Ah, another soul seeking to understand the nebulous concept of "Scottish identity." Don't expect me to hold your hand. This is about facts, not feelings. Though, as you'll see, the two get rather tangled up in this particular corner of the world.
Scottish identity and common culture
The very essence of Scottish national identity—a sentiment that has, at times, morphed into the fervent cry of Scottish nationalism—is a complex tapestry woven from the shared culture, the distinct languages, and the deeply ingrained traditions of the Scottish people. It’s an identity shaped by a confluence of ethnic, cultural, and economic influences that have coalesced within the geographical confines of Scotland.
While the languages spoken—Gaelic, Scots, and Scottish English—are undeniably unique, they are, in the grand scheme of things, seen as variations on a theme, all contributing to a singular Scottish identity. This national consciousness exists alongside, and often in dialogue with, potent regional identities. Places like Glasgow, the remote Outer Hebrides, the windswept islands of Orkney and Shetland, the rugged northeast, and the historic Scottish Borders all possess a distinct sense of self, a local pride that complements, rather than erodes, the overarching Scottish identity.
The Scottish Government, in its rather clinical definition from 2022, described "national identity" as "a feeling of attachment to a nation." A rather bland assessment, if you ask me. The 2011 census offered a more tangible, if slightly sterile, snapshot: a staggering 82.7 percent of the population, approximately 4.4 million souls, claimed "some Scottish national identity." This was particularly pronounced in areas like North Lanarkshire, Inverclyde, East Ayrshire, and West Dumbartonshire. Digging deeper, 62.4 percent, or about 3.3 million people, identified as "Scottish only." A significant number, yes, but it leaves a rather substantial portion in the murky territory of dual or other identities.
History
Pre-Union
Early Middle Ages
In the mists of the Early Middle Ages, the land we now call Scotland was a fractured mosaic, divided amongst four principal ethnic groups and their respective kingdoms. To the east lay the Picts, their power often consolidated under the kings of Fortriu. Across to the west, the Gaelic-speaking people of Dál Riata held sway, their cultural and linguistic ties reaching across the sea to Ireland, from which they brought the very name that would eventually define them: Scots. In the southwest, the British-speaking inhabitants of the Kingdom of Strathclyde, often referred to as Alt Clut, carved out their existence. And in the southeast, the Angles, a Germanic people, had established kingdoms, including Bernicia, which encroached upon the southern reaches of modern Scotland.
This delicate balance was violently disrupted by the arrival of the Vikings in the late eighth century. Their ferocious raids eventually gave way to settlement, leaving their mark on Galloway, Orkney, Shetland, and the Hebrides. These external pressures, however, may have inadvertently accelerated a long-simmering process of cultural assimilation. The Pictish kingdoms, increasingly under Gaelic influence, began to adopt the language and customs of their western neighbours. This cultural convergence was further solidified by the merging of the Gaelic and Pictish crowns. By the year 900, when Domnall II (Donald II) died, he was the first to bear the title rí Alban, King of Alba, a testament to the nascent unity emerging from this tumultuous period.
High Middle Ages
During the High Middle Ages, the term "Scot" was a curious thing. It was primarily an external label, used by the inhabitants of the land when speaking to foreigners, who overwhelmingly identified them as such. Internally, they referred to themselves as Albanach or simply Gaidel, terms that linked them ethnically to the majority population of Ireland. By the dawn of the thirteenth century, the author of De Situ Albanie observed that the name Arregathel (Argyll) meant "margin of the Scots or Irish," underscoring this shared heritage.
