← Back to home← Moapa Valley, Nevada

James M. Cox

James Middleton Cox. Another name to etch into the annals of history, or perhaps just another footnote in the grand, exhausting narrative of American ambition. He was a man who dabbled in nearly every facet of public life, from the gritty aroma of printer’s ink to the polished halls of governance, only to ultimately be remembered for losing the presidency of the United States in a rather spectacular fashion. Born with the rather quaint name James Monroe Cox, he later adopted "Middleton," perhaps in an attempt to sound more... substantial. A futile effort, as most are.

James Cox

Cox, c. 1920

Personal details

James Middleton Cox (March 31, 1870 – July 15, 1957) was an American figure who, depending on your perspective, either tirelessly served the public or relentlessly pursued his own interests, often blurring the lines between the two. He was a businessman of considerable acumen and a politician of fleeting national prominence, most notably serving as the 46th and 48th governor of Ohio. His career also included two terms as a U.S. Representative for Ohio. His defining moment, however, arrived and departed swiftly when he accepted the Democratic nomination for President of the United States in the 1920 presidential election, only to be utterly obliterated in a landslide by his fellow Ohioan, Warren G. Harding. A particularly ironic twist of fate, given both men's journalistic roots. His running mate, a young and ambitious man named Franklin D. Roosevelt, would later achieve the very office Cox so spectacularly failed to win. Beyond the political theater, Cox founded a chain of newspapers that, with remarkable resilience, continues to operate today as Cox Enterprises, a formidable media conglomerate.

Hailing from and nurtured by the fertile grounds of Ohio, Cox’s journey began not in the lofty halls of power, but in the rather more mundane world of newspaper production. He started as a simple copy reader, a role often overlooked, before ascending to the position of assistant to Congressman Paul J. Sorg. This stint in Washington, D.C. undoubtedly provided a valuable, if not entirely disillusioning, glimpse into the mechanics of national politics. It was as owner of the Dayton Daily News that Cox truly began to flex his entrepreneurial and reformist muscles. He introduced a plethora of innovations, transforming a struggling paper into a local powerhouse, and, with a zeal that could only come from a self-made man, launched a relentless crusade against the entrenched local Republican Party boss. This early career hints at the tenacity that would define his public life, a quality admirable in its relentless pursuit, if occasionally misguided.

His political career saw him serve in the United States House of Representatives from 1909 to 1913, a prelude to his more significant role as Governor of Ohio. As governor, Cox championed a series of progressive reforms, a testament to the era's pervasive belief in the perfectibility of society through legislation. He also, perhaps predictably, aligned himself with Woodrow Wilson's handling of World War I and its chaotic aftermath, a stance that would prove both principled and politically hazardous.

The 1920 Democratic National Convention saw Cox emerge as the party's nominee for president, a grueling process that required 44 ballots. Running alongside the aforementioned Franklin D. Roosevelt, Cox was destined to experience one of the most decisive popular vote defeats in American history, a staggering 26.17% margin, unmatched since the rather less competitive re-election of James Monroe in 1820. Sometimes, the universe just decides you're not the main character.

Following this electoral drubbing, Cox, with a pragmatism born of necessity, retired from direct public office. His focus shifted back to his burgeoning media conglomerate, a venture that proved far more successful than his presidential ambitions. His empire expanded beyond Ohio, reaching into various cities, and by 1939, it spanned from his initial base in Dayton all the way to Miami. Though no longer holding elected office, Cox remained a political animal, actively supporting Franklin D. Roosevelt's campaigns and even participating in the 1933 London Economic Conference, a testament to the enduring allure of influence, even without the title.

Early life and career

James Monroe Cox made his rather unassuming entrance into the world on a farm nestled near the almost imperceptibly small village of Jacksonburg in Butler County, Ohio, on March 31, 1870. He was the youngest of seven children born to Gilbert Cox and Eliza (née Andrew), a testament to the sheer fortitude of 19th-century families. The name "James Monroe Cox" was bestowed upon him at birth, a perfectly respectable, if somewhat bland, moniker. However, he later became known as James Middleton Cox, a slight alteration that some scholars speculate might have stemmed from a period of his early life spent in Middletown, Ohio. Whether this was a conscious rebranding or a simple geographical association remains a minor historical mystery, perhaps not worth losing sleep over. His formal education, much like his birthplace, was modest, confined to a one-room schoolhouse until the age of 16. A rather Spartan beginning for a man who would eventually wield considerable influence.

