An ETECSA 1-hour internet access card. A brief, tangible representation of a rather complex digital landscape.
The state of the Internet in Cuba encompasses the intricate web of telecommunications in Cuba, ranging from the organic growth of the Cuban grassroots wireless community network to the more formal, and often restrictive, mechanisms of Internet censorship in Cuba. It's a testament to human ingenuity and bureaucratic inertia, all wrapped up in a tropical package.
Since its initial, hesitant introduction in the late 1990s, the evolution of Internet access across the Cuban archipelago has been, shall we say, less than a breakneck sprint. It stalled, predictably, due to a trifecta of inhibiting factors: a chronic lack of adequate funding, the ever-present, tight grip of government restrictions, and the enduring shadow of the U.S. embargo, particularly the punitive measures imposed by the Torricelli Act. These aren't just minor inconveniences; they're the bedrock of a digital landscape shaped by scarcity and control.
However, even the most stubborn situations eventually yield, if only grudgingly. A glacial thaw began around 2007. By 2018, 3G data services had, with considerable fanfare, started rolling out across the island, followed by 4G in 2019. One must, of course, add the caveat that this access is meticulously filtered and monitored through a government-controlled network. Then, on July 29, 2019, in a move that some might call progress (others, perhaps, a strategic concession), Cuba formally legalized private Wi-Fi in both residential and business settings. Naturally, this newfound freedom isn't entirely unfettered; one still requires a permit to obtain access, because what's a small step forward without a bit of red tape? According to the digital insights from DataReportal, a full 68% of the Cuban population managed to gain access to the Internet by 2022. It's not exactly global connectivity, but it's certainly a measurable improvement from its more isolated past.
History
In September 1996, Cuba gingerly made its first official foray into the global Internet with the establishment of a modest 64 Kbit/s link to Sprint in the United States. This initial connection, while a milestone, didn't exactly usher in an era of rapid digital expansion. Instead, the growth of Internet access in Cuba quickly stagnated, a phenomenon that wasn't particularly surprising given the prevailing circumstances. While there's always room for debate on the precise weighting of each cause, several significant factors consistently emerge as the primary culprits:
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A Pervasive Lack of Funding: The Cuban economy found itself in a rather dire state following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, effectively eliminating a crucial source of economic support. This financial scarcity naturally curtailed investment in infrastructure. Compounding this, the Cuban government harbored a profound apprehension that extensive foreign investment would invariably erode national sovereignty. One might interpret this as a fear of foreign investors treating Cuba as a commodity to be bought and sold, a rather inconvenient truth when trying to modernize an entire nation's digital backbone.
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The Enduring U.S. Embargo: This long-standing economic blockade proved to be a persistent impediment, delaying critical projects such as the construction of an undersea cable, which is, you know, rather essential for high-speed global connectivity. Furthermore, the embargo rendered essential equipment—computers, network routers, and other vital components—prohibitively expensive and, consequently, exceedingly difficult to acquire. When your options for purchasing basic tech are severely limited, progress tends to crawl.
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Legislation as a Tool of Subversion: According to Boris Moreno Cordoves, the Deputy Minister of Informatics and Communications, the Torricelli Act—an integral component of the broader United States embargo against Cuba—explicitly identified the telecommunications sector as a potential instrument for the subversion of the 1959 Cuban Revolution. This perspective meant that any necessary technology was often viewed through the lens of potential counter-revolutionary activity, rather than simply as a means to foster economic development. Despite this, the internet was also paradoxically acknowledged as absolutely essential for Cuba’s economic development, creating a rather unhelpful dichotomy.
In 2009, then-President Obama made a gesture of overture, announcing that the United States would permit American companies to extend Internet services to Cuba. U.S. regulations were subsequently modified with the explicit aim of encouraging communication links with the island. However, the Cuban government, ever the individualist, summarily rejected this offer. They instead opted for a collaborative path with the Venezuelan government, a decision that, in hindsight, carried its own set of geopolitical complexities. That same year, a U.S. company, TeleCuba Communications, Inc., actually secured a license to install an undersea cable connecting Key West, Florida, with Havana. Yet, despite the official approval, the venture ultimately failed to progress, caught in the familiar quagmire of political considerations from both sides. Some things, it seems, are destined to remain theoretical.
By 2012, approximately 30 percent of the Cuban population—a modest 3 million users, placing Cuba 79th globally—had managed to gain some form of access to the Internet. Connections at this time were predominantly routed through satellites, a method known for its inherent latency and, more importantly for Cubans, its exorbitant cost. Prior to 2008, the private ownership of either a computer or a cell phone was a bureaucratic ordeal, requiring a government permit that was notoriously difficult to obtain. However, once the purchase of computers was legalized in 2008, the rate of private computer ownership on the island saw a noticeable surge. By the end of 2008, there were 630,000 computers available in Cuba, marking a 23% increase over the previous year. Due to the perpetually limited bandwidth, authorities made a strategic decision to prioritize Internet access for collective use in locations like workplaces, schools, and research centers, where a larger number of individuals could theoretically benefit from shared computers or network access. Efficiency, in its own way.
