Scottish Nationalism

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Political Ideology

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Flag of Scotland

At its core, Scottish nationalism is the assertion that the Scottish people are not just a collection of individuals, but a distinct, cohesive nation, bound by a shared national identity. It’s the belief that Scotland is more than just a geographical location or a political entity; it's a living, breathing entity with a history and a destiny of its own.

The genesis of this idea, the modern iteration of it at least, can be traced back to 1853. That was the year the National Association for the Vindication of Scottish Rights decided enough was enough. It wasn’t a sudden explosion, mind you. It was a slow burn, a gradual coalescing of sentiment. This evolved into the Scottish National Movement in the 1920s. Think of it as the awkward teenage years of the movement. By the 1970s, it had matured, shedding some of its youthful indiscretions. And by the 1980s and 1990s, it had finally reached its present ideological form, a rather self-assured adult, though perhaps one who’s seen too much.

The very foundations of this nation, its political landscape, and the unique threads that weave its identity together are all crucial. The Gaelic language, for instance, isn't just a collection of sounds; it’s a repository of history, a whisper from the past. Then there's the poetry, the raw, unvarnished expression of the Scottish soul, and the film, its modern, sometimes jarring, visual counterpart. These elements aren't mere cultural footnotes; they are the very markers that allow an individual to claim a distinct identification with, and actively support, Scotland. They are the proof of its existence as something more than a mere concept.

Origins

The concept of Scottish nationalism, the idea of Scotland as a sovereign, independent nation state, isn't some recent invention. It’s a notion that has roots stretching back to the Scotland in the Middle Ages. During those tumultuous Anglo-Scottish Wars, the campaigns waged by Scotland were not just about territory or power; they were about the fundamental right to exist as a separate entity, to achieve Scottish independence as a distinct sovereign state. This struggle culminated in the Declaration of Arbroath in 1320. This wasn't just a letter; it was a bold declaration, a formal missive dispatched to Pope John XXII, asserting Scotland’s inherent sovereignty. And in 1328, it was officially recognized. Scotland, and its unique identity, were acknowledged as sovereign. A rather significant moment, wouldn't you agree?

Scotland then proceeded to chart its own course as an independent nation. This era of self-determination, however, was dramatically altered by the Acts of Union. In 1707, the Parliaments and Kingdoms of Scotland and England were merged, creating a unified Kingdom of Great Britain. A single state, yes, but it was a union that, at least on paper, maintained a separate legal system. Even within this new structure, the distinct Scottish institutions, the echoes of its former sovereignty, continued to exist. A curious arrangement, a vestige of what was.

Scottish Nationality

The sense of Scottish national identity, the number of individuals who identify solely as Scottish nationals, has been a subject of measurement in recent years. This was officially evaluated by asking Scottish citizens in the UK Census to declare their nationality. They could choose to identify as Scottish only, British and Scottish, or simply British. It’s a rather blunt instrument for measuring something as nuanced as identity, but it’s what they’ve got.

In the last two census completions, a clear trend emerged: the majority of Scottish citizens opted for a predominantly Scottish-only identity. It suggests a self-perception that transcends the broader British umbrella.

Specifically, in the 2011 Census conducted in Scotland, the results were:

62.4% identified themselves as Scottish only.

Furthermore, a remarkable 82% of all respondents indicated they possessed some form of Scottish national identity. It implies a deep-seated connection, even among those who might also identify with other nationalities.

Fast forward to the 2021 Census, also in Scotland:

65.5% identified themselves as Scottish only.

The percentage of respondents indicating some Scottish national identity rose to 89.8%. This upward trend is… notable. It suggests a strengthening, or at least a more pronounced expression, of Scottish identity over the decade.

The UK Office for National Statistics, in its 2021 statement on National Identity, clarified a crucial point: National identity is a subjective assessment. It’s about where individuals feel they belong, where they consider home. It’s not dictated by ethnic background or citizenship. And, importantly, respondents were permitted to select multiple national identities. This is a critical nuance.

Based on these measurable statistics, the 2021 UK census concluded that a significant majority of those residing in Scotland identify Scotland as their sole nation or country. This finding lends substantial weight to the argument that the Scottish people indeed form a cohesive nation with a distinct national identity. It’s data, yes, but it speaks volumes about sentiment.

Language

Scottish Gaelic, often referred to as the founding or native language of Scotland, is currently the oldest living language still spoken within the country. Its legacy is profound, a direct link to Scotland's ancient past.

The History of Scottish Gaelic is a narrative steeped in turmoil and suppression. Imagine, Scots nobles, as far back as the 13th century, choosing to learn only English as their primary tongue. Then came the Statutes of Iona in 1609, a deliberate effort to enforce English. Later, the 1616 Education Act, implemented by the Scottish Privy Council, decreed that the heir of a Gaelic chief could not inherit unless they could read, write, and speak English. This wasn't about cultural enrichment; it was about assimilation, about eroding a distinct linguistic heritage.

