green economy to protect natural resources. In education, the party sought to foster critical thinking, civic awareness, and lifelong learning through improved quality, infrastructure, and funding. Defense spending was slated to increase to 2% of GDP, and military cooperation with Western partners, particularly the United States, was intended to enhance Georgia's defense capabilities. The depoliticization and strengthening of the State Security Service were prioritized to combat hybrid threats from Russia.
The party intended to draft a national strategy for de-occupation and peaceful reunification, incorporating input from the public and Western partners within one year. Governance reforms would focus on strengthening institutions, ensuring checks and balances, and promoting fair, transparent elections. Key government appointments (e.g., prosecutor general, court judges) would be made through political consensus. Judicial reforms would target corruption, including the removal of high-ranking officials who had lost public trust. The High Council of Justice would undergo comprehensive reform to restore integrity. Combating corruption was a central priority, with plans to dismantle elite networks profiting at the expense of citizens and ensuring regional and municipal governments were free from corruption. Through fiscal decentralization, municipalities would gain greater authority and resources, with local anti-corruption units established to monitor risks.
Strong Georgia
On 5 September 2024, the Strong Georgia coalition presented its election plan, "Ilia's way," in Saguramo, near the statue of Ilia Chavchavadze. The coalition announced plans to introduce a visa regime for Russian citizens in Georgia, restrict direct flights with Russia, and prohibit the sale of agricultural land to Russians. They pledged to push for the construction of the Anaklia deepwater port and create "200 thousand new jobs," though specific measures were not detailed. The coalition proposed implementing a heavy gambling tax, with increased revenue allocated to pension increases. Ana Dolidze, a social democratic member from the For the People party, outlined plans to raise average income and minimum wage, emphasizing cooperation with businesses, particularly small and medium-sized enterprises. Levan Tsutskiridze, a leader of the Freedom Square party, focused on education reform. The coalition committed to greater European Integration, planning to establish a dedicated ministry to advance Georgia's EU accession, increase trade with the EU, and expand opportunities for youth exchange programs to European countries.
On 19 September, during a meeting with pensioners, Mamuka Khazaradze indicated the coalition's intention to raise gambling taxes from 15% to 25%, citing Illinois as a precedent. He also called for an end to "exploitative practices related to pension loans and overdrafts" and promised "proper oversight" of the pension fund. A core element of Lelo's platform was a 1,000 GEL pension for seniors, which Khazaradze assured was a concrete initiative rather than a campaign slogan, stating, "This is about ensuring that our pensioners have the basic means to live in dignity."
The coalition planned to develop regulations to separate educational institutions from political influence, promoting autonomy within the education system. Proposed initiatives included a school nutrition program, student housing support, updated research laboratories, promotion of vocational education, and increased kindergarten provision in areas with significant ethnic minority populations. Additionally, the coalition aimed to establish a national security system aligned with NATO best practices, involving reforms to the National Security Council. Plans included reinstating visa regulations for Russian citizens and curbing Russian soft power influence in Georgia. To address the needs of populations in occupied regions and promote peaceful conflict resolution, the coalition aimed to create enhanced educational and employment opportunities, capitalize on prospects arising from Georgia's EU candidacy, and establish free economic and trade zones.
The coalition supported democratic governance, advocating for the free operation of all parties while strengthening local self-government and decentralizing power. They planned a comprehensive review of judges through a vetting mechanism, leading to the dissolution of the current judicial council. A new council would be formed based on vetting results, increasing the number of judges and welcoming qualified professionals from outside the existing system. A National Anti-Corruption Agency was proposed, equipped with investigative powers and accountable to parliament. Reforms would focus on improving the state procurement system, increasing transparency regarding offshore companies, and confiscating undocumented property acquired through corruption. The coalition argued that existing controversial laws hindered Georgia's European integration and national interests, and they planned to repeal these laws upon taking office.
The coalition envisioned a decentralization process granting municipalities and councils increased financial resources and authority tailored to local needs. To achieve this, they intended to strengthen the role of councils, abolish state representative administrations, and improve the management of local revenues for greater financial independence. They would also review current administrative-territorial arrangements and the status of self-governing cities altered in 2017, while reinforcing the functions of the parliamentary committee on regional policy and self-government.