A significant infrastructural upgrade arrived in 2011 with the laying of the ALBA-1 undersea fiber-optic link, connecting Cuba to Venezuela. This long-awaited cable finally became operational for public users in January 2013, effectively replacing a rather antiquated system that had relied heavily on the Intersputnik satellite system and a network of aging telephone lines for connections to the United States. Before the advent of the ALBA-1 cable, the total bandwidth connecting Cuba to the global internet was a paltry 209 Mbit/s upstream and 379 Mbit/s downstream—hardly a superhighway of data.
In 2015, the Cuban government marked another milestone, opening the very first public Wi-Fi hotspots in 35 public locations across the country. Simultaneously, they undertook a reduction in prices and an increase in connection speeds for Internet access at state-run cybercafés. By July 2016, the number of Internet users in Cuba had climbed to 4,334,022, representing 38.8% of the total population. Progress, albeit still a bit like watching paint dry.
By January 2018, the network of public hotspots had expanded to approximately 500 locations nationwide, providing access in most major cities. The country continued to rely heavily on this public infrastructure, as home access to the Internet remained largely out of reach for the majority of the general population. Later in 2018, the state announced its intention to begin offering mobile Internet services by the end of the year. This promise materialized in December 2018, and throughout 2019, limited 4G coverage began its slow expansion.
A more recent development saw the 2,500-kilometre ARIMAO undersea cable make landfall on January 10, 2023, in Martinique, having commenced its installation journey in Cienfuegos, Cuba. This significant infrastructure project was the result of a collaborative effort between the Cuban Telecommunications Company S.A. (ETECSA) and the French telecommunications giant Orange S.A., a pragmatic partnership to enhance connectivity.
Status
See also: Telecommunications in Cuba
On July 29, 2019, Cuba officially legalized private Wi-Fi networks for both homes and businesses. A seemingly progressive step, though, as always, it comes with a bureaucratic asterisk: individuals and entities must still obtain a permit to gain access. Because if something can be regulated, it will be.
As of December 6, 2018, Cubans were granted access to full mobile Internet services, courtesy of Cuba's state-owned telecommunications company, ETECSA, initially at 3G speeds. The rollout of this eagerly anticipated service was strategically staggered from Thursday, December 6, to Sunday, December 9, a measure presumably designed to prevent network congestion from an onslaught of newly connected users. ETECSA simultaneously unveiled a range of Internet packages and their corresponding prices, which, to many, seemed rather steep. Offerings ranged from a modest 600 MB for 7 Cuban convertible pesos (equivalent to approximately 30 USD). One might charitably call it "access," but certainly not "affordable for everyone."
This section, it must be noted, is perpetually in need of an update. As of April 2024, the digital sands continue to shift, and what is current today is merely historical data tomorrow.
The Internet infrastructure in Cuba operates on a rather bifurcated model. One network link, offering full global Internet access, is primarily reserved for government officials, essential personnel, and, of course, tourists. The other connection, designated for the general public, navigates a more restricted digital landscape. The majority of public access is directed towards a government-controlled national intranet and an in-country e-mail system. This intranet is populated with content from sources like EcuRed (a Cuban online encyclopedia) and various websites that are, predictably, supportive of the government's narrative. This system bears a striking resemblance to the Kwangmyong network employed by North Korea, the network currently in use in Myanmar, and the model Iran has publicly expressed plans to implement. It's a digital echo chamber, designed to control the narrative.
Beginning on June 4, 2013, Cubans were able to register with ETECSA, the state telecom company, to gain public Internet access under the brand "Nauta" at 118 centers nationwide. Juventud Rebelde, an official newspaper, optimistically stated that new areas of the Internet would "gradually become available," a phrase that, in Cuba, often implies a timeline measured in geological eras.
In early 2016, ETECSA initiated a pilot program to test broadband Internet service in Cuban homes, with the stated intention of eventually rolling out these services to private residences. Concurrently, the number of public Wi-Fi hotspots around the country expanded to approximately 250.
A notable development occurred in mid-December 2016 when Google and the Cuban government inked a deal. This agreement allowed the internet giant to provide faster access to its data by strategically installing servers directly on the island, which would then store a significant portion of the company's most popular content. The rationale was simple: by storing Google data within Cuba, the considerable distances that signals previously had to travel—from the island, through Venezuela, to the nearest Google server—were effectively eliminated, theoretically leading to a more responsive user experience. It's a pragmatic solution to a very real problem, even if the underlying issues remain.
By 2019, 7.1 million Cubans were reported to have access to the Internet. The cost of connections, whether through Wi-Fi zones, mobile data, or the "Nauta Hogar" home service, had seen a gradual decrease, particularly since the economic reform of January 2021. This reform significantly increased all salaries by at least five times, while Internet prices largely remained at their previous levels. While this made access relatively more affordable, one must remember that "affordable" is a subjective term, especially when starting from a baseline of extreme expense. By 2021, the number of Cubans accessing the Internet had further risen to 7.7 million.