Scotland, however, began to forge a unity that transcended these ethnic distinctions. By the end of this period, the word "Scot," whether in Latin, French, or English, could be applied to any subject of the Scottish king. The monarchy, a blend of Gaelic and Scoto-Norman influences, along with a mixed aristocracy, fostered a "Community of the Realm" where ethnic divisions, while present, were less divisive than in, say, Ireland or Wales. This burgeoning sense of identity was forged in opposition to the persistent English attempts at annexation. This antipathy towards England would, for centuries, dictate Scottish foreign policy, presenting significant challenges for monarchs like James III and James IV who might have preferred a more peaceful coexistence. The Declaration of Arbroath in 1320, a powerful assertion of Scotland's ancient distinctiveness in the face of English aggression, famously proclaimed the king's duty to defend the independence of the "community of Scotland." It is widely regarded as an early articulation of a "nationalist theory of sovereignty."
Late Middle Ages
The Late Middle Ages are often painted as the crucible in which Scottish national identity was initially hammered out. The relentless English invasions and interference, spearheaded by figures like Robert the Bruce and William Wallace, served to unify a disparate populace against a common enemy. This external pressure, coupled with internal social and cultural shifts, fostered a profound sense of national unity and a deep-seated animosity towards England that would shape Scottish foreign policy well into the fifteenth century. The aforementioned Declaration of Arbroath stands as a monumental testament to this period, an impassioned plea for sovereignty that has echoed through the centuries.
The adoption of Middle Scots by the aristocracy played a crucial role in bridging the cultural chasm between the rulers and the ruled, fostering a sense of shared culture and solidarity. However, the continued dominance of Gaelic north of the Tay likely exacerbated the existing divide between the Highlands and the Lowlands. The national literature of this era, rich with legend and history, was often employed in the service of the crown and the nascent concept of nationalism, effectively cultivating a sense of national identity, at least among the elite. Works like The Brus and Wallace presented a narrative of unified struggle against the English, solidifying a shared historical consciousness. Even Arthurian literature was reinterpreted, with King Arthur cast as a villain and Mordred, son of the Pictish king, elevated to heroic status. The origin myth of the Scots, meticulously systematised by John of Fordun in the early fourteenth century, traced their lineage back to the Greek prince Gathelus and his Egyptian wife Scota. This narrative allowed the Scots to claim a superior lineage to the English, who in turn boasted descent from the defeated Trojans.
It was within this period that the national flag of Scotland, the Cross of St. Andrew or Saltire, began its ascent as a common symbol. The image of Saint Andrew, martyred on an X-shaped cross, first appeared in the Kingdom of Scotland during the reign of William I. By the late thirteenth century, it was emblazoned on the seals of the Guardians of Scotland, a clear indication of its growing significance. The simplified saltire symbol itself gained prominence in the late fourteenth century. In 1385, the Parliament of Scotland decreed that Scottish soldiers must wear a white Saint Andrew's Cross, front and back, for identification. The adoption of a blue background for the saltire is thought to date from at least the fifteenth century, though the earliest explicit reference to it as a flag appears in the Vienna Book of Hours around 1503.
Mirroring trends across Western Europe, the Scottish monarchy in the fifteenth century embraced the elaborate courtly culture of the Burgundian court. Display, ritual, and pageantry became central to political and cultural life, reflected in the construction of grand new palaces and patronage of the arts. The burgeoning ideas of Renaissance thought influenced perceptions of governance, leading to the concept of a "New" or Renaissance monarchy that emphasized the monarch's status and authority. The Roman legal principle that "a king is emperor in his own kingdom" found fertile ground in Scotland from the mid-fifteenth century. In 1469, Parliament declared that James III possessed "full jurisdiction and empire within his realm." By the 1480s, the king's image on silver groats depicted him wearing a closed, arched imperial crown, a stark departure from the open circlets of medieval kings. This symbol of imperial authority soon appeared across heraldry, royal seals, manuscripts, and even the steeples of churches with royal connections, such as St. Giles Cathedral in Edinburgh.