Between 1494 and 1698, no less than ten Acts were passed by the Scots Parliament, all aimed at making English the predominant language. Gaelic, in this environment, struggled to maintain its footing. As Scotland and Great Britain were united under the Acts of Union 1707, Gaelic saw its status as a legal and administrative language systematically diminished. Yet, it persisted, finding its strength in the Highland clans and in the fervor of the Jacobites. The historical record here is rather glaring, with a notable lack of citations, but the sentiment is clear.

Before the Education (Scotland) Act 1872, the Act of Proscription 1746 was enacted with the explicit aim of assimilating Highland Scots into the dominant Lowland and British culture. Following the government's victory over the Jacobites, Jacobitism as a significant political force waned. Highland dress was outlawed, a visible symbol of cultural identity suppressed. Those who spoke Gaelic or wore Highland attire faced various forms of punishment. It wasn't until July 1, 1782, that royal assent was given to the Repeal of the Act Proscribing the Wearing of Highland Dress. A proclamation, issued in both Gaelic and English, signaled a shift, though the damage was already done. Under the compulsory education system established by the Education (Scotland) Act, only English was taught, or even tolerated, in schools across both the Lowlands and the Highlands and Islands. Any student caught speaking Scottish Gaelic within the school grounds could expect what Ronald Black aptly describes as the "familiar Scottish experience of being thrashed." A rather grim form of education, wouldn't you say?

Since devolution and the passage of the Gaelic Language (Scotland) Act 2005, Scottish nationalists have been at the forefront of efforts to revive Scottish Gaelic. They've championed immersion schools, funded by the Scottish Parliament, in a determined attempt to pull the language back from the precipice of extinction.

Then there's the lowland Scots Language, once known as Inglis/[Early Scots]. This language, a member of the West Germanic languages, also carries a history of being discouraged within the Scottish educational system. Scots speakers today readily admit to having faced various forms of punishment for speaking their native tongue. Consequently, the protection and revival of both Scottish Gaelic and Lowland Scots are central tenets of nationalist ideology. It’s not just about speaking; it’s about reclaiming a voice that was systematically silenced.

Linguistic independence, in this context, is most powerfully articulated through the poetry of Robert Burns, particularly his works reflecting the Wars of Scottish Independence. This sentiment experienced a significant resurgence during the Scottish Renaissance, spearheaded by figures like Hugh MacDiarmid. It's a testament to the enduring power of language, even when faced with relentless pressure.

Politics

Within the political sphere, Scottish nationalism found its most potent expression through the National Party of Scotland, which eventually evolved into the Scottish National Party (SNP). Their ascent to power in the Scottish Parliament in 2007 marked a significant shift. This led to negotiations with the Westminster government, culminating in the legal framework for the 2014 Scottish independence referendum. The referendum, held on September 18, 2014, ultimately resulted in a victory for the Better Together campaign, which advocated for Scotland's continued membership within the United Kingdom. A substantial 55% of the Scottish electorate, across all 32 council areas, voted "No" to independence. However, it wasn't a clean sweep. Four council areas – Dundee, Glasgow, North Lanarkshire, and West Dunbartonshire – saw a majority vote in favour of independence. These areas represented the wishes of 1,617,989 individuals who cast their vote for independence. A reminder that the desire for separation was far from insignificant.

Despite the referendum's outcome, the SNP experienced an unprecedented surge in support in the subsequent months. They secured a landslide victory in Scotland during the UK general election the following year, ending 51 years of dominance by Scottish Labour. Many long-standing Labour politicians were unseated, marking one of the most significant political upsets in decades. The SNP, despite contesting seats only in Scotland, became the third-largest party in the UK Parliament, displacing the Liberal Democrats. Then, on June 23, 2016, the United Kingdom held a referendum on its membership in the European Union. The result: 52% voted to leave. This outcome reignited calls for a second Scottish independence referendum. After all, 62% of the Scottish electorate had voted to remain in the EU. The promise of prosperity through single market access, a key argument of the Better Together campaign, now seemed like a distant memory. A bitter irony, perhaps.

In 2021, a new contender emerged. Former SNP Leader and First Minister of Scotland, Alex Salmond, launched the Alba Party. His stated aim was to achieve a "supermajority" for Scottish independence in the 2021 Scottish Parliament election. The result, however, was less than stellar. The party failed to secure any seats, and to date, has not achieved electoral success in any contest it has entered. A rather abrupt end to such ambitious pronouncements.

More recently, on June 15, 2022, First Minister Nicola Sturgeon announced her intention to hold a second Scottish independence referendum in October 2023. This decision, however, was met with a swift and decisive rejection. On November 23, 2022, the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom unanimously declared her plan to be null and void. A legal roadblock, it seems, to the nationalist agenda.