Life, as it often does, threw an early curveball when his parents divorced. In 1886, young Cox relocated with his mother, Eliza, to Middletown, a move that proved pivotal. It was there he began a journalistic apprenticeship at the Middletown Weekly Signal, under the tutelage of its publisher, John Q. Baker. This was his first taste of the ink-stained world that would become his lifelong passion and, ultimately, his empire.

By 1892, Cox had honed his skills sufficiently to secure a position at the esteemed Cincinnati Enquirer. He started as a copy reader on the telegraph desk, a role that required precision and a keen eye for detail in an era before instant digital news. He quickly progressed, transitioning to reporting on "spot news," a term that encompassed breaking stories, particularly those related to the railroads – the arteries of commerce and travel in late 19th-century America. The clatter of the telegraph and the urgency of breaking stories must have ignited something within him, a spark that foreshadowed his future endeavors.

A significant turning point arrived in 1894 when he became an assistant to Middletown businessman Paul J. Sorg, who had just been elected to the U.S. Congress. This three-year sojourn in Washington, D.C. offered Cox an invaluable, if not entirely romanticized, education in the machinations of national politics. It was an apprenticeship in power, observation, and networking, far more impactful than any formal university degree. Sorg, recognizing Cox's burgeoning talent and ambition, extended a crucial helping hand, assisting him in acquiring the struggling Dayton Evening News.

Cox, with a characteristic blend of foresight and relentless effort, immediately set about transforming his new acquisition. He shrewdly renamed it the Dayton Daily News and by 1900, had molded it into a highly successful afternoon newspaper, handily outperforming its competitors. His strategy was both innovative and pragmatic: he intensified coverage of local news, understanding its immediate relevance to his readership, while simultaneously expanding national, international, and sports reporting through the efficient Associated Press wire service. He introduced timely market quotes, including stock-exchange, grain, and livestock tables, catering to the commercial interests of the region. Furthermore, Cox pioneered several journalistic innovations, embracing a photo-journalistic approach to news, adding suburban columns to engage local communities, serializing books for reader retention, and incorporating popular inserts like McClure's Saturday magazine supplement. These were not merely cosmetic changes; they were strategic moves that cemented the paper’s place in the daily lives of Dayton residents.

But Cox wasn't content with mere commercial success. He leveraged his newspaper as a platform for civic engagement, launching a vigorous crusade against Dayton's powerful Republican boss, Joseph E. Lowes, who was notorious for exploiting his political influence for personal financial gain through government deals. This was a direct challenge to the established order, a testament to Cox's willingness to use his media power for what he perceived as the public good. He also confronted John H. Patterson, the formidable president of Dayton's National Cash Register Co., exposing a litany of alleged antitrust violations and bribery. These actions, undertaken with the full force of his newspaper, demonstrated his commitment to progressive ideals and his formidable capacity for political combat. In 1905, in a clear precursor to his future media empire, Cox acquired the Springfield Press-Republic, published in Springfield, Ohio, and promptly renamed it the Springfield Daily News. This expansion marked the beginning of his journey from local publisher to regional media magnate, a path that proved far more lucrative than presidential bids.

Congress

In 1908, with his newspaper ventures firmly established and his public profile significantly raised, Cox decided to throw his hat into the political ring, running for Congress as a Democrat. He successfully navigated the electoral landscape, securing a seat to represent Ohio's 3rd congressional district in the United States House of Representatives. He served two terms, from 1909 to 1913, before resigning his federal post, an indication that his ambitions were already shifting towards state-level power, specifically the Governor of Ohio's mansion. It's almost as if he saw Congress as a mere stepping stone, a brief, necessary detour on a longer, more personal journey.

Governor of Ohio

Cox's political trajectory continued its upward climb when he successfully contended for the governorship of Ohio in the 1912 election. It was a spirited, three-way contest, but Cox ultimately prevailed, capturing 41.5% of the vote. He would go on to serve three non-consecutive terms, a pattern that speaks volumes about the volatile nature of early 20th-century Ohio politics. After his initial victory in 1912, he served from 1913 to 1915. He faced a setback in 1914, losing his bid for re-election, a stark reminder that public favor is as fickle as the weather. However, Cox, ever the political survivor, rebounded, winning the elections of 1916 and 1918, thereby serving a second, more extended tenure from 1917 to 1921.