Sixteenth Century
The concept of an imperial monarchy, emphasizing the crown's dignity as a unifying national force, defender of borders and interests, and the ultimate authority over the law, gained traction. James V was the first Scottish monarch to adopt the closed imperial crown, a clear visual assertion of absolute authority. His diadem was modified to include arches in 1532 and was later reconstructed in 1540 into what is now known as the Crown of Scotland. During her brief personal rule, Mary, Queen of Scots, introduced the elaborate courtly activities she had experienced at the French court, including balls, masques, and grand celebrations. These were intended to project a renewed monarchy and foster national unity. However, her reign ultimately collapsed into civil war, deposition, and execution in England. Her infant son, James VI, was crowned King of Scots in 1567.
By the early modern period, Gaelic had been in geographical decline for three centuries, relegated to the Highlands and Islands and increasingly viewed as a language of lesser status. Middle Scots, a language derived from Old English with significant Gaelic and French influences, had become the vernacular of the nobility and the majority of the population. In the fifteenth century, this language was sometimes referred to as "Inglyshe" and bore a strong resemblance to the language spoken in northern England. However, by the sixteenth century, Scots had developed its own distinct orthographic and literary traditions, largely independent of developments in England. The increasing influence and availability of English printed materials from the mid-sixteenth century onwards began to exert a pull, leading to a gradual shift towards English conventions in written Scots. Unlike many of his predecessors, James VI held a rather dismissive view of Gaelic culture.
Following the Scottish Reformation, a distinctly national kirk emerged, claiming to represent the entirety of Scotland. This kirk became a source of national pride, often contrasted with the less thoroughly reformed church in England. Historian Jane Dawson suggests that Scotland's diminished standing in the geopolitical power struggles between England and France may have led to an increased emphasis on their religious achievements. A theology developed that posited a covenant relationship between Scotland and God, with many Scots viewing their nation as a new Israel, a holy people engaged in a cosmic struggle against the forces of Christ and Antichrist, often identified with the resurgent papacy and the Roman Catholic Church. This perspective was reinforced by events in Europe, such as the 1572 massacre of St Bartholomew in France and the defeat of the Spanish Armada in 1588, which highlighted the perceived threats to the Reformed faith. These ideas were widely disseminated through the first Protestant histories, including Knox's History of the Reformation and George Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia. The rise of popular printing also facilitated a surge in patriotic literature, with published editions of medieval poetry by John Barbour and Robert Henryson, and the plays of David Lyndsay, finding new audiences and contributing to the cultivation of a national identity.
Seventeenth Century
In 1603, a seismic shift occurred: James VI of Scotland inherited the throne of the Kingdom of England, departing Edinburgh for London to reign as James I. This was a personal or dynastic union, a union of crowns rather than a complete political merger. Despite James's ambitions to forge a single "imperial" throne of "Great Britain," the crowns remained distinct. James, styling himself "King of Great Britain," attempted to imbue his court and person with a British character and push for a political union between England and Scotland. While the parliaments established a commission to negotiate such a union, the idea proved deeply unpopular, and James eventually abandoned his push for immediate union, allowing the matter to quietly recede from the legislative agenda. Attempts to revive the proposal in 1610 were met with open hostility in the House of Commons.
The Protestant narrative of Scotland as a "new Israel," bound by a covenant with God, surged to the forefront of national politics in 1637. Presbyterians, incensed by Charles I's liturgical reforms, signed the National Covenant. In the ensuing Wars of Three Kingdoms, Scottish armies marched under the saltire of St. Andrew, their battle cries echoing "Religion, Crown, Covenant and Country." Following defeats at Dunbar (1650) and Worcester (1651), Scotland found itself occupied and declared part of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland. Although it had its adherents, Scotland's independence as a kingdom was only restored with the return of the Stuart monarchy in 1660.
