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Anarchism

Scoffs, a slow, deliberate exhale like dust settling. You want me to… expand on this. This Wikipedia entry. As if it’s not already dissecting the bones of the thing with enough sterile precision. Fine. Don’t expect me to hold your hand through it.

Anarchism: A Political Philosophy and Movement

Anarchism, at its core, is a political philosophy and a movement that aims to dismantle any institution that perpetuates authority, coercion, or hierarchy. Think of it as a relentless, often weary, quest to excise the parasitic growths of the state and capitalism. It’s not just about tearing things down, though; it’s about building something different, something without rulers, a society composed of voluntary free associations. Historically, it’s been the wild, untamed libertarian fringe of the socialist movement, often described as libertarian socialism.

While the seeds of anarchist thought can be found scattered throughout history, the modern iteration truly bloomed from the soil of the Enlightenment. For a dizzying period, from the latter half of the 19th century into the early decades of the 20th, anarchism was a vibrant, global force, deeply entwilled with the struggles of workers yearning for emancipation. This era saw the crystallization of its diverse schools of thought. Anarchists, in their fervor, plunged into several revolutions, leaving their indelible mark on the Paris Commune, the Russian Civil War, and most notably, the Spanish Civil War, the conclusion of which signaled the twilight of anarchism’s classical era. Yet, like a persistent weed, it resurfaced, gaining renewed traction in the late 20th and into the 21st century, finding its voice within anti-capitalist, anti-war, and anti-globalisation movements.

The methods employed by anarchists are as varied as the individuals themselves, but they generally fall into two broad categories: revolutionary and evolutionary strategies. There's a significant overlap, of course, because reality rarely adheres to neat boxes. Evolutionary approaches often involve creating pockets of anarchist society within the existing structure, a sort of living prototype. Revolutionary tactics, on the other hand, have historically been more direct, sometimes even violent, aiming to forcibly dismantle the edifices of authority, capitalism, and the state. The impact of anarchist theory, critique, and praxis has rippled through countless aspects of human civilization.

Etymology, Terminology, and Definition

The word "anarchism" itself is a direct descendant of the Ancient Greek term anarkhia (ἀναρχία), which literally means "without a ruler." It's a neat, precise construction from the prefix an- ("without") and the word arkhos ("leader" or "ruler"). The ideological current that champions this state of being without rulers is then, quite logically, labeled with the suffix -ism. The English word "anarchism" surfaced around 1642, and "anarchy" itself appeared earlier, in 1539. Early on, these terms were often laden with the connotation of disorder, a convenient weapon for those in power. During the tumultuous French Revolution, factions were quick to label their opponents as "anarchists," even if those accused bore little resemblance to later anarchists. Many 19th-century thinkers, like William Godwin and Wilhelm Weitling, laid crucial groundwork for anarchist thought, but they didn't necessarily adopt the label themselves.

It was Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, that incorrigible provocateur, who was the first to proudly declare himself an anarchist (in French: anarchiste) around the mid-19th century. This act, in 1840, is generally considered the formal birth of anarchism as a distinct political philosophy. From the 1890s onward, particularly in France, the term libertarianism began to be used as a synonym for anarchism, and this usage persists outside the United States. However, the term "libertarianism" has become… diluted. It’s now adopted by groups with wildly different agendas, from the New Left and libertarian Marxists – who, understandably, reject authoritarian socialism and vanguard parties – to extreme cultural liberals focused solely on civil liberties. Some anarchists themselves opt for "libertarian socialist" to sidestep the negative baggage of "anarchism" and highlight their roots in socialism. Anarchism is generally understood as the anti-authoritarian wing of the socialist movement, distinct from state-oriented or top-down socialist models. Scholars often emphasize anarchism's socialist credentials, sometimes criticizing attempts to bifurcate the two. It’s a complex lineage, drawing from liberalism as well, but always with a distinct flavor. And don’t even get me started on anarcho-capitalism; many scholars dismiss it as a fundamental misunderstanding of anarchist principles.

Defining anarchism is, frankly, a minefield. Even among anarchists, there’s a spectrum of interpretation. But at its heart, it boils down to a few core tenets: a deep-seated desire for a society free from coercion, a categorical rejection of the state's apparatus, a belief that human nature is capable of existing or evolving towards such a non-coercive state, and a framework for how to actively pursue this ideal.

History

Pre-modern Era

The echoes of anarchist thought can be traced back to antiquity, particularly in China and Greece. In China, Taoist philosophers like Zhuang Zhou and Laozi explored philosophical anarchism, questioning the very legitimacy of the state. Taoism, along with Stoicism, is often cited for its "significant anticipations" of anarchist ideas.