During his time as governor, Cox presided over a remarkable period of social reform, enacting a wide array of progressive measures that aimed to modernize and improve the lives of Ohioans. These reforms were not merely incremental adjustments; they represented a fundamental restructuring of state governance and social policy. He was instrumental in laying the foundational framework for Ohio's unified highway system, a visionary undertaking that would revolutionize transportation and commerce across the state. Furthermore, he spearheaded the creation of a groundbreaking no-fault workers' compensation system, a crucial protection for industrial laborers in an era of rapid, and often dangerous, economic expansion. Child labor, a pervasive blight of the industrial age, also fell under his reformist gaze, with Cox implementing restrictions designed to protect the most vulnerable members of the workforce. Beyond these tangible social programs, his administration introduced direct primaries, empowering citizens with more direct control over candidate selection, and championed municipal home rule, granting greater autonomy to local governments. Educational and prison reforms were also high on his agenda, reflecting a broader progressive belief in rehabilitation and societal betterment. To cap it all, he diligently streamlined the state's budget and tax processes, aiming for greater efficiency and accountability in public finance. It was a comprehensive agenda, delivered with a reformer’s zeal.

As World War I engulfed Europe and eventually drew the United States into its brutal embrace, Governor Cox adopted a stance of pragmatic leadership. He actively encouraged voluntary cooperation among business, labor, and government bodies, recognizing that national unity was paramount in times of conflict. His efforts were directed at ensuring the state's resources and manpower were effectively mobilized for the war effort. In 1918, reflecting the changing social tides of the era, he publicly welcomed constitutional amendments for both Prohibition and women's suffrage, aligning himself with two of the most significant social movements of the early 20th century. While he may have held private reservations, his public endorsement was a nod to the undeniable momentum of these causes. On the international stage, Cox was a staunch supporter of the internationalist policies espoused by President Woodrow Wilson. Though perhaps with a touch of personal skepticism, he reluctantly lent his support to the controversial concept of U.S. entry into the fledgling League of Nations, an organization that, as history would demonstrate, was rather optimistically conceived.

However, not all of Cox's policies were met with universal acclaim or, in retrospect, historical vindication. In 1919, in the immediate aftermath of the Great War, Governor Cox controversially backed the Ake Law, a piece of legislation introduced by H. Ross Ake. This law, born from wartime xenophobia and a fervent, if misguided, sense of Americanization, outright banned the teaching of the German language in schools until the eighth grade, extending even to private educational institutions. Cox, with a rhetoric that now sounds jarringly un-American, asserted that teaching German was "a distinct menace to Americanism, and part of a plot formed by the German government to make the school children loyal to it." This kind of panicked, nationalistic overreach, while understandable in the context of a recent war, was a stain on the progressive ideal. Predictably, such legislative restrictions on the teaching of foreign languages were later deemed unconstitutional in the landmark Supreme Court case of Meyer v. Nebraska. The law itself serves as a chilling reminder of how easily fear can erode fundamental freedoms, a lesson apparently lost on some even today.

Bid for presidency

Cox/Roosevelt electoral poster Roosevelt (left) and Cox (right) at a campaign appearance in Washington, D.C., 1920

Despite the occasional policy misstep, James M. Cox had cultivated a reputation as a competent and generally well-regarded progressive reformer. This reputation, combined with his gubernatorial experience and media empire, positioned him as a viable, if not universally beloved, candidate for the highest office. In 1920, the Democratic Party, after a protracted and exhausting 44-ballot struggle at its convention in San Francisco, ultimately nominated him for the presidency. He emerged victorious from a field that included other prominent figures such as A. Mitchell Palmer, then the Attorney General of the United States and a key figure in the "Palmer Raids," and William Gibbs McAdoo, President Wilson's son-in-law and former Secretary of the Treasury. The sheer number of ballots required to select Cox speaks volumes about the deep divisions within the party at the time, and perhaps the lack of a truly unifying figure.

