Russian Public Opinion Research Center

The Russian Public Opinion Research Center, or VCIOM for those who prefer abbreviations to actual names, is an organization that apparently specializes in understanding what people think. Or perhaps, more accurately, what they're told to think. Established in 1987, it carries the rather significant distinction of being a state-owned polling institution, a detail that, much like a persistent cough, tends to linger in the background of all its pronouncements. Its official website, wciom.com, is readily available for those who wish to delve deeper into its particular brand of insight.

The Russian Public Opinion Research Center (in Russian: Всероссийский центр изучения общественного мнения, romanized: Vserossiysky tsentr izucheniya obshchestvennogo mneniya, mercifully abbreviated to ВЦИОМ, or VCIOM) stands as a testament to the enduring human need to quantify opinion, particularly when that opinion might prove inconvenient. This state-owned entity, as noted by various sources, including [1], traces its origins back to 1987. For a period, until 1992, it operated under the slightly more expansive moniker of the All-Union Center for the Study of Public Opinion, a name that evokes a bygone era of grand, centralized efforts, as documented in [2].

VCIOM holds the rather unique position as the oldest polling institution to survive, and indeed thrive, in post-Soviet Russia. It has carved out a niche for itself as one of Russia's foremost sociological and market research companies, a title that suggests a certain breadth of expertise, from the granular details of consumer preference to the grander narratives of societal sentiment. Its genesis in 1987 was not by chance, but by decree, specifically issued by the VCSPS (All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions) and the USSR State Committee of Labor. This foundational act established it as the All-Union Public Opinion Research Center. The subsequent renaming in 1992 to the Russian Public Opinion Research Center marked a shift, reflecting the new geopolitical landscape. A more significant, and arguably more telling, transformation occurred in 2003 when VCIOM was re-registered as an 'open joint-stock company with full state ownership,' a phrase that manages to combine the illusion of openness with the undeniable reality of state control, as detailed in [2]. In its operational scope, VCIOM boasts a "full cycle" approach to marketing, social, and political research. This comprehensive methodology encompasses everything from the initial design of research instruments and the meticulous collection of data, through to the sophisticated analysis of findings and, finally, the presentation of these insights to its diverse clientele, as outlined in [3].

The organizational footprint of VCIOM stretches across the vast expanse of Russia, with dedicated branch offices strategically positioned in all seven of the country's federal districts. This extensive national presence is further augmented by a network of partnership agreements forged with a considerable number of local and regional research firms, ensuring a broad reach. To execute its ambitious research agenda, VCIOM maintains its own robust interviewers’ network, comprising approximately 5,000 individuals, a formidable force for data collection that can canvas public opinion across the nation.

Science and teaching

Beyond its primary function as a polling institution, VCIOM has also been officially recognized with the status of a scientific institution. This designation lends a certain academic gravitas to its operations. Further cementing its scholarly credentials, the Center hosts a scientific Expert Council, a veritable gathering of minds comprising prominent Russian sociologists, political scientists, marketologists, philosophers, and historians. This council presumably guides the institution's research methodologies and intellectual direction. To foster the next generation of researchers, VCIOM actively organizes and holds competitions for scientific works among young, aspiring scholars, perhaps hoping to unearth a new breed of objective observers.

Since 2003, VCIOM has taken on the mantle of a publisher, producing its own academic journal, aptly titled Monitoring of Public Opinion: Economic and Social Changes, [4]. This journal, issued six times a year, serves as a platform for disseminating research and analysis. In a commendable move towards accessibility, its entire archive and even recent issues have been made available via open Internet access since 2009, [5]. The journal's Editorial Board reads like a who's who of Russian academia, featuring leading sociologists affiliated with institutions such as the Russian Academy of Science, Moscow State University, Russian State Social University, Higher School of Economics, and the Institute for Market Research GFK-Rus, among others. Furthermore, VCIOM has established a tangible presence within higher education, with its own Department Chair operating within the Higher School of Economics since 2008, and a dedicated VCIOM Research Center at the Russian State Social University, also active since 2008. These academic affiliations suggest an integration with, and influence on, the sociological discourse within the country.