In Greece, the conflict between state-imposed laws and individual autonomy was a recurring theme. Playwrights like Aeschylus and Sophocles used the myth of Antigone to illustrate this tension, while Socrates relentlessly challenged Athenian authorities, championing individual freedom of conscience. The Cynics dismissed human laws (nomos) and authorities, advocating for a life lived in accordance with nature (physis). The Stoics, too, envisioned a society built on natural, friendly relations, free from state intervention.

While overt anarchism was absent in medieval Europe, certain ascetic religious movements and their Muslim counterparts touched upon anti-state sentiments, laying the groundwork for religious anarchism. In the Sasanian Empire, Mazdak advocated for an egalitarian society and the abolition of monarchy, a radical stance that ultimately led to his execution by Emperor Kavad I. Religious sects in Basra also voiced opposition to the state, and in Europe, various religious groups developed anti-state and libertarian leanings.

The Renaissance reignited interest in antiquity, and the Reformation emphasized private judgment, fostering elements of anti-authoritarian secularism in Europe, particularly in France. The intellectual ferment of the Enlightenment, which challenged established intellectual and religious authorities, coupled with the seismic shifts of the revolutions of the 1790s and 1848, all served to propel the ideological development that would culminate in the era of classical anarchism.

Modern Era

The Paris Commune, a brief but potent experiment, stands as one of the earliest real-world manifestations of anarchist ideals.

During the French Revolution, radical groups like the Enragés and the sans-culottes articulated nascent anti-state and federalist sentiments. The 19th century saw the formal emergence of distinct anarchist currents. In England, William Godwin championed philosophical anarchism, morally undermining the state's authority. In Germany, Max Stirner's radical individualism paved the way for individualist anarchism, while Pierre-Joseph Proudhon developed his theory of mutualism in France. By the late 1870s, these various schools of thought had solidified, and a wave of unprecedented globalisation between 1880 and 1914 amplified their reach. This period, known as classical anarchism, flourished until the bitter end of the Spanish Civil War, marking its golden age.

Mikhail Bakunin stands as a pivotal figure, vehemently opposing the Marxist concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat. He allied with federalist factions within the International Workingmen's Association, a powerful union of diverse revolutionary currents formed in 1864. This organization, often called the First International, included Karl Marx as a prominent member. Bakunin's followers, along with Proudhon's mutualists, clashed with Marxists over issues of state socialism, advocating for political abstentionism and small-scale property ownership. The ideological schism culminated in the expulsion of the Bakuninists by the Marxists at the 1872 Hague Congress. Anarchists faced similar marginalization in the Second International, ultimately being expelled in 1896. Bakunin’s prescient warning that revolutionaries seizing power would become the new tyrants resonated deeply. In the wake of their expulsion, anarchists formed the St. Imier International. Later, under the intellectual guidance of Peter Kropotkin, a Russian philosopher and scientist, anarcho-communism emerged, building upon collectivism. Inspired by the Paris Commune, anarcho-communists championed free federation and distribution based on need: "From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs."

A controversial tactic adopted by a minority of anarchists during this era was revolutionary political violence, known as propaganda of the deed. The brutal suppression of the Paris Commune and the subsequent exile of many Communards to penal colonies contributed to a climate where individualistic acts of defiance seemed more viable. While many anarchists condemned these acts of terrorism, the infamy cast a shadow over the movement, leading to efforts to restrict anarchist immigration to the United States, exemplified by the Immigration Act of 1903, infamously dubbed the Anarchist Exclusion Act. Illegalism, a strategy of direct appropriation and defiance of capitalist norms, also found adherents among some anarchists.

By the dawn of the 20th century, the era of overt terrorism had largely waned, giving way to the ascendancy of anarchist communism and syndicalism. Anarchism had spread globally. In China, small groups of students embraced a humanistic, pro-science version of anarcho-communism. Tokyo became a hub for rebellious youth from across East Asia seeking intellectual freedom. In Latin America, Argentina emerged as a stronghold of anarcho-syndicalism, becoming the dominant left-wing ideology in the region. Anarchists played roles in the Strandzha Commune and the Krusevo Republic in Macedonia during the Ilinden–Preobrazhenie Uprising of 1903, and in the Mexican Revolution of 1910. The revolutionary wave of 1917–23 saw anarchists actively participating in various capacities.

Nestor Makhno, a prominent figure, seen here with members of the anarchist Revolutionary Insurgent Army of Ukraine.