Coalition for Change
On 25 September 2024, Nika Gvaramia, co-leader of the Coalition for Change, announced he would not be on the coalition's candidate list, aiming to make way for new individuals. The following day, it was revealed that Nana Malashkhia, known as the "Woman with the EU Flag"—a symbol of the March 2023 protests—would hold the top position on the CfC's electoral list.
During a congress in Rustavi, Gvaramia addressed the audience, particularly representatives of small and medium-sized businesses. He promised them lower taxes, increased investment, and access to European, American, and Chinese markets. Gvaramia also spoke to Georgian farmers, urging them not to be deceived into believing they needed constant state assistance or that their labor was futile, and emphasizing that Russia was not their only option. He highlighted the significant market opportunities offered by the European Union, the United States, and China, which would become accessible once his party took office. Gvaramia underscored his personal experience of what he termed "political imprisonment" by the Georgian Dream government, pledging support to the prison population and promising they would receive what they deserved.
Coalition for Change electoral billboard reads "The future is yours."
On 17 October, Nika Gvaramia presented the main directions of the coalition's program to the public, introducing the "4-4-4 Plan." This plan outlined initiatives in four key areas to be implemented within four days of the new parliament's formation. According to Gvaramia, the coalition's immediate priorities upon taking office would be:
- European Integration: Within four days, the coalition promised to initiate EU membership negotiations for Georgia, citing the Georgian Charter, the country's historical choice, and the will of the Georgian people. Gvaramia emphasized the extensive work already done by Georgian politicians and civil society on EU integration.
- Democracy: Gvaramia affirmed the coalition's commitment to the Georgian Charter, particularly regarding the formation of a technical or transitional government, which the coalition would support. He also stressed the importance of abolishing "Russian laws" enacted in recent years, going beyond those that sparked public protests. He explained that this effort was "critical for Georgia's path towards European integration and includes broader reforms," such as court reforms and vetting processes.
- Economy: The coalition planned to propose tax reforms within four days, including reducing income tax to 15%, exempting small businesses (with turnover under 400,000 GEL) from VAT, and lowering corporate tax to 5%. Gvaramia noted that these changes would benefit approximately 75% of businesses in Georgia, particularly small and medium-sized enterprises.
- Education: By 2028, the coalition aimed to significantly increase the education budget to adequately support all levels of education. Gvaramia outlined the creation of a "Knowledge Piggy Bank," providing 5,000 GEL in annual educational funding for every child, from kindergarten to higher education. He also mentioned the need for universities to address student housing through their own revenues, with additional state support for scientific research reaching one billion lari by 2028.
Alliance of Patriots of Georgia
During the election campaign, the Alliance of Patriots, Conservative Movement/Alt-Info, and Georgian Idea, running on a unified electoral list, held joint meetings with supporters across the country. These gatherings took place in Mtskheta, Rustavi, Dedoplistskaro, Gori, Zestaponi, Batumi, Kutaisi, and other locations. Furthermore, members of Alt-Info opened several new offices in various regions to enhance communication with potential voters.
Zura Makharadze, co-founder of the pro-Russian Conservative Movement/Alt Info, has been personally sanctioned by the U.S. Treasury.
During these meetings, the parties presented several initiatives to voters. In education, they pledged to introduce religion into school curricula, increase teacher salaries, provide free school meals, offer supplementary courses, and establish free strength training facilities in all schools. In healthcare and social protection, the parties promised universal health care, the establishment of state-run pharmacies offering low prices to counter private monopolies, and an abortion ban. To revitalize the economy, the parties proposed issuing low-interest state loans to businesses, protecting Georgian businesses from foreign imports through high tariffs, negotiating the opening of Russian and other post-Soviet markets for Georgian products, and nationalizing "strategic resources." They advocated for a ban on foreign ownership of Georgian agricultural land, increased support for local manufacturing, and the abolition of taxes on land in mountainous regions to combat depopulation. The parties outlined specific legislative proposals for the Parliament of Georgia: expanding the use of referendums for public decision-making, making the office of Public Defender of Georgia elective, abolishing "gender legislation," introducing an amnesty for individuals imprisoned on family violence charges, and establishing a "real anti-monopoly agency."