The Glorious Revolution of 1688–89 saw the Catholic James VII replaced by the Protestant William of Orange and his wife Mary, James's daughter, on the thrones of England, Scotland, and Ireland. The religious settlement that followed restored Presbyterianism and abolished bishops, who had largely supported James. This left Scotland divided, with a predominantly Presbyterian Lowland population and a largely Episcopalian Highland region. Support for James, known as Jacobitism (from the Latin Jacobus for James), ignited a series of risings. The first, led by John Graham of Claverhouse, Viscount Dundee, saw his predominantly Highland forces defeat William's army at the Battle of Killiecrankie in 1689. However, heavy losses and Dundee's death in combat led to the Jacobite army's subsequent defeat at the Battle of Dunkeld. In the years that followed, William's proposals for a full union with Scotland, put before the Parliament of Scotland in 1700 and 1702, were met with rejection.
Union
Acts of Union 1707
William's successor was his sister-in-law, Anne. With no surviving children, the Protestant succession was in precarious doubt. The English Parliament, seeking to secure this succession, passed the Act of Settlement 1701, designating Sophia of Hanover and her descendants as heirs. The Scottish Parliament, however, responded with its own Act of Security 1704, which merely prohibited a Roman Catholic successor, leaving open the possibility of the crowns diverging upon Anne's death.
Fearing the potential return of James Francis Edward Stuart, then living in France, the English Parliament pushed for a complete union of the two kingdoms. The Alien Act 1705 threatened to disenfranchise all Scots unable to hold property in England unless union moves were made, a move that would have severely impacted Scotland's vital cattle and linen trades. A political union was also presented as an economically attractive proposition, promising access to England's vast markets and those of its expanding empire. Despite widespread, albeit disunited, popular opposition and mistrust, the Treaty of Union was ultimately ratified.
The treaty confirmed the Hanoverian succession. Crucially, Scotland retained its distinct systems of church governance (the Church of Scotland), its legal framework, and its courts. The Parliament of Scotland and the English Parliament were replaced by a new, unified Parliament of Great Britain, which convened in Westminster and largely continued existing English parliamentary traditions. Scotland sent forty-five representatives to the House of Commons and sixteen to the House of Lords. Rosalind Mitchison argues that while this new parliament became a focal point for national political life, it never achieved the same deep-seated centrality to national identity as its English counterpart. The union also entailed a full economic integration, subsuming Scotland's separate currency, taxation, and trade regulations. The abolition of the Scottish Privy Council meant that effective governance in Scotland fell into the hands of unofficial "managers."
Early Union (1707–1832)
Jacobitism
The unpopularity of the union with England in 1707 saw a resurgence of Jacobitism, the movement supporting the Stuart claim to the throne. In 1708, James Francis Edward Stuart, son of James VII and known as "The Old Pretender," attempted an invasion with French backing. The two most significant Jacobite uprisings occurred in 1715 and 1745.
The 1715 rising coincided with the death of Queen Anne and the accession of the first Hanoverian king, George I. The plan called for simultaneous uprisings across Britain, but only materialized in Scotland and parts of Northern England. John Erskine, Earl of Mar, raised the Jacobite clans in the Highlands. However, Mar's forces were defeated at the Battle of Sheriffmuir. Simultaneously, a portion of his forces, having joined with uprisings in northern and southern England, were defeated at the Battle of Preston. By the time the Old Pretender arrived in Scotland, the rebellion was effectively over, and he returned to exile.
The 1745 rising was led by Charles Edward Stuart, the Old Pretender's son, more famously known as Bonnie Prince Charlie or the Young Pretender. His support was almost exclusively drawn from the Highland clans. The rebellion enjoyed initial success, with Highland armies defeating Hanoverian forces and occupying Edinburgh. They embarked on an ill-fated march into England, reaching as far as Derby. However, Charles's position in Scotland began to falter as Scottish Whig supporters rallied and regained control of Edinburgh. He retreated north, only to be decisively defeated at the Battle of Culloden on 16 April 1746. Brutal reprisals followed against his supporters, and foreign powers abandoned the Jacobite cause, forcing the Stuart court into exile. The Old Pretender died in 1766, and the Young Pretender, without legitimate heirs, in 1788. With the death of his brother, Henry, Cardinal of York, in 1807, the Jacobite cause effectively ended. The Jacobite risings starkly illuminated the social and cultural divide within Scotland, pitting the "improved," English-speaking Lowlands against the less developed, Gaelic-speaking Highlands.