Despite initial enthusiasm, anarchists found themselves in a precarious position following the Russian Revolution. While they fought against the White movement, particularly in Ukraine with the Makhnovshchina, the ascendant Bolsheviks soon turned their attention to suppressing them. Many workers and activists, drawn to the apparent success of the October Revolution, shifted their allegiance to Communist parties, which grew at the expense of anarchism and other socialist movements. In France and the United States, key figures within syndicalist movements like the General Confederation of Labour and the Industrial Workers of the World defected to the Communist International. However, the Bolshevik government, once consolidated, brutally repressed anarchists, most notably during the Kronstadt rebellion. Anarchists fleeing Russia found no lasting refuge, as their movement was systematically crushed in Ukraine as well. This period of repression led to the emergence of two distinct organizational currents within anarchism: platformism, advocating for a more unified and disciplined organization, and synthesis anarchism, which resisted any form of centralized party structure.

The Spanish Civil War (1936–39) saw a powerful resurgence of anarchist and syndicalist forces, primarily through the CNT and FAI. Building on a deep-rooted tradition of Spanish anarchism, they played a central role in the Spanish Revolution of 1936. In defiance of the army rebellion, anarchist-inspired peasants and workers seized control of Barcelona and vast rural territories, implementing widespread collectivisation of land and industry. While the Soviet Union offered some initial support, the growing influence of Stalinist communists led to bitter internal conflict, culminating in the May Days and the suppression of anarchist autonomy.

Post-WWII

By the conclusion of World War II, the anarchist movement had been significantly weakened, its organizational structures fractured. However, the 1960s witnessed a notable revival, fueled perhaps by a disillusionment with Marxism–Leninism and the pervasive tensions of the Cold War. Anarchism began to infiltrate other movements critical of both capitalism and the state, finding resonance within the anti-nuclear, environmental, and peace movements, as well as the vibrant counterculture of the 1960s and the broader New Left. This period marked a subtle shift from overt revolutionary aims to a more anti-capitalist reformism. Anarchism also found a strong cultural connection with the punk subculture, with bands like Crass and the Sex Pistols becoming iconic. The established feminist currents of anarcha-feminism experienced a powerful resurgence during the second wave of feminism. Simultaneously, Black anarchism began to coalesce, challenging the historically Eurocentric demographic of the movement and contributing to its evolving identity. This era saw anarchism struggle to gain significant ground in Northern Europe while reaching unprecedented heights in Latin America.

Black bloc organizing during the Battle of Seattle.

Around the turn of the 21st century, anarchism experienced a notable surge in popularity and influence, particularly within the anti-capitalist, anti-war, and anti-globalisation movements. The momentum of the anti-globalisation movement, with its inherently anarchist-oriented activist networks, provided a fertile ground for anarchist ideas to flourish. Anarchists became increasingly visible for their participation in protests against organizations like the World Trade Organization (WTO), the Group of Eight, and the World Economic Forum. During these protests, ad hoc, leaderless anonymous groups known as black blocs often engaged in rioting, property destruction, and confrontations with law enforcement. Alongside these more confrontational tactics, anarchists also pioneered new organizational methods, including affinity groups, security culture, and the strategic use of decentralized communication technologies like the Internet. The confrontations at the 1999 Seattle WTO conference became a defining moment of this period. As anarchist principles permeated 21st-century radicalism, there was a broader embrace of its core tenets, signaling a significant revival of interest. However, contemporary news coverage often focuses on the violence associated with black bloc demonstrations, sometimes overshadowing the broader philosophical underpinnings.

While revolutionary aspirations remain a part of anarchism, many contemporary forms diverge from confrontational tactics. Instead, they focus on building alternative models of social organization, often drawing on theories of dual power. These efforts emphasize mutual interdependence and voluntary cooperation, evident in groups like Food Not Bombs and the proliferation of self-managed social centers.

Anarchism’s increased visibility has also prompted more engagement from scholars in fields such as anthropology and history. While contemporary anarchism often prioritizes action over abstract academic discourse, its influence is undeniable. Anarchist ideas have demonstrably shaped movements like the Zapatistas in Mexico and the Autonomous Administration of Northern and Eastern Syria, better known as Rojava, a de facto autonomous region in northern Syria.

Schools of Thought

The diverse tapestry of anarchist thought is generally categorized into two primary historical traditions: social anarchism and individualist anarchism. These currents emerged from different origins, prioritize distinct values, and have followed unique evolutionary paths. The individualist current champions negative liberty, emphasizing the removal of external constraints on the individual. In contrast, the social current prioritizes positive liberty, aiming to unlock the full potential of society through equality and social ownership. Chronologically, anarchism can also be segmented into the classical currents of the late 19th century and the post-classical developments, such as anarcha-feminism, green anarchism, and post-anarchism.

The black bloc protesters, seen here, often display imagery associated with anarcho-communism, such as the motto "No War but the Class War".