In September 2024, the Alliance of Patriots released their electoral video clip titled "Why are we poor?". The video argued that Georgia's economic poverty stemmed from 30 years of adhering to free market economic principles since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, based on the idea of market self-regulation through an "invisible hand". Criticizing this theory, the video cited China and South Korea as examples of successful development models based on "mixed economies" where the state actively intervenes in "strategic sectors" while allowing free entrepreneurship. This model, the video contended, fostered the development of "high-tech industries" such as the automotive industry and electronics industry. The video also advocated for increased protectionism against cheap foreign imports to boost the domestic economy and negotiations with Russia to open its market for Georgian products, deemed crucial for economic development.
New Political Centre — Girchi
Girchi championed a range of economic policies aimed at wealth redistribution, stimulating growth, and reducing poverty. A key proposal involved distributing state-owned property to citizens. As of 2024, approximately 90% of Georgia's land and natural resources, including forests, rivers, and universities, were state-owned. Girchi proposed an equal distribution of this property among citizens, fostering greater individual wealth and ownership. Another significant policy was the introduction of a Universal Basic Income of 500 lari per month for every citizen. Girchi argued that UBI would eradicate extreme poverty by replacing various social welfare programs with a fixed monthly payment, simplifying bureaucratic processes and reducing administrative costs.
Girchi also supported a multi-currency system, allowing the use of foreign currencies like the US dollar and the euro alongside the Georgian lari. This policy aimed to protect citizens from inflation and exchange rate fluctuations, offering them a choice in currency for transactions. The party proposed returning pension funds to citizens and abolishing the current pension system, which they considered exploitative. Instead of mandatory pension contributions, Girchi suggested returning available pension funds to contributors. Girchi was also committed to reducing taxes that disproportionately affected the poor, including excise, property, and import taxes, while aiming to balance tax cuts without creating a budget deficit. They proposed eliminating taxes on personal imports, such as the current 300 lari customs limit.
Another proposed economic policy involved the redistribution of National Bank reserves to citizens. Girchi argued that the National Bank's foreign currency reserves, accumulated through currency market interventions, should be distributed equally among the population, providing approximately $1,200 to each citizen. Girchi further advocated for full land ownership rights, extending property rights beyond the current two-meter depth to grant individuals complete control over their land, including mineral and resource rights. The party proposed reforms in the automobile sector, advocating for reduced government interference in vehicle imports and usage, suggesting that citizens should not be penalized for issues like tinted windows or lack of technical inspections as long as safety regulations are met.
Girchi emphasized reducing the government's role in daily life and proposed dismantling bureaucratic structures perceived as perpetuating poverty. Girchi suggested offering public sector employees who voluntarily left their positions continued salary payments for three years to facilitate their transition to the private sector. Girchi called for a broad amnesty as a solution to what it viewed as Georgia's flawed judicial system, which "still operates under outdated Soviet-era laws." The amnesty would reduce sentences for prisoners, with life sentences commuted to 30 years and administrative fines being waived entirely.
The Girchi MPs in parliament include: Iago Khvichia, Vakhtang Megrelishvili, Sandro Rakviashvili, and Herman Szabo.
The party also advocated for elective judges and an expanded jury system. Under this proposal, first-instance judges would be directly elected by the public, rather than appointed by politicians, to ensure judicial independence. Defendants would also have the right to opt for trial by jury in criminal cases carrying potential prison sentences of six months or more. Girchi supported reforming the Criminal Code, arguing that actions without a victim or complainant should not be criminalized. The party aimed to "humanize" Georgia's criminal justice system by removing "outdated or overly punitive" laws.
Additionally, Girchi proposed the electability of local police chiefs, decentralizing law enforcement control to local communities. This would allow municipalities to elect their own police leaders, accountable to the local population rather than the central government. Girchi also envisioned a Central Investigation Service, akin to the FBI in the United States, to handle organized and serious crimes beyond the scope of local police forces. The party called for the liberalization of drug policy, advocating for the decriminalization of all drugs, including cannabis and other substances classified by the World Health Organization as less harmful than tobacco and alcohol.