The Center also dedicates resources to the design and publication of monographs and meticulously edited volumes of sociological research. These publications delve into the nuanced and often complex state of public opinion across Russia. Notable recent monographs include: From Eltsin to Putin: three epochs in the historical consciousness of Russians (2007), a title that promises a sweeping historical perspective; Political Russia: pre-elections guide – 2007, a timely analysis for its era; and the rather definitive-sounding Political Dictionary of The Present (2006). Another significant work is Russia on the Crossroads of the 2d Term (2005), which likely explored the societal implications of political continuity. For a more comprehensive overview of its literary output, one can consult "VCIOM Library: some of the recent books", [6]. The institution also prides itself on its archival capabilities. Research on public opinion conducted prior to 1992 is diligently preserved in a dedicated archive, offering a historical record. More recent findings, specifically the results of the "Express" public opinion polls since 1992, are systematically stored within the aptly named “Archivist Database”, [7], ensuring a continuous and accessible record of its work.

VCIOM is not merely a domestic player; it extends its professional reach by being a member of several international professional networks. These include InterSearch and the Eurasian Monitor, indicating a commitment to broader engagement and collaboration beyond Russia's borders. In its methodological approach, VCIOM explicitly states that it is guided by the rigorous standards and norms set by the European Society for Opinion and Market Research ESOMAR, [8]. This adherence to international professional benchmarks presumably aims to validate the credibility and reliability of its research. The company's headquarters in Moscow houses a team of over 70 specialists, a diverse group whose expertise spans sociology, marketing, political science, finance, psychology, and statistics. This core team is complemented by dozens more professionals operating in its regional offices across the country. The current head steering the complex operations of the Center is Valery Fedorov.

History

Foundation (1987)

The very concept of VCIOM, initially conceived as an All-Union entity, was formally sanctioned by a decree adopted at a pivotal July meeting of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1987. Its establishment was a joint venture, with the VCSPS (All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions) and the USSR State Committee of Labour serving as its official founders. The honor of being its inaugural director fell to Tatyana Zaslavskaya, a distinguished academician whose vision shaped its early trajectory. Zaslavskaya herself recounted that the Institute of Demoscopy from the Federal Republic of Germany, then under the leadership of Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann, served as the foundational model for the nascent Center. One could almost imagine the meticulous blueprints being laid, perhaps with an idealist's hope for an objective mirror to society.

Boris Grushin played a crucial, if often understated, role in the formative years. During 1987 and 1988, he dedicated considerable effort to the ambitious task of establishing a comprehensive network of sociological centers. These centers were strategically placed across the various Republics of the USSR and within the regions of Russia, laying the groundwork for truly representative data collection. This extensive infrastructure proved instrumental in enabling the first mass surveys, conducted on genuinely representative samples of adults, in November 1988. Within a year, these initial forays into public opinion measurement matured into a systematic and regular practice.

The intellectual horsepower of VCIOM was further augmented in 1988 with the arrival of Yury Levada, a figure who would become synonymous with the institution for many years. He joined, bringing with him a cohort of his students, including notable figures such as Lev Gudkov, Boris Dubin, and Alexey Levinson. Levada initially assumed leadership of the Theoretical Research Department, a role that underscored the center's commitment to academic rigor. His ascent continued, and by 1992, he took the helm as the head of the entire company, guiding it through a period of significant transition. In a revealing interview, [9], Yuri Levada himself reflected on those foundational years of VTsIOM, crediting Tatyana Zaslavskaya (Татьяна Заславская) and Boris Grushin (Борис Грушин) as the true architects of VCIOM in 1987, and acknowledging their invitation as the catalyst for his own involvement.

Growth, 1989–2003

During this period of post-Soviet flux and redefinition, VCIOM rapidly cultivated a reputation for both its objectivity and its professionalism. This standing earned it widespread respect among academics and journalists, not just within the burgeoning Russian Federation but also across the Soviet Union and, notably, in the West. The 1990s were particularly kind to the agency, as its polls became widely recognized for their remarkable reliability, [10]. This era of consistent accuracy was built on a significant body of work, with VCIOM conducting well over 1,000 polls during this dynamic time, [11].