Cox, not one to shy away from a challenge, embarked on an activist campaign that was nothing short of a whirlwind. He traversed 36 states, delivering an impressive 394 speeches, a testament to his stamina and commitment. His campaign largely centered on domestic issues, a strategic choice that, perhaps, irked the fervent Wilsonians who desperately wished to frame the election as a clear "referendum on the League of Nations." Cox, however, understood the public's immediate concerns. To combat the twin specters of unemployment and inflation that plagued the post-World War I economy, he proposed a rather paradoxical, yet appealing, strategy: simultaneously lowering income and business profits taxes. He also pledged to introduce national collective bargaining legislation, a nod to organized labor, and cautiously offered his support to the Volstead Act, the legislative arm of Prohibition. Furthermore, he spoke passionately in support of Americanization, advocating for increased loyalty to the United States among the nation's burgeoning immigrant population, a sentiment that resonated with many at the time, despite its more unsavory applications, like the Ake Law.

Despite all his tireless efforts, the political tides of 1920 proved to be an insurmountable force. Cox was decisively defeated in the 1920 presidential election by his fellow Ohioan and, rather ironically, another newspaperman, U.S. Senator Warren G. Harding of Marion. The American public, having endured the tumultuous years of Woodrow Wilson's presidency – marked by war, reform, and profound social upheaval – was simply exhausted. They yearned for a respite, a return to what Harding famously, and somewhat vaguely, promised as a "return to normalcy." Cox's running mate, the then-Assistant Secretary of the Navy Franklin D. Roosevelt, would, of course, find his own path to the presidency years later, a stark contrast to Cox's singular, crushing defeat.

One of the more enduring, and perhaps melodramatic, analyses of the 1920 election can be found in Irving Stone's insightful book about defeated presidential candidates, They Also Ran. Stone, with a flourish of historical judgment, rated Cox as superior in virtually every conceivable way to Harding, going so far as to claim that Cox would have undoubtedly made a far better president. Stone's argument posited that in the entire history of American presidential elections, there was never a stronger case for the proposition that "the better man lost." A rather bold claim, given the subjective nature of such assessments. It's a curious footnote that of the four men on both tickets – Harding and his running mate Calvin Coolidge, and Cox and Roosevelt – all but Cox would eventually occupy the Oval Office. Harding won and was succeeded by Coolidge after his untimely death in office, and Roosevelt would eventually be elected president in 1932. Ironically, Cox, the "loser" of this particular contest, would outlive all three of them by several years. Sometimes, longevity is its own quiet victory.

Cox with FDR in Dayton, Ohio during 1920 presidential campaign

During the fervor of the 1920 campaign, James M. Cox found time to make several recordings for The Nation's Forum, a rather niche record label that captured the voices of prominent American political and civic leaders between 1918 and 1920. These auditory artifacts provide a rare glimpse into the oratorical style of the era. Among these recordings, now meticulously preserved at the Library of Congress, is a campaign speech where Cox, with a certain indignant pride, accused the Republicans of deliberately failing to acknowledge President Wilson's successful prosecution of the Great War. According to Cox's impassioned rhetoric, Wilson's leadership had, in a rather grand statement, "saved civilization." A bold claim, indeed, and one that, in hindsight, failed to sway an electorate weary of grand pronouncements and eager for something less... existential.

Later years and death

After gracefully, or perhaps grudgingly, stepping down from the demanding arena of public service, James M. Cox pivoted his formidable energies back to his true calling: the relentless construction of a vast media conglomerate, the entity known today as Cox Enterprises. This was where his true genius lay, far more than in the fickle game of politics. His expansion was methodical and strategic. In 1923, he acquired the Miami Daily News and the Canton Daily News, slowly but surely weaving a web of influence across different regions. By December 1939, just a week before Atlanta hosted the star-studded premiere of the cinematic epic Gone with the Wind (film), Cox made a significant acquisition: the Atlanta Georgian and the Atlanta Journal. This particular deal was a masterstroke, as it also included radio station WSB, which joined his existing broadcast holdings, WHIO in Dayton and WIOD in Miami. This strategic consolidation allowed Cox to proudly boast that he had “‘air’ from the Great Lakes on the north to Latin America on the south,” a testament to the impressive scale of his media empire. It seemed he had a knack for building something tangible, something that lasted, unlike his presidential hopes.