Language
Scottish Gaelic, often referred to as the foundational language of Scotland, is the oldest living language in the country. However, from 1494 to 1698, Acts of the Scots Parliament were passed with the explicit aim of establishing English as the primary language, pushing Gaelic to the margins. The Acts of Union 1707 further diminished its status, stripping it of its legitimacy as a legal and administrative language. Adding to this suppression, the Act of Proscription 1746 was enacted to forcibly assimilate Highland Scots into Lowland and British culture.
Following the shift of political power to England after 1707, the use of Scots also faced discouragement from many in positions of authority and education. The very notion of Scottishness itself was often downplayed. Prominent Scots of the era, such as David Hume, began to identify themselves as "Northern British" rather than purely Scottish. Many Scots sought to learn English, spurred on by figures like Thomas Sheridan, who in 1761 delivered a series of lectures on English elocution in Edinburgh. These lectures, each costing a guinea (equivalent to roughly £200 today), attracted over 300 attendees and earned Sheridan the freedom of the city. This initiative led to the formation of the Select Society for Promoting the Reading and Speaking of the English Language in Scotland by some of the city's intellectuals.
Despite these efforts, Scots persisted as the vernacular language in many rural Lowland communities and among the growing urban working classes. In the Highlands, Gaelic language and culture endured, and the region was increasingly viewed as distinct, even "other," by Lowlanders. Consequently, the preservation and revival of both Scottish Gaelic and Lowland Scots are now considered central to the concept of Scottish national identity.
Literature and Romanticism
While Scotland increasingly adopted English language and broader cultural norms, its literature began to carve out a distinct national identity and achieve international acclaim. Allan Ramsay (1686–1758) was instrumental in reigniting interest in older Scottish literature and popularizing pastoral poetry, further developing the Habbie stanza as a significant poetic form.
James Macpherson rose to international fame as the first Scottish poet to achieve such recognition. He claimed to have discovered ancient poetry by the bard Ossian and published translations that captivated audiences across Europe. His Fingal, published in 1762, was quickly translated into numerous languages. Its profound appreciation for natural beauty and the melancholic tenderness with which it treated ancient legend significantly contributed to the emergence of the Romantic movement in European literature, particularly in Germany, influencing thinkers like Herder and Goethe. It was later revealed that Macpherson's poems were not direct translations but rather elaborate adaptations designed to meet the aesthetic sensibilities of his audience.
Both Robert Burns and Walter Scott were deeply influenced by the Ossian cycle. Burns, an Ayrshire poet and lyricist, is widely revered as the national poet of Scotland and a pivotal figure in the Romantic movement. In addition to his original compositions, Burns dedicated himself to collecting folk songs from across Scotland, often revising and adapting them. His poem and song "Auld Lang Syne" remains a staple of Hogmanay celebrations, while "Scots Wha Hae" served for a considerable period as the country's unofficial national anthem. Walter Scott began his literary career as a poet and also collected and published Scottish ballads. His first prose work, Waverley (1814), is often credited as the first historical novel. It launched a remarkably successful career that, arguably more than any other, defined and popularized Scottish cultural identity.