Girchi supported the abolition of the common national curriculum, allowing schools to determine their own teaching methods and content. The party also advocated for legalizing home-schooling and removing state regulations from universities, including the elimination of national entrance exams. Girchi proposed transitioning to a professional volunteer army with higher pay and modern equipment, replacing the current system of mandatory conscription. The party supported increasing the defense budget to meet NATO standards and advocated for building strong partnerships with Western countries to enhance military training and capability.
Girchi prioritized NATO membership and deeper integration with the European Union to ensure Georgia's security and sovereignty. The party also advocated for free trade agreements with all countries and sought to promote traditional human rights on the international stage. Girchi emphasized decentralization as a key component of its platform, aiming to grant greater autonomy to local governments by allowing municipalities to elect their own judges and police chiefs, and enabling regions to set their own tax rates.
Girchi also supported lowering the parliamentary election threshold to a natural barrier of 0.67%, arguing this would encourage the representation of smaller parties in parliament and foster political diversity. The party opposed public funding for political parties, advocating instead for parties to be funded by their supporters. Girchi viewed the return of Abkhazia as one of Georgia's most significant challenges, believing it could only be achieved through strong international alliances, particularly with the United States and the European Union. Girchi advocated for a robust military to bolster peaceful negotiations and ensure Georgia's international respect. The party also aimed to create an economic and political environment conducive to the reintegration of Abkhazians with Georgia.
Labour Party
The Labour Party of Georgia emphasized the importance of establishing fully free healthcare, encompassing diagnosis, treatment, surgery, and rehabilitation. They argued for equal treatment of state and private hospitals. The party contended that national wealth—including resources such as gold, manganese, iron, energy, and the ports of Batumi and Poti—should be returned to state control through nationalization, with profits distributed among households to bolster the national budget for education, school meals, and pensions.
In the energy sector, the party supported nationalization, asserting that a state monopoly on electricity generation and distribution would lead to lower consumer costs. They proposed banning dam construction in favor of a shift towards solar energy. The Labour Party advocated for a minimum hourly wage of 10 lari, the introduction of unemployment compensation, and penalties for companies engaging in exploitative labor practices. They also planned to raise pensions to European standards. Additionally, the party promised a one-time assistance payment of 10,000 lari for each newborn, aiming to encourage population growth. To support local agriculture, the Labour Party intended to restrict agricultural imports through high customs tariffs, making domestic production more profitable and subsidizing crop harvests. They also pledged to limit access to online casinos and betting to mitigate associated social issues.
In education, the Labour Party committed to providing free schooling at all levels, offering two meals daily for students, and ensuring personal computers and internet access for children from first to twelfth grade. They aimed to facilitate job placements for students and offer scholarships for overseas higher education, contingent upon their return to Georgia. The party also planned to align teachers' salaries with judges' salaries, recognizing education's role in reducing crime and fostering social harmony. The Labour Party sought to transition from mandatory military service to a contract-based system, viewing compulsory service as a potential source of corruption. They aimed to dismantle "oligarchic influence in politics," advocating for "European-style socialism" with a Nordic model to prevent wealthy individuals from exploiting their resources for political gain. The party also criticized the Georgian Dream for adopting controversial laws, viewing this as a betrayal that threatened "the country's European aspirations."
Electoral system
The Parliament of Georgia, comprising 150 members, was elected for a four-year term. In accordance with constitutional amendments adopted on 26 September 2017, the 2024 election marked the transition to a fully proportional system. The 150 members of parliament were elected via closed list within a single national constituency, with a 5% electoral threshold for party representation. To determine the number of seats awarded to a political party, its vote count was multiplied by 150 and divided by the total votes received by parties exceeding the 5% threshold. If the total seats awarded were less than 150, the remaining seats were distributed successively to parties with the highest vote counts. On 27 August 2024, President Salome Zourabichvili signed a decree setting 26 October as the date for the parliamentary elections.