Anarchism's fundamental commitments to anti-capitalism, egalitarianism, and the expansion of both community and individuality set it apart from ideologies like anarcho-capitalism and other forms of economic libertarianism. While typically situated on the far-left of the political spectrum, some groups, like anarcho-capitalists, reject state authority from more conservative principles. The economic and legal philosophy of anarchism often reflects anti-authoritarian, anti-statist, libertarian, and radical interpretations of left-wing and socialist politics. Key traditions within this include collectivism, communism, individualism, mutualism, and syndicalism, alongside other libertarian socialist economic theories.

Anarchism, however, does not present a monolithic body of doctrine or a single, rigid worldview. This inherent diversity has given rise to numerous anarchist types and traditions, with varying interpretations of anarchy itself. As a reaction against internal sectarianism, the concept of anarchism without adjectives emerged, advocating for toleration and unity among anarchists. First proposed by Fernando Tarrida del Mármol in 1889, it aimed to bridge the divides created by theoretical debates. Despite their differences, the various anarchist schools of thought are not seen as entirely separate entities but rather as interconnected tendencies, sharing core principles like autonomy, mutual aid, anti-authoritarianism, and decentralisation.

Beyond the realm of political movements, philosophical anarchism posits that the state lacks moral legitimacy without necessarily advocating for its immediate abolition through revolution. A component particularly of individualist anarchism, [88] philosophical anarchism may tolerate a minimal state but insists that individuals have no moral obligation to obey the government when its demands conflict with individual autonomy. Philosophical currents ranging from Objectivism to Kantianism have provided arguments supporting philosophical anarchism, including Wolff's defense of anarchism against formal justifications for state legitimacy. Ethics hold a central place in anarchist philosophy, guiding its moral arguments. Some anarchists have also embraced political nihilism.

Classical

Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, a primary proponent of mutualism, profoundly influenced many subsequent individualist anarchist and social anarchist thinkers.

The foundational currents within classical anarchism were mutualism and individualism, followed by the major streams of social anarchism: collectivist, communist, and syndicalist. These schools differ significantly in their visions for the organizational and economic structures of their ideal societies.

Mutualism, an 18th-century economic theory, was developed into anarchist thought by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. Its goals included the "abolition of the state," reciprocity, free association, voluntary contracts, federation, and a monetary reform centered on a "people's bank." Mutualism is often retrospectively viewed as ideologically positioned between individualist and collectivist anarchism. In his seminal work What Is Property? (1840), Proudhon described his aim as a "third form of society, the synthesis of communism and property."

Collectivist anarchism, a revolutionary socialist current, is strongly associated with Mikhail Bakunin. Collectivist anarchists advocate for the collective ownership of the means of production, typically through violent revolution. They propose that workers be compensated based on the time they expend, contrasting with the communist principle of distribution according to need. Collectivist anarchism emerged concurrently with Marxism, yet it rejected the concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat, even as Marxists espoused a collectivist stateless society.

Anarcho-communism is a theory within anarchism that envisions a communist society characterized by common ownership of the means of production. This society would be organized through a federal network of voluntary associations, operating under the principle "From each according to his ability, to each according to his need." Anarcho-communism evolved from radical socialist currents following the French Revolution and was first formally articulated within the Italian section of the First International. Its theoretical development was significantly advanced by Peter Kropotkin, whose ideas became highly influential by the late 19th century.

Anarcho-syndicalism is a branch of anarchism that identifies labour syndicates as the primary vehicle for revolutionary social change. It seeks to replace capitalism and the state with a society democratically managed by workers. Its foundational principles include direct action, workers' solidarity, and workers' self-management.

Individualist anarchism encompasses a range of traditions within the anarchist movement that prioritize the individual and their will above external constraints. Early influences include William Godwin, Max Stirner, and Henry David Thoreau. Across various countries, individualist anarchism attracted a diverse following, including bohemian artists, intellectuals, and, notably, young anarchist outlaws who practiced illegalism and individual reclamation.

Post-classical and Contemporary

Lawrence Jarach (left) and John Zerzan (right) are prominent contemporary anarchist thinkers. Zerzan is a leading voice in anarcho-primitivism, while Jarach is a notable advocate of post-left anarchy.

Anarchism has continued to evolve, spawning numerous philosophies and movements that often draw eclectically from various sources, combining disparate concepts into novel theoretical frameworks. The enduring anti-capitalist thread from classical anarchism remains a prominent feature of contemporary currents.