Even in his "retirement" from direct political office, Cox remained an active, if less visible, force in the political landscape. His loyalty to his former running mate, Franklin D. Roosevelt, was unwavering. Unlike other prominent losing Democratic presidential candidates of the era, such as John W. Davis and Al Smith, Cox was a staunch supporter of the New Deal and actively campaigned for Roosevelt's presidential candidacies in 1932, 1936, 1940, and 1944. This steadfast support demonstrated a deeper ideological commitment than mere party affiliation, or perhaps a lingering desire to be on the winning side, even if only by proxy. In 1933, Roosevelt appointed Cox to the U.S. delegation for the ill-fated London Economic Conference, a diplomatic gathering that ultimately achieved little, much like many political endeavors.

At the ripe old age of 76, Cox penned and published his memoir, Journey through My Years (1946). A rather self-serving title, but then, most memoirs are. It offered his perspective on a life lived at the intersection of journalism, business, and politics, providing valuable insights into the era, filtered, of course, through his own lens.

In 1915, Cox commissioned the construction of his personal residence, a grand affair situated near the estates of prominent industrialists Charles Kettering and Edward Deeds. This area would later evolve into the city of Kettering, Ohio, a testament to the region's burgeoning wealth and influence. The home, which he aptly named Trailsend, was a sprawling edifice designed in the classical French-Renaissance architecture style, boasting six bedrooms, six bathrooms, two tennis courts for the pursuit of leisurely competition, a billiards room for more sedate entertainment, and an in-ground swimming pool for those hot Ohio summers. He would reside in this opulent dwelling for four decades, a comfortable perch from which to oversee his empire and reflect on his varied career.

Death

James Middleton Cox finally succumbed to the inevitable, passing away at his Trailsend estate on July 15, 1957. His death followed a series of debilitating strokes, a rather unceremonious end for a man who had lived such a dynamic life. He was laid to rest in the tranquil grounds of the Woodland Cemetery and Arboretum, Dayton, Ohio, joining countless others in the grand, silent democracy of the deceased.

The gravesite of Governor James M. Cox

Election history

Herein lies the cold, hard truth of electoral outcomes, stripped of all rhetorical flourish. Numbers, after all, rarely lie, though they can be interpreted with alarming flexibility.

President of the United States, 1920

Presidential candidate Party Home state Popular vote Electoral vote Running mate Vice-presidential candidate Home state Electoral vote
Warren G. Harding Republican Ohio 16,144,093 (60.32%) 404 Calvin Coolidge Calvin Coolidge Massachusetts 404
James M. Cox Democratic Ohio 9,139,661 (34.15%) 127 Franklin D. Roosevelt Franklin D. Roosevelt New York 127
Eugene V. Debs Socialist Indiana 913,693 (3.41%) 0 Seymour Stedman Seymour Stedman Illinois 0
Parley P. Christensen Farmer-Labor Illinois 265,398 (0.99%) 0 Max S. Hayes Max S. Hayes Ohio 0
Aaron S. Watkins Prohibition Indiana 188,787 (0.71%) 0 D. Leigh Colvin D. Leigh Colvin New York 0
James E. Ferguson American Texas 47,968 (0.18%) 0 William J. Hough William J. Hough New York 0
William Wesley Cox Socialist Labor Missouri 31,084 (0.12%) 0 August Gillhaus August Gillhaus New York 0
Robert Colvin Macauley Single Tax (Georgism) Pennsylvania 5,750 (0.02%) 0 Richard C. Barnum Richard C. Barnum Ohio 0
Other 28,746 (0.11%) — Other Other —
Total 26,765,180 (100%) 531 531
Needed to win 266 266
  • Source (Popular Vote): Leip, David. "1920 Presidential Election Results". Dave Leip's Atlas of U.S. Presidential Elections . Retrieved September 11, 2012.
  • Source (Electoral Vote): "Electoral College Box Scores 1789–1996". National Archives and Records Administration. Retrieved July 31, 2005.