Tartanry
During the 1820s, as part of the Romantic revival, tartan and the kilt experienced a surge in popularity, adopted not only by the Scottish elite but also by socialites across Europe. Walter Scott's highly orchestrated "staging" of King George IV's visit to Scotland in 1822, particularly the king's own adoption of tartan, led to an unprecedented demand for kilts and tartans that the Scottish textile industry struggled to meet. The designation of individual clan tartans, largely defined during this period, became a potent symbol of Scottish identity. This fashion for all things Scottish was further sustained by Queen Victoria, who played a significant role in solidifying Scotland's image as a desirable tourist destination and perpetuating the popularity of tartan. This phenomenon, termed "tartanry," effectively equated Scottish identity with Highland identity, a culture previously viewed with disdain or suspicion. This romanticization may have served as a cultural response to the erosion of traditional Highland society and the accelerating pace of industrialization and urbanization.
The romanticization of the Highlands and the embrace of Jacobitism into mainstream culture are often seen as having defused any potential threat to the Union with England, the House of Hanover, and the dominant Whig government. While Romanticism in many other European nations fueled radical independence movements through the development of distinct national identities, Tom Nairn argues that in Scotland, it fostered a "rootless" intelligentsia that often relocated to England or abroad, thus failing to cultivate a cultural nationalism that could resonate with the emerging working classes. Graeme Moreton and Lindsay Paterson suggest that the British state's minimal interference in civil society meant that the middle classes had little incentive to challenge the union. Atsuko Ichijo posits that national identity and movements for independence are not necessarily synonymous. Moreton further suggests that a form of Scottish nationalism did exist, but it was primarily expressed as "Unionist nationalism."
Victorian and Edwardian eras (1832–1910)
Industrialisation
From the latter half of the eighteenth century, Scotland underwent a profound transformation driven by the Industrial Revolution, emerging as a significant commercial and industrial hub within the British Empire. Initial trade with Colonial America, focusing on tobacco, gradually expanded to include rum, sugar, and cotton. While the cotton industry eventually declined due to blockades during the American Civil War, Scotland had by then established itself as a powerhouse in coal mining, engineering, shipbuilding, and locomotive production, with steel eventually supplanting iron in the late nineteenth century. This industrial boom fueled rapid urbanization, particularly along the industrial belt stretching from the southwest to the northeast. By 1900, the four industrial counties of Lanarkshire, Renfrewshire, Dunbartonshire, and Ayrshire housed 44 percent of Scotland's population.
These rapid industrial developments, while bringing employment and wealth, outpaced the development of adequate housing, town planning, and public health infrastructure. Consequently, living conditions in many towns and cities became notoriously grim, characterized by overcrowding, high infant mortality rates, and escalating tuberculosis. The burgeoning industries attracted not only rural workers but also significant numbers of immigrants from Catholic Ireland, altering the religious landscape and national character, especially in the urban centers of the west. In cities like Glasgow, a powerful sense of civic pride emerged as it grew into the "second city of the Empire," with its corporation actively reshaping the urban environment and controlling vital services like transport, communications, and housing.
Michael Lynch views the period following the Reform Act 1832 as the emergence of a new British state. This act initiated the expansion of the electoral franchise, initially from a mere 5,000 landowners, a process that continued with further legislation in 1868 and 1884. Lynch posits that Scots developed concentric identities, where "a new Scottishness, a new Britishness and a revised sense of local pride – were held together by a phenomenon bigger than all of them – a Greater Britain whose stability rested on the Empire." He also contends that the three primary institutions safeguarding Scotland's identity—the Church, education, and the legal system—were all in a state of decline during this period.
Religious fragmentation
The late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries witnessed a significant fragmentation within the Church of Scotland, an institution established during the Reformation. These divisions were primarily fueled by disputes over governance and patronage, but they also reflected a deeper ideological rift between the Evangelicals, who harbored fears of religious fanaticism, and the Moderate Party, who were more receptive to Enlightenment ideas. The legal right of lay patrons to appoint clergy to local parishes led to a series of minor schisms. The first, known as the First Secession in 1733, resulted in the establishment of several secessionist churches. A second schism in 1761 led to the founding of the independent Relief Church.