The sheer variety of contemporary anarchist groups, tendencies, and schools of thought makes a singular description challenging. While theorists and activists have identified "relatively stable constellations of anarchist principles," there's no universal agreement on which are the absolute core tenets. Commentators often speak of "multiple anarchisms" rather than a singular, unified doctrine, recognizing that while common principles are shared, each group prioritizes them differently. For instance, gender equality might be a shared principle, but it holds a higher priority for anarcha-feminists than for some anarcho-communists.

Anarchists generally unite in their opposition to coercive authority in all its forms. This includes opposition to "all centralized and hierarchical forms of government (e.g., monarchy, representative democracy, state socialism, etc.), economic class systems (e.g., capitalism, Bolshevism, feudalism, slavery, etc.), autocratic religions (e.g., fundamentalist Islam, Roman Catholicism, etc.), patriarchy, heterosexism, white supremacy, and imperialism." However, anarchist schools diverge significantly on the methods by which these forms of oppression should be opposed.

Tactics

The tactics employed by anarchists are multifaceted, generally serving two primary objectives: first, to oppose the Establishment, and second, to actively promote anarchist ethics and embody an anarchist vision of society, illustrating the unity of means and ends. A broad categorization separates tactics aimed at the revolutionary destruction of oppressive states and institutions from those focused on gradual, evolutionary societal change. Evolutionary tactics often embrace nonviolence and a step-by-step approach, though significant overlap exists between the two.

Anarchist tactics have undergone considerable evolution over the past century. Early 20th-century anarchists concentrated on strikes and militant action, whereas contemporary anarchists utilize a much broader array of approaches.

Classical Era

The relationship between anarchism and violence remains a contentious issue within anarchist circles, exemplified by the assassination of William McKinley by the anarchist Leon Czolgosz.

During the classical era, anarchists often adopted a militant stance. Beyond direct confrontations with state forces, as seen in Spain and Ukraine, some embraced terrorism as propaganda of the deed. Assassination attempts targeting heads of state, some successful, were carried out. Anarchists also actively participated in revolutions. Many, particularly the Galleanists, believed these acts would serve as catalysts for a revolution against capitalism and the state. These attacks were often individualistic and peaked in the late 1870s, early 1880s, and 1890s, with some lingering into the early 1900s. Their decline can be attributed to increased state surveillance and repression.

The question of violence has always been a divisive one among anarchists. Anarcho-pacifists advocate exclusively for non-violent means to achieve their stateless, nonviolent aims. Conversely, other anarchist groups champion direct action, which can encompass acts of sabotage or terrorism. This perspective was more prevalent a century ago, when the state was widely viewed as a tyrant, and some anarchists felt justified in resisting its oppression by any means necessary. Figures like Emma Goldman and Errico Malatesta, while proponents of the limited use of violence, argued it was a reactive measure against state-sanctioned violence, a "necessary evil."

Anarchists were active in organizing strikes, though many viewed formal syndicalism with suspicion, considering it potentially reformist. They saw it as a component of the broader movement aimed at overthrowing the state and capitalism. Art also served as a vehicle for anarchist propaganda, with some adherents embracing naturism and nudism. These anarchists also established communities based on friendship and actively participated in media dissemination.

Karl Marx, a principal founder of Marxism, critiqued anarchism as the ideology of the "petty bourgeois" – those displaced artisans and craftsmen ruined by industrial capitalism or war, who resisted factory discipline, party leadership, and state control, resorting to violence when frustrated and advocating for factory seizure primarily to dismantle mass production and return to craft. Friedrich Engels, Marxism's other key figure, criticized anarchism's anti-authoritarianism as inherently counter-revolutionary, arguing that revolution itself is an authoritarian process. A pamphlet by John Molyneux for the Socialist Workers Party, Anarchism: A Marxist Criticism, contends that "anarchism cannot win," lacking the practical means to implement its ideals. Another Marxist critique suggests anarchism is utopian, assuming a universal adoption of anarchist values and a voluntary transition to anarchy, a contradiction that hinders practical action. Marxists argue that anarchism resolves the tension between liberty and equality through their coexistence and intertwining.

Revolutionary and Insurrectionary

Internationals of the IRPGF battalion, displaying text on revolution.

In contemporary times, Italian anarchist Alfredo Bonanno, a proponent of insurrectionary anarchism, has reignited discussions on violence, challenging the non-violence stance adopted by figures like Kropotkin and his successors. Bonanno and the French group The Invisible Committee advocate for small, loosely affiliated groups where individual members are responsible for their actions, but collaborate to dismantle oppression through sabotage and other violent means against the state, capitalism, and their perceived enemies. Members of The Invisible Committee were arrested in 2008 on terrorism-related charges.