Ultranationalism and Paramilitary Groups

The landscape of Scottish nationalism isn't entirely populated by peaceful political parties. There have been darker fringes, groups resorting to more extreme measures. The Scottish National Liberation Army, also known by the rather unsavory moniker "Tartan Terrorists," was formed by Adam Busby in the aftermath of the 1979 Scottish devolution referendum. This group claimed responsibility for a series of chilling acts, including letter bomb deliveries to prominent figures like Margaret Thatcher and Diana, Princess of Wales. Their campaign of violence extended through the 1980s with arson attacks, including a firebombing of the Conservative party headquarters in Glasgow. They even targeted significant institutions like the British Ministry of Defence Headquarters and a British Airways office in London. Their activity continued sporadically until 2012, when, rather conveniently, they announced a ceasefire, ostensibly to make way for democratic debate leading up to the 2014 independence referendum. One can only wonder at the timing.

Then there’s Siol nan Gaidheal. Founded in 1978 by Tom Moore, this group espouses an ultranationalist ideology. Their definition of nationhood is rooted in blood descent and heredity, drawing parallels to the traditional Scottish clan system rather than political or civil allegiance. It's a more primal, exclusionary form of nationalism, one that emphasizes kinship over common citizenship.

Arm nan Gaidheal, a short-lived paramilitary wing associated with Siol nan Gaidheal, was responsible for several petrol bomb attacks in the early 1980s, again following the failed referendum on Scottish devolution. Currently, Siol nan Gaidheal is designated as a banned group in Scotland, operating under the shadow of the Scottish National Party.

Another figure, Frederick Boothby, led and established the Army of the Provisional Government, also known as the "Tartan Army." This group was implicated in a series of bombings in 1975 and a botched bank robbery, which ultimately led to Boothby's apprehension. These were not isolated incidents; they represent a more violent, desperate expression of nationalist sentiment.

Popular Culture

The influence of Scottish nationalism extends beyond the political arena, permeating the realm of popular culture. It’s in the stories told, the art created, and the narratives that shape collective memory.

Poetry

The literary landscape of Scotland is rich with works that have championed the nationalist cause.

In 1375, the Scottish makar, or court poet, John Barbour, completed the epic poem The Brus. This work meticulously recounts and celebrates the heroic deeds of Robert the Bruce, the pivotal figure who led the Scottish people in their arduous Wars of Independence against the English monarchs Edward I and Edward II of England. His ultimate triumph saw him crowned King of Scotland.
Around 1488, another Scottish makar, Blind Harry, penned the epic poem The Wallace. This narrative focuses on the life and exploits of the legendary Scottish nationalist leader William Wallace, a symbol of resistance and defiance.
Alasdair mac Mhaighstir Alasdair (circa 1698-1770), a Jacobite war poet and a towering figure in Scottish Gaelic literature, has exerted a considerable influence on both Scottish nationalism and Scottish republicanism. Despite his personal allegiance to the House of Stuart and his staunch monarchism, Alasdair's poetic denunciations and searing satires against the House of Hanover, the ancestors of the current British royal family, have been widely admired and translated by writers who advocate for Scottish independence. His words resonate with a powerful anti-establishment fervor.
The dramatic events of the Scottish Wars of Independence serve as a recurring and potent theme in the verse of Scotland's esteemed national poet, Robert Burns. His work often evokes a deep sense of national pride and historical grievance.
Hugh MacDiarmid (1892-1978) was a pivotal Scottish poet, widely regarded as one of the principal architects of the Scottish Renaissance. His profound influence on Scottish culture and politics is undeniable, shaping the intellectual and artistic landscape for generations.

Film

The cinematic world has also played a significant role in shaping and reflecting Scottish nationalist sentiment.

Braveheart, the historical war film that dramatically portrays the life of William Wallace during the First War of Scottish Independence, captured the imagination of a global audience. Directed by and starring Mel Gibson as Wallace, the screenplay by Randall Wallace was heavily influenced by Blind Harry's poem, The Wallace. While the film is credited with igniting a surge in Scottish nationalism – with Lin Anderson, author of Braveheart: From Hollywood to Holyrood, suggesting it contributed to the establishment of Scotland's first devolved parliament since 1707 – it has also faced considerable criticism for its historical inaccuracies. Ironically, these alleged inaccuracies have themselves become ingrained in popular culture.
In an attempt to offer a more historically faithful depiction of the Wars of Scottish Independence, director David Mackenzie helmed Outlaw King. However, this film too has encountered its share of critiques regarding historical accuracy. A notable point of contention is the portrayal of Robert the Bruce, played by Chris Pine. He is depicted as an enigmatic, benevolent figure of the people, driven by a noble desire to restore Scotland to its rightful owners. This contrasts sharply with the view of historian Fiona Watson, who suggests the real King Robert I was more likely a cold, calculating, and Machiavellian figure, primarily motivated by personal ambition. Similarly, Edward, Prince of Wales (portrayed by Billy Howle), Bruce's primary adversary, is presented as a cruel and sadistic individual eager to usurp his father, King Edward Longshanks (played by Stephen Dillane). Historical accounts suggest Prince Edward was rather reluctant to assume the throne and was known for his generosity towards his servants. The cinematic portrayal, while perhaps more palatable to a nationalist narrative, deviates significantly from the historical record.