Governor of Ohio

Year Democratic Republican Others
1918 James M. Cox : 486,403 Frank B. Willis: 474,459
1916 James M. Cox : 568,218 Frank B. Willis: 561,602 Tom Clifford: 36,908, John H. Dickason: 7,347
1914 James M. Cox: 493,804 Frank B. Willis: 523,074 James R. Garfield (Progressive): 60,904, Scott Wilkins (Socialist): 51,441
1912 James M. Cox : 439,323 Robert B. Brown: 272,500

United States House of Representatives

Ohio's 3rd Congressional District

1910

  • James M. Cox (Democratic), 31,539
  • George R. Young (Republican), 18,730
  • Harmon Evans (Socialist), 6,275
  • Richard E. O'Byrne (Prohibition), 286
  • Source: Langland, James (1911). The Chicago Daily News Almanac and Year Book for 1912 . Vol. 28. Chicago, IL: Chicago Daily News Company. p. 444.

1908

  • James M. Cox (Democratic), 32,534 votes
  • William G. Frizell (Republican), 12,593
  • J. Eugene Harding (Independent), 19,306
  • Howard H. Caldwell (Socialist), 2,943
  • Henry A. Thompson (Prohibition), 267
  • Source: Thompson, Carmi (1910). Annual Report of the Ohio Secretary of State, 1909 . Springfield, OH: Springfield Publishing Company. p. 255.

Family

James M. Cox's personal life, like his public one, was marked by shifts and changes. He entered into matrimony twice, first with Mayme Simpson Harding in 1893. This union endured for nearly two decades before concluding in divorce in 1912, a rather stark public event for the era. Years later, in 1917, he found love again and married Margaretta Parker Blair, who would remain his spouse until his death, outliving him.

From these two marriages, Cox fathered a total of six children. His first marriage to Mayme Harding produced three children: sons James McMahon Cox Jr. and John William, and a daughter named Helen Harding. Tragically, another son from this marriage died in infancy, a somber reminder of the vulnerabilities of life in that period. His second marriage, to Margaretta Blair, brought two more daughters into the world: Anne Cox Chambers and Barbara Cox Anthony.

His son, James M. Cox Jr., would later step into his father's formidable shoes, taking the helm of the burgeoning business empire after his patriarch's passing. James Jr. served as chairman of Cox Enterprises, Cox Communications, and Cox Media Group, all based in Atlanta, ensuring the family legacy continued to thrive. His daughter Helen, who passed away in 1921, was married to Daniel Joseph Mahoney, who himself would become president of Cox Newspapers, further intertwining family and corporate interests. Today, Cox's descendants through Anne Cox Chambers and Barbara Cox Anthony — a formidable group including billionaires Blair Parry-Okeden, James C. Kennedy, James Cox Chambers, Katharine Rayner, and Margaretta Taylor — remain major shareholders in Cox Enterprises, a testament to the enduring financial success that outshone any political disappointments.

Legacy

James M. Cox's life was a tapestry woven with a surprisingly diverse array of professions, a testament to his restless ambition and adaptability. He began as a farmer, grounded in the earth, before venturing into the dynamic world of journalism as a reporter. His time as a Congressional staff member provided an insider's view of national politics, a valuable education that he parlayed into becoming a successful newspaper publisher and editor. From there, he transitioned into the political arena, serving as an elected official, culminating in his gubernatorial terms. Finally, he solidified his status as a regional media magnate, leaving behind a sprawling business empire that continues to shape public discourse. It's a rather exhausting list, isn't it? One might wonder if he ever just sat down.

In his home state of Ohio, Cox is primarily remembered not for his national political failures, but for his more tangible, local achievements. He is revered as the crusading publisher of the Dayton Daily News, a paper that still holds a prominent place in the community. Indeed, the newspaper's editorial meeting room is, to this day, affectionately referred to as the "Governor's Library," a subtle nod to his enduring influence. Further cementing his local legacy, the James M. Cox Dayton International Airport, though more commonly known simply as Dayton International Airport, bears his name, an honor typically reserved for figures of significant and positive local impact.

Cox is also credited with a rather poetic, if slightly morbid, observation: "If there is anything in the theory of reincarnation of the soul then in my next assignment, if I be given the right of choice, I will ask for the aroma of printers ink." A sentiment that speaks volumes about his true passion, a love affair with the tactile, pungent reality of newspaper production, far more enduring than any fleeting political office. One almost feels a twinge of cosmic pity for him, given how little "printer's ink" is used these days.

Beyond the Dayton area, the Cox Fine Arts Building, located at the Ohio Expo Center and State Fair in Columbus, Ohio, also stands named in his honor. A lasting tribute, even if few visitors likely know the full, complex story of the man behind the name.

See also