SNET
SNET (an acronym derived from "Street Network") stands as a remarkable example of a Cuban grassroots wireless community network. Born out of necessity and ingenuity, it allowed individuals to bypass official limitations, providing a platform for local multiplayer gaming and the sharing of pirated movies and other content through an interconnected, informal network of households. It was, in essence, a digital black market built on peer-to-peer connections, a testament to the human desire for connectivity and entertainment, regardless of official sanctions.
However, the very existence of such an autonomous network posed a challenge to centralized control. In May 2019, Cuba's Ministry of Communication (MINCOM) announced a series of resolutions that explicitly rendered community networks like SNET illegal. Given that SNET was, at the time, the world's largest community network operating without direct Internet access, this was a significant blow to its users. The implementation of these resolutions was initially postponed for 60 days, allowing for negotiations between SNET administrators and MINCOM. These negotiations ultimately concluded with a decision to transfer SNET's services and its valuable content to ETECSA, Cuba's government-monopoly ISP. Furthermore, access to this content would now be provided through Cuba's nationwide chain of 611 Youth Computer Clubs (YCCs). What began as a defiant, decentralized network was thus absorbed into the official infrastructure, its spirit of independence somewhat diluted by the demands of state control.
Censorship
Main article: Internet censorship in Cuba
This section, like much of the digital landscape it describes, is a moving target and requires regular updates. As of July 2025, the situation remains fluid.
The computer lab of the University of Information Science in Havana, one of the major computer centers in Cuba, in 2010. Even then, access was a carefully managed affair.
The Cuban internet is widely recognized as among the most tightly controlled in the world. This isn't a casual observation; it's a documented reality. As far back as 2004, the International Federation of Library Associations and Institutions voiced deep concern regarding what they identified as ongoing violations of the fundamental human right to freedom of access to information and freedom of expression within Cuba. Since its inception in 2006, the country has consistently been listed as an "Internet Enemy" by Reporters Without Borders, a designation that speaks volumes about the restrictive environment. Due to a persistent lack of adequate data, the OpenNet Initiative has been unable to categorize the specific level of Internet filtering in Cuba, which, in itself, is rather telling.
Any material destined for publication on the Internet within Cuba must first navigate a bureaucratic gauntlet, requiring approval from the National Registry of Serial Publications. Furthermore, service providers are explicitly prohibited from granting access to individuals who have not received prior government approval. This creates a rather effective choke point for independent voices. Interestingly, while many foreign news outlet websites are not overtly blocked in Cuba, the practical effect is much the same. The notoriously slow connections and the prevalence of outdated technology across the island render it virtually impossible for most citizens to actually load and access these sites. It’s a subtle, yet highly effective, form of censorship: not directly blocking, but making access functionally impossible. Rather than relying on complex, sophisticated filtering systems, the government leverages two more fundamental levers of control: the prohibitively high cost of getting online and a telecommunications infrastructure that is deliberately slow and inefficient. Why build a complex digital firewall when you can simply make the path impassable?
Despite these formidable restrictions, digital media is increasingly playing a crucial role in disseminating news and information about events in Cuba to the wider world. Cubans, ever resourceful, connect to the Internet through a variety of less-than-official channels: at foreign embassies, in the state-run Internet cafés, through sympathetic friends at universities, in tourist hotels, and via their workplaces. The increasing availability of cell phones has also opened up new avenues for communication. Cuba has also witnessed the emergence of a vibrant community of bloggers. Figures like Yoani Sánchez, whose blog "Generation Y" garnered significant international publicity, utilize these new media platforms to offer glimpses into daily life in Cuba and to highlight instances where the government infringes upon basic freedoms. Sánchez, along with other popular bloggers, has even made it "trendy" for younger generations to "exercise the right to free speech," a notion that would likely send shivers down the spine of any authoritarian regime. New media tools have empowered citizens to record and upload their protests to platforms like YouTube and to send text message Tweets to individuals outside of Cuba, effectively circumventing traditional media control.
The ascendancy of digital media in Cuba has, predictably, caused considerable apprehension within the government. U.S. diplomatic cables leaked in December 2010 starkly revealed that U.S. diplomats believed the Cuban government was more fearful of these independent bloggers than of "traditional" dissidents. In response, the government has intensified its own presence on blogging platforms, with a noticeable rise in the number of "pro-government" blogging platforms since 2009. It's a digital arms race, played out in blog posts and tweets.
To navigate around the government's pervasive control of the Internet, Cuban citizens have developed numerous ingenious techniques for Internet censorship circumvention. Beyond the more formal methods of getting online through designated coffee shops, many Cubans resort to purchasing Internet accounts through a thriving black market. This informal market is typically sustained by professionals or former government officials who, having been previously cleared for full Internet access, then sell or rent their usernames and passwords to citizens eager for unrestricted connectivity. It's a testament to demand, and the resilience of a population determined to connect.
The mobile internet service provided in Cuba by ETECSA, the national telecommunications company, is, for the most part, notably uncensored. However, it's worth noting that a select few websites that receive funding from the U.S. government are indeed blocked. Even a relatively open channel has its limits, it seems.