Given its pioneering status as the very first sociological institution of its kind in the USSR (and subsequently, in Russia), VCIOM naturally became a fertile breeding ground, often referred to as the "cradle" for countless marketing and sociological centers that would emerge across the country. Its methodologies, its personnel, and its very existence provided a template for others to follow.

However, the path of institutional development is rarely without divergence. In August 1989, Boris Grushin, one of the key figures in VCIOM's inception, chose to depart. His aim was to establish his own independent organization dedicated to the study of public opinion, which he named "Vox Populi - Glas Naroda" (meaning "People’s Voice"), [12]. This split hinted at the nascent, evolving landscape of Russian sociology.

Another significant organizational evolution occurred in 1992 when the Public Opinion Foundation (FOM) formally separated from VCIOM. FOM had initially been established as a dedicated Division within the Center, primarily tasked with raising charity funds, but it eventually branched out to forge its own distinct identity. Towards the close of the decade, in 1999, VCIOM proudly achieved the elevated status of a scientific institute, a recognition that underscored its commitment to rigorous academic inquiry and research. This particular claim, however, is accompanied by a citation needed tag, suggesting that while generally accepted, explicit documentation might be elusive. One might muse on how quickly "objectivity" can become a matter of perspective, especially when funding and institutional independence are at stake.

Conflict (2003)

The year 2003 proved to be a watershed moment for VCIOM, marked by a profound internal conflict that irrevocably altered its trajectory. Despite the fact that VCIOM had operated without direct budget allocations from the state, funding itself entirely through private and public sector polling contracts and grants from the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1992, Yury Levada had, perhaps surprisingly, not publicly addressed the inherent contradiction that the polling agency remained a state-owned company, specifically a FGUP (the Russian abbreviation for: federal state unitary enterprise). This structural ambiguity set the stage for the dramatic events that unfolded. In 2003, the Ministry of Property of the Russian Federation made a decisive move, opting to transform FGUP VCIOM into JSC "Russian Public Opinion Research Center." Crucially, 100% of the shares of this new joint-stock company were to be held by the state. The stated intention was that the company would continue its operations without direct state budget allocations, relying instead on financing from both private and public institutions, much as it had before.

However, Yury Levada interpreted this structural reorganization not as a mere administrative adjustment, but as a deliberate attempt to exert influence over the outcomes of VCIOM's studies—a rather logical conclusion, some might argue, given the nature of state ownership. The response was immediate and unequivocal: the vast majority of the previous VCIOM employees, demonstrating a remarkable solidarity, chose to resign en masse. They subsequently followed Yury Levada to a newly established, explicitly non-governmental entity, which would become known as the renowned Levada Center, [13]. This exodus effectively stripped the old VCIOM of its intellectual core and much of its institutional memory.

In the wake of this mass departure, a new leadership emerged for the reconstituted VCIOM. A young political scientist named Valery Fedorov was appointed to head the office. His appointment immediately drew scrutiny, with some sources, [14], noting his perceived closeness to the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation. This alleged connection fueled further speculation about the motivations behind the 2003 restructuring and the future direction of the organization.

Despite the upheaval, VCIOM pressed on, endeavoring to carry forward the research programs that had been initiated by its former staff. It also continued the publication of the Monitoring of Public Opinion journal. However, the intellectual schism was evident: in 2003, the former editorial board members, now aligned with Levada, began publishing a rival journal, the Public Opinion Herald, creating a parallel academic discourse.