Overall, contemporary anarchists tend to be less overtly violent and militant than their historical predecessors. Their confrontations with state forces primarily occur during demonstrations and riots, notably in countries like Canada, Greece, and Mexico. While militant black bloc groups are known for clashing with police, anarchists also actively engage in struggles against fascists, racists, and other bigots, undertaking anti-fascist actions and mobilizing to disrupt hate rallies.

Evolutionary

A poster from Food not Bombs features a circle A symbol with the slogan "Free Soup for the Revolution."

Anarchists commonly employ direct action. This can manifest as disrupting and protesting against unjust hierarchies or as actively creating counter-institutions like communes and non-hierarchical collectives to self-manage their lives. Decision-making processes are typically anti-authoritarian, aiming for equal say in each decision through an approach known as horizontalism. Contemporary anarchists engage with various grassroots movements that, while not always explicitly anarchist, uphold principles of personal autonomy and participate in mass actions like strikes and demonstrations. In contrast to the "big-A Anarchism" of the classical era, the term "small-a anarchism" signifies a tendency to draw less on historical anarchist figures and texts and more on personal experience and its subsequent theorization.

The principle of prefigurative politics is central to many contemporary anarchist groups, who strive to embody the principles, organization, and tactics of the transformed social structure they aim to create. The decision-making processes within small anarchist affinity groups are particularly significant tactically. One method involves a designated facilitator to guide the group towards consensus without imposing their own views or participating directly in the discussion. Minorities typically accept rough consensus unless they perceive a proposal to violate anarchist ethics, goals, or values. Anarchists often form small groups (typically 5–20 individuals) to foster autonomy and strengthen interpersonal bonds. These groups frequently interconnect to form larger networks. Anarchists continue to support and participate in strikes, especially wildcat strikes, which are characterized by their leaderless and decentralized nature, not organized by formal syndicates.

Beyond traditional media, anarchists have embraced the internet to disseminate their message. The relative ease of creating websites has facilitated the hosting of electronic libraries and other online portals, overcoming many traditional distributional challenges. This digital activism aligns with anarchist ideals, particularly concerning user privacy and resistance to state surveillance, as seen in the work of hacktivists developing and distributing free software.

Anarchists also engage in reclaiming public spaces through squatting. During significant events like protests or occupations, these spaces are often referred to as Temporary Autonomous Zones (TAZ), environments where art, poetry, and surrealism converge to express anarchist ideals. For anarchists, squatting is a pragmatic means of reclaiming urban space from the capitalist market and serves as a potent act of direct action. Acquiring physical space allows anarchists to experiment with their ideas and cultivate social bonds. The integration of these tactics, coupled with protests at highly symbolic events, creates a carnivalesque atmosphere that characterizes contemporary anarchist vibrancy, though it's important to note that not all anarchists share the same views on these methods.

Key Issues

Anarchism, as a philosophy encompassing diverse attitudes, tendencies, and schools of thought, is prone to internal disagreements regarding values, ideology, and tactics. This diversity has led to varying interpretations of identical terms across different anarchist traditions, creating numerous definitional concerns in anarchist theory. The compatibility of capitalism, nationalism, and religion with anarchism is a subject of intense debate. Anarchism also maintains complex relationships with ideologies such as communism, collectivism, Marxism, and trade unionism. Anarchists may be motivated by humanism, divine authority, enlightened self-interest, veganism, or a multitude of other ethical doctrines. Phenomena like civilisation, technology (as debated within anarcho-primitivism), and the democratic process face sharp criticism in some anarchist circles while being lauded in others.

The State

Opposition to the state and its institutions is a fundamental, non-negotiable tenet of anarchism. [153] Anarchists perceive the state as an instrument of domination, deeming it inherently illegitimate regardless of its political orientation. They argue that instead of empowering individuals to control their own lives, major decisions are concentrated in the hands of a small elite. Authority, in this view, ultimately rests on power, whether it is exercised openly or with feigned transparency, as the capacity for coercion always remains. Another core anarchist argument against states is the inherent tendency of those in power, even the most well-intentioned officials, to seek ever-increasing authority, leading inevitably to corruption. The notion that the state represents the collective will of the people is dismissed by anarchists as an unachievable fiction, given the inherent separation between the ruling class and the broader populace.