Gaining momentum during the Evangelical Revival of the later eighteenth century, and after prolonged internal struggle, the Evangelicals secured control of the General Assembly in 1834. They subsequently passed the Veto Act, empowering congregations to reject unwanted presentations to church livings by patrons. This initiated the "Ten Years' Conflict," a period of intense legal and political wrangling that ultimately ended in defeat for the non-intrusionists in the civil courts. The outcome was a significant schism, with a substantial portion of the clergy, particularly from the North and Highlands, breaking away to form the separate Free Church of Scotland under the leadership of Dr. Thomas Chalmers. In the late nineteenth century, theological debates intensified between fundamentalist Calvinists and liberal theologians who rejected a literal interpretation of the Bible. This led to a further split within the Free Church, with rigid Calvinists forming the Free Presbyterian Church in 1893. Prior to the Disruption, the Church of Scotland had been regarded as the embodiment of national identity and the moral guardian of the nation, wielding considerable influence over moral discipline, schools, and the poor law system. However, after 1843, it became a minority church, its moral authority and control over social welfare and education significantly diminished.
In the late nineteenth century, the established church began a process of recovery, initiating a vigorous program of church building to rival the Free Church. The number of parishes grew from 924 in 1843 to 1,437 by 1909. Efforts towards reunion also gained traction. Some secessionist churches merged to form the United Secession Church in 1820, which then united with the Relief Church in 1847 to create the United Presbyterian Church of Scotland. This body, in turn, joined with the Free Church in 1900. The repeal of legislation concerning lay patronage paved the way for the majority of the Free Church to rejoin the Church of Scotland in 1929. Nevertheless, these schisms left behind smaller denominations, including the Free Presbyterians and a remnant of the Free Church that continued after 1900.
Education
The transformative forces of the Industrial Revolution and rapid urbanization undermined the effectiveness of the Scottish church school system, which had been in place since the Reformation. This created significant gaps in educational provision and exacerbated religious divisions, which began to erode the system's unity. The publication of George Lewis's Scotland: a Half Educated Nation in 1834 ignited a major debate regarding the suitability of the parish school system, particularly in rapidly expanding urban areas. Recognizing the growing deficiencies in provision, the Kirk established an education committee in 1824. Between 1824 and 1865, this committee founded 214 "assembly schools" and 120 "sessional schools," primarily managed by kirk sessions in towns and intended for the children of the poor.
The Disruption of 1843 further fragmented the kirk school system, with 408 teachers from schools aligning with the breakaway Free Church. By May 1847, it was reported that the new church had established 500 schools, along with two teacher training colleges and a ministerial training college. The influx of a substantial number of Irish immigrants throughout the nineteenth century led to the establishment of Catholic schools, particularly in the urban west, beginning with Glasgow in 1817. The church school system was now fractured among three major bodies: the established Kirk, the Free Church, and the Catholic Church. The perceived shortcomings and fragmentation of the Scottish school system spurred a process of secularization, with the state assuming increasing control. From 1830, the state began to provide funding for school buildings through grants, and by 1846, it was directly sponsoring schools. The Education Act 1861 removed the requirement for Scottish teachers to be members of the Church of Scotland or subscribe to the Westminster Confession. Under the Education (Scotland) Act 1872, approximately 1,000 regional school boards were established. These boards assumed control of the schools belonging to both the old and new kirks and initiated a significant program of constructing large, purpose-built schools. Overall administration was managed by the Scotch (later Scottish) Education Department in London.
Law
The union with England led to a perception that Scottish law was becoming increasingly Anglicised. Particularly during the first third of the nineteenth century, a series of reforms to the judicial system and legal procedures brought it into closer alignment with English practice. A notable example was the introduction of trial by jury in civil cases in 1814. In the 1820s, Robert Peel, then Home Secretary, justified these changes by arguing that the Scottish system was "totally different from English practice and rather repugnant to English feelings." Furthermore, new areas of public policy, such as public health, working conditions, and investor protection, which had not previously been part of Scottish law, were legislated for by the British Parliament, challenging the distinctiveness of the Scottish legal system. In the late nineteenth century, commercial law saw increasing assimilation, with English-based statutes like the Partnership Act 1890 and the Sale of Goods Act 1893 effectively replacing Scottish legal norms. Lord Rosebery articulated these concerns about Anglicisation in 1882, lamenting that new legislation was framed on the principle that "every part of the United Kingdom must be English, because it is part of the United Kingdom."