The response from the broader Russian sociological community to the dramatic breakup of VCIOM was, predictably, not monolithic, and indeed, remains a subject of conflicting accounts. Some sources, [15], reported a near-total exodus, claiming that every sociologist of note left with Levada. Conversely, other accounts, [16], paint a picture of widespread silence, with few prominent figures speaking out, save for Grushin. This divergence in reporting highlights the sensitivity and political charge of the events. The ensuing dispute over the legal right to use the "VCIOM" brand within the sociological community dragged on until 2004. Ultimately, the Federal Antimonopoly Service intervened, ruling definitively in favor of VCIOM, granting it the full and exclusive right to use the "VCIOM" brand, and explicitly prohibiting the Levada Center from employing it.

The events of 2003 even reached the highest echelons of power. When questioned about the VCIOM management change during a visit to Columbia University in the United States in September 2003, Russian president Vladimir Putin offered his unequivocal support for the change in management, [17]. This presidential endorsement, naturally, left little room for further public debate regarding the legitimacy of the restructuring.

Present role as the state's main sociological research center

In its current incarnation, VCIOM has firmly established itself as the state's main sociological research center, with its research priorities now explicitly focused on areas of direct governmental interest. These include, but are certainly not limited to, political ratings, the nuanced tracking of social mood indices, the evaluation of governmental programs, and the public's perception of various reforms. The institution continues to secure and conduct research for many of the most significant Russian private and public institutions, [18], maintaining its commercial viability alongside its state-aligned mandate.

The shift in its operational philosophy is perhaps most starkly illustrated by a notable change in its official slogan. The former, more contemplative "From opinion – towards understanding," has been replaced with the decidedly more action-oriented and pragmatic "Information for success!" This revision speaks volumes about the institution's evolution towards a more applied and results-driven focus for its research programs. One might ponder if "success" in this context is always aligned with genuine public understanding, or if it simply implies achieving desired outcomes. This particular observation, however, is flagged with an original research? tag, suggesting it's an interpretation rather than a direct, cited fact.

Criticism

Unsurprisingly, an institution so closely tied to the state and engaged in the sensitive realm of public opinion often finds itself a target of criticism, particularly from those it studies or those who disagree with its findings. Gennady Zyuganov, the long-standing leader of the Communist Party of Russian Federation, notably voiced strong criticisms regarding VCIOM's objectivity. His ire was particularly drawn by the institution's evaluation of media requests concerning a VCIOM study on Lenin's Mausoleum. Zyuganov dismissed the findings, stating unequivocally, "I think this is an unprofessional study." The poll in question had indicated that a majority of Russians supported the idea of burying Lenin's remains in a cemetery, rather than perpetuating their display in the mausoleum, [19]—a finding that directly challenged a deeply held symbol for the Communist Party.

More recently, the Berlin-based publication bne IntelliNews scrutinized VCIOM's methodologies, particularly in the context of its polling related to the 2019 Moscow protests. The publication concluded that VCIOM’s questions were "subtly designed to give a result that supports the government’s point of view," [20]. This accusation suggests a sophisticated manipulation of survey design to elicit predetermined responses, rather than a neutral assessment of public sentiment. One could argue that such criticisms are an occupational hazard for any state-owned polling firm operating in a politically charged environment.

Research

VCIOM's research endeavors span multiple geographical and political scales, allowing it to provide a broad spectrum of insights. It conducts research on both regional and federal levels within Russia, capturing the diverse opinions and sentiments across the vast country. Beyond its national borders, VCIOM extends its reach into the post-Soviet space, collaborating with colleagues from the former USSR who are members of the "Eurasian Monitor" Agency. This partnership allows for comparative studies and a deeper understanding of trends within the broader region. Furthermore, VCIOM undertakes projects in other countries, indicating a global, or at least a regional, ambition in its research scope.

The topics that pique VCIOM's interest, and consequently form the basis of its research, are extensive and varied:

Politics: This core area includes granular analyses of elections, the ever-fluctuating approval ratings of politicians, and assessments of the public's potential for protest.
Social sphere: Delving into the fabric of society, research in this domain covers critical areas such as education, healthcare, family dynamics, housing issues, and the pervasive problem of corruption.
Business: VCIOM also caters to the commercial sector, conducting research on finance and insurance, the development and perception of product and corporate brands, corporate reputation, trademarks, the rapidly evolving IT and media landscape, the automotive sector, real estate markets, and even the sports industry.