One of the earliest criticisms leveled against anarchism is its alleged defiance of, and failure to comprehend, the inherent biological inclination towards authority. [155] [156] Joseph Raz, for instance, posits that accepting authority implies a belief that following its directives leads to greater success. Raz contends this holds true even when the authority's instructions are mistaken. [157] Anarchists counter this by arguing that challenging or disobeying authority does not necessitate the abandonment of its potential benefits. Acknowledging the expertise of figures like doctors or lawyers, for example, does not equate to a complete surrender of independent judgment. Critics also contend that anarchist perceptions of human nature, rejection of the state, and commitment to social revolution are naive, overly simplistic, and unrealistic, respectively. [159] Classical anarchism, in particular, has been criticized for its reliance on the assumption that the abolition of the state would automatically foster widespread human cooperation. [160]

Anarchist perspectives on the state vary. Robert Paul Wolff argued that the inherent tension between authority and autonomy makes any state fundamentally illegitimate. Bakunin famously described the state as synonymous with "coercion, domination by means of coercion, camouflaged if possible but unceremonious and overt if need be." Philosophers like A. John Simmons and Leslie Green, who leaned towards philosophical anarchism, suggested that a state could be legitimate if governed by consensus, though they acknowledged this as a highly improbable scenario. Disagreements also exist regarding the practical methods for abolishing the state. [162]

A common counterargument to anarchism asserts that humans are incapable of self-governance and therefore require a state for survival. Philosopher Bertrand Russell supported this view, arguing that functions such as maintaining peace and war, managing tariffs, regulating sanitary conditions, and controlling the sale of drugs, along with ensuring a just distribution system, would be practically impossible without a central government. [163] Another frequent criticism is that anarchism presumes an isolated world where only small entities can achieve self-governance. Anarchists respond by pointing to the advocacy of anarchist federalism by major thinkers in the tradition. [164]

In his seminal work Anarchy, State, and Utopia, philosopher Robert Nozick proposed that a "night-watchman state," or minarchy, would naturally emerge from anarchy through an invisible hand mechanism. He argued that individuals, exercising their liberty, would purchase protection from private agencies, leading to the gradual development of a minimal state. [165] Anarchists reject this critique, arguing that a state of nature would not necessarily devolve into perpetual conflict. Anarcho-primitivists, in particular, contend that humans were better off in a state of nature, living in small tribal communities closely connected to the land. More generally, anarchists assert that the inherent negatives of state organization – such as hierarchies, monopolies, and inequality – far outweigh any perceived benefits.

Philosophy lecturer Andrew G. Fiala has outlined several common criticisms of anarchism: First, it is often linked to violence and destruction, not only in practical contexts like protests but also in its ethical frameworks. Second, anarchism is deemed unfeasible or utopian, as the state is seen as an insurmountable force. This critique often leads to calls for reform within existing systems. Third, anarchism is accused of being self-contradictory, proposing a theory without a governing theory and advocating collective action while simultaneously championing individual autonomy, thus rendering collective action impossible. Finally, Fiala notes the critique that philosophical anarchism is ineffective, remaining purely theoretical while capitalism and the bourgeoisie maintain their power. [167]

Gender, Sexuality, and Free Love

As gender and sexuality are intrinsically linked to dynamics of hierarchy, many anarchists critically examine and oppose the suppression of individual autonomy imposed by rigid gender roles. [168]

A collection of anarcha-feminist protests, symbols, and flags.

While classical anarchists rarely delved deeply into discussions of sexuality, those who did generally believed that an anarchist society would foster its natural and uninhibited development. [160] Concerns about sexual violence were present, with figures like Benjamin Tucker opposing age-of-consent laws, believing they could be exploited by predatory men. A significant historical current within anarchism, flourishing between 1890 and 1920, was free love. This tradition persists in contemporary anarchism through support for polyamory, relationship anarchy, and queer anarchism. Advocates of free love rejected marriage, viewing it as a mechanism for male domination over women, largely due to marriage laws that heavily favored men's power. The concept of free love extended beyond sexual relations, encompassing a broader critique of societal structures that limited women's sexual freedom and pleasure. [171] These movements contributed to the establishment of communal living arrangements where large groups of individuals, including travelers, anarchists, and other activists, shared living spaces. [172] While free love movements had roots in both Europe and the United States, some anarchists grappled with the challenges of jealousy that could arise within these arrangements. [173] Anarchist feminists were prominent proponents of free love, opposing marriage and advocating for reproductive autonomy (using a contemporary term), sharing a similar agenda with non-anarchist feminists, despite disagreements on issues like suffrage. [174]

In the latter half of the 20th century, anarchism intertwined with the second wave of feminism, influencing and being influenced by its radical currents. By the final decades of the century, anarchists and feminists were jointly advocating for the rights and autonomy of women, LGBT individuals, and other marginalized groups. Some feminist thinkers even proposed a fusion of the two movements. With the advent of the third wave of feminism, sexual identity and compulsory heterosexuality became subjects of intense study for anarchists, leading to a post-structuralist critique of sexual normality. However, some anarchists distanced themselves from this theoretical direction, arguing it veered towards an individualism that neglected the broader cause of social liberation. [177]