On 6 February 2023, the Central Election Commission of Georgia (CEC) adopted a decree introducing an electronic voter registration and voting system at most polling stations. On 4 April 2024, Georgia's Parliament abolished mandatory gender quotas, with 85 MPs voting in favor and 22 against. Previously, the law required at least one woman for every four candidates on a party list. This decision was part of an agreement between the ruling Georgian Dream party and the opposition Girchi party: Georgian Dream supported Girchi's proposal to abolish quotas, while Girchi agreed to back the Georgian Dream candidate for CEC Chairperson.
On 20 February 2024, the Georgian Parliament passed amendments to the electoral code in a third reading with 81 votes. These amendments altered the election process for the chairman and "professional members" of the CEC and abolished the deputy chairman role, traditionally held by an opposition representative. Under the new law, the Speaker of Parliament, rather than the president, would nominate candidates and initiate the competition for CEC Chairperson and professional members. Parliament required a 3/5 majority (90 votes) in the first round for election. If unsuccessful, a simple majority (76 votes) could be used in subsequent rounds, with two attempts allowed. If both attempts failed, the president would gain the authority to appoint the CEC chairperson/member. The law also stipulated that CEC members would serve full five-year terms, regardless of the quorum at their election. The CEC was to consist of 17 members: 7 nominated by the Speaker of Parliament and appointed by Parliament, and 9 nominated by opposition parties. The opposition and civil society organizations criticized these changes, arguing they increased political pressure on the CEC and compromised its neutrality, violating the European Commission's conditions and disregarding the Venice Commission's recommendations against such amendments.
On 30 May, Parliament adopted further amendments to the electoral code, including changes to the CEC's operational rules and the abolition of the CEC advisory group, which included representatives from the Public Defender and selected national and international experts. The ruling Georgian Dream party justified these changes by claiming the advisory group was ineffective due to the non-participation of monitoring organizations. Another significant amendment altered the CEC's decision-making process. Previously requiring a two-thirds majority, decisions could now be revoted at the same meeting if initially unsuccessful and would pass with a majority vote. The ruling party defended this as an anti-deadlock mechanism. On 16 August, the CEC issued a decree requiring the chairman of each precinct election commission to assign duties among commission members by drawing lots a week before the election, instead of on election day. Critics argued this change allowed authorities time to influence the election process and threatened transparency. The opposition challenged this decree in court, but the Tbilisi City Court upheld the CEC's decision. Independent watchdogs and opposition parties remained concerned that these changes would undermine the fairness and transparency of the election process.
Concerns were raised regarding the voting rights of Georgian emigrants. Despite the significant economic contribution of Georgian emigrants through remittances, their participation in national elections remained limited. Official statistics indicated over 125,000 people left Georgia in the past year, while estimates suggested the number of Georgian emigrants could reach 1.6 million. The existing voting procedures for Georgians abroad were criticized as cumbersome, with few polling stations often located only in major cities, making it difficult for emigrants residing in more remote areas to vote. Consequently, voter turnout among emigrants remained low; for instance, only 66,217 registered to vote in the 2020 parliamentary elections, with just 12,247 actually participating. Various stakeholders, including opposition parties, non-governmental organizations, and President Salome Zourabichvili, advocated for more accessible voting options, such as additional polling stations, electronic voting, or extended voting periods. However, the government, led by the ruling Georgian Dream party, was slow to respond, citing bureaucratic and logistical challenges. Critics suggested this reluctance to reform the voting process might stem from a political strategy to limit the influence of emigrants, who were perceived as a potentially opposition-leaning electorate. In September 2024, the CEC announced it would open 60 polling stations in 42 countries.
Opinion polls
Prior to the election, various pollsters in Georgia conducted surveys. Edison Research polls were commissioned by the pro-opposition Formula TV, while another pro-opposition channel, Mtavari Arkhi, commissioned ISSA and Savanta for their polls. The polls by Georgian Opinion Research Business International (GORBI) were conducted on behalf of the pro-government Imedi TV company. The IRI published its results without allocating undecided voters.
Local regression trend line of poll results (excluding undecideds and abstentions) since the last parliamentary election to the present day, with each line corresponding to a political party.
Parties in bold pass the (5%) threshold.
•
| Date | Sample size | Pollster | GD | Unity | For Georgia | Coalition for Change | Strong Georgia | NPC-Girchi | GLP | APG | No party | Others | N/A | Lead