Methods

To achieve its comprehensive research objectives, VCIOM employs a diverse and sophisticated arsenal of research techniques. This multi-methodological approach ensures that data is collected through various lenses, enhancing the robustness and validity of its findings. The techniques utilized include, but are not limited to: personal interviews, in-depth focus groups, the discreet practice of mystery shopping, controlled hall tests, the immediate feedback mechanism of exit polls, expert surveys designed to gather specialized insights, and efficient telephone interviews.

Beyond mere data collection, the research methods extend into the realm of rigorous statistical analysis. This encompasses both descriptive statistics, which summarize and characterize the data, and inferential statistical analysis, which allows for drawing conclusions and making predictions about a larger population based on sample data. Complementing these analytical tools are sophisticated sample building programs, meticulously designed to ensure that the chosen samples are truly representative of the target populations. In a testament to its continuous data collection efforts, VCIOM conducts surveys every single week, engaging 1,600 individuals. These participants are drawn from 140 distinct locations spread across 42 regions of Russia, all based on a meticulously constructed representative sampling framework. This systematic approach aims to provide a consistent and accurate pulse of public opinion across the nation.

Selected projects

VCIOM consistently takes on the role of coordinating and implementing a wide array of international research projects. Its client roster for these ventures is notably diverse, including both foreign and Russian entities such as the UNDP, the U.S. State Department, and even the NATO Bureau in Moscow, among others. Since 2004, the Center has played a particularly active role in the development of a systematic framework for regular sociological research within the post-Soviet area. This initiative operates under the umbrella of "Eurasian Monitor," [21], an agency where VTsIOM stands as one of the founding members, alongside other sociological services established in the various republics of the former USSR. This involvement suggests a strategic effort to influence or at least monitor public sentiment across a broader geopolitical sphere.

A selection of these projects provides a glimpse into the breadth and nature of VCIOM's work:

"Exit Polls at parliamentary and presidential elections" (client – "1st TV Channel") 2007–2008
"Evaluation of the company-employer image" ("RosNeft") 2007
"Evaluation of the company-employer image" ("Severstal") 2008
"Evaluation of the company-employer image" ("RusAl – management company") 2007
"Study on the Brand General Fame" ("Heineken-Commercial") 2007
"Social Adaptation of HIV-infected: Estimating the situation in healthcare, education and employment" (UNDP) 2007
"Study of national relationship upon the results of Nationwide surveys" (Institute for Diaspora and Integration) 2007
"Study of entrepreneurial environment conditions, evaluation of business and power interaction" (RSPP) 2007–2008
"Study of the level of trust of Russians towards mass media" (Office of the Public Chamber of Russia) 2007
"Attitude of Russians towards Justice" (Office of the Public Chamber of Russia) 2007
"Sociological research on unfair competition" (Federal Antimonopoly Service) 2007
"Factors and perspectives of the development of football in Russia" (National Football Academy" Fund) 2006
"Evaluation of housing attractiveness of investment project "Bolshoe Domodedovo" ("Coalco") 2006–2007
"Study of the perception of NATO by Russians" (NATO Bureau in Moscow) 2006
"Analysis and evaluation of the perception of corruption in the public sector by population" (UNDP and RF Accounting Chamber) 2006
"Investment Behavior of the Population and Awareness about the Deposit Insurance System" (Deposit Insurance Agency) 2005–2006
"Study on the perception of large pharmaceutical brands in Russia and Eastern European countries" (Stanton Beringer consulting), annually since 2005
"Small enterprises functioning conditions in the regions of Russia" (OPORA Russia) 2004–2006
"Evaluation of the reputational indicators" (Aeroflot – Russian Airlines), annually beginning since 2005
"Syndicated research of corporate reputation of ten biggest companies of Russia", twice a year since 2004
"Monitoring of the main indicators of social mood in post-soviet area countries". Participants: leading sociological services in 14 post-Soviet countries. Twice a year since 2003, in the framework of "Eurasian Monitor"