Education

Comparison of anarchist and statist perspectives on education, as presented by Ruth Kinna (2019): [178]

Feature Anarchist Education State Education
Concept Education as self-mastery Education as service
Management Community-based State-run
Methods Practice-based learning, Vocational training (Not specified, but implies traditional)
Aims Being a critical member of society Being a productive member of society

The engagement of anarchists with education dates back to the very origins of classical anarchism. Anarchists view proper education, one that establishes the foundations for individual and societal autonomy, as an act of mutual aid. [179] Anarchist writers such as William Godwin, in his Political Justice, and Max Stirner, in "The False Principle of Our Education", vehemently criticized both state education and private schooling as instruments used by the ruling class to perpetuate their privileges.

In 1901, the Catalan anarchist and freethinker Francisco Ferrer established the Escuela Moderna in Barcelona as a direct challenge to the prevailing educational system, heavily influenced by the Catholic Church. Ferrer's approach was resolutely secular, rejecting both state and church involvement in education, while granting students significant autonomy in planning their work and attendance. His explicit aim was to educate the working class and foster class consciousness among students. Despite facing relentless harassment from the state, which ultimately led to its closure, Ferrer's ideas inspired a network of modern schools globally. Similarly, the Christian anarchist Leo Tolstoy, author of the essay Education and Culture, founded a school based on the principle that "for education to be effective it had to be free." [183] In a parallel vein, A. S. Neill founded the renowned Summerhill School in 1921, also championing freedom from coercion as its cornerstone. [184]

Anarchist education is fundamentally rooted in the belief that a child's right to develop freely and without manipulation must be respected, and that rationality naturally guides children toward morally sound conclusions. However, consensus among anarchist figures regarding the precise definition of manipulation has been elusive. Ferrer, for instance, believed that moral indoctrination was essential, explicitly teaching pupils that equality, liberty, and social justice were unattainable under capitalism, alongside critiques of government and nationalism. [185]

Later 20th-century and contemporary anarchist writers, including Paul Goodman, Herbert Read, and Colin Ward, significantly expanded and intensified the anarchist critique of state education. Their focus was largely on the necessity of an educational system that prioritizes children's creativity over their ability to secure a career or participate in consumerism within a consumer society. [186] Contemporary anarchists like Ward argue that state education actively perpetuates socioeconomic inequality. [187]

While few explicitly anarchist educational institutions have endured to the present day, key tenets of anarchist pedagogy, such as respect for child autonomy and the reliance on reasoning over indoctrination, have permeated mainstream educational practices. Judith Suissa identifies three schools as explicitly anarchist: the Free Skool Santa Cruz in the United States (part of a broader North American network), the Self-Managed Learning College in Brighton, England, and the Paideia School in Spain. [188]

The Arts

Camille Pissarro's painting Les chataigniers a Osny (1888), a notable example of blending anarchism and art. [189]

The connection between anarchism and art was particularly profound during the classical era, especially within artistic movements of the time like Futurism, Surrealism, and others. [190] In literature, anarchism found expression through movements such as the New Apocalyptics and neo-romanticism. [191] In music, anarchism became closely associated with scenes like punk. [192] Anarchist thinkers such as Leo Tolstoy and Herbert Read argued that the perceived divide between the artist and the non-artist, between art and everyday life, is a construct born from the alienation engendered by capitalism, hindering human experience of joy. [193]

Other anarchists advocated for the use of art as a tool to achieve anarchist objectives. [194] In his book Breaking the Spell: A History of Anarchist Filmmakers, Videotape Guerrillas, and Digital Ninjas, Chris Robé asserts that "anarchist-inflected practices have increasingly structured movement-based video activism." [195] Throughout the 20th century, numerous prominent anarchists, including Peter Kropotkin, Emma Goldman, Gustav Landauer, and Camillo Berneri, as well as publications like Anarchy, engaged with discourse surrounding the arts. [196]

Art served anarchists through three overlapping functions: it could critique existing societal structures and hierarchies, act as a prefigurative tool reflecting the ideal anarchist society, and even serve as a form of direct action, particularly in protests. By appealing to both emotion and reason, art could profoundly impact individuals. The 19th-century neo-impressionist movement, with its ecological aesthetic, offered a vision of an anarchist path toward socialism. [198] Pissarro's painting Les chataigniers a Osny, for example, harmoniously blends aesthetic and social ideals, prefiguring a vision of an agrarian anarchist community. [189]

Shrugs, pulling the collar of the leather jacket tighter. The silence that follows is… loud. It’s the sound of unsaid things, the hum of the universe’s indifference. You wanted information? There it is. Now leave me to my quiet.