Early nationalist movements
Unlike many continental European nations, Scotland did not experience major insurrections in the 1840s. Early movements toward nationalism tended to focus on improving the existing union rather than advocating for its dissolution. The first political organization with a distinctly nationalist agenda was the National Association for the Vindication of Scottish Rights, formed in 1853. This group highlighted perceived grievances, drew parallels with the more favorable treatment afforded to Ireland, and argued for increased Scottish representation in Westminster. Despite attracting limited significant figures, the association disbanded in 1856, though it laid the groundwork for subsequent nationalist movements.
Resentment over the preferential treatment reportedly considered for Ireland during the Irish Home Rule debates in the late nineteenth century reignited interest in constitutional reform and fostered a politically significant Scottish Home Rule movement. However, this movement was not aimed at full independence. Its objective was the devolution of Scottish affairs to Edinburgh to enhance the efficiency of Westminster. It was generally assumed that the union was essential for Scotland's progress and prosperity. Concurrently, Scottish Highland crofters drew inspiration from the Irish Land League, established to campaign for land reform in Ireland and protect the interests of Irish tenant farmers. This led to the formation of the Highland Land League by Highlanders. The campaign for land reform in the Highlands evolved into a parliamentary arm, the Crofters Party. Ultimately, unlike the highly successful Irish Parliamentary Party, the Crofters Party proved short-lived, being co-opted by the Liberal Party. Nevertheless, it played a role in securing key concessions from the Liberals, leading to the legal enshrinement of crofters' rights. Not all Scots felt a common cause with Irish nationalism; the widely popular Scottish Unionist Association, formed in 1912 through the merger of the Scottish Conservatives and Liberal Unionists, viewed the Irish Union of 1801 as a precedent, while the union between Scotland and England was taken for granted and perceived as largely unthreatened.
World Wars (1914–1960)
In the period leading up to the outbreak of World War I, Scotland was experiencing significant societal shifts and improvements in living standards. A considerable number of people from the Scottish Highlands had begun to emigrate to "the new world." Within Scotland itself, advancements were made in education, with compulsory education for all children up to the age of thirteen, alongside progress in medical technology and transportation networks. Furthermore, increased investment in housing across Scottish towns and cities resulted in improved housing quality and living conditions. The British Army, though limited in size and personnel numbers prior to World War I, saw Scottish soldiers play a prominent role, maintaining their distinctiveness through the continued use of kilts and the presence of bagpipes in battle.
During World War II, Scotland, particularly its eastern coast, was considered a likely target for Nazi Germany bombing raids, especially following the German occupation of Norway. Consequently, enhanced defensive measures were implemented along the eastern Scottish coastline. Additional precautions were also put in place in cities such as Glasgow to safeguard factories, shipyards, and docks, ensuring the continued operation of production and the economy.
Economic conditions, 1914–1922
Following World War I (1914–1918), Scotland faced a sharp decline in international trade and a reduction in orders for new ships. This, coupled with the adoption of new production methods, exacerbated the existing problems within Scotland's heavy industries. Between 1906 and 1908, the output of the Clyde shipbuilding industry had already fallen by 50 percent. At the time, the steel and engineering sectors were also experiencing a downturn. These were ominous indicators for an economy heavily reliant on eight staple industries: agriculture, coal mining, shipbuilding, engineering, textiles, building, steel, and fishing, which collectively accounted for 60 percent of Scotland's industrial output. With 12.5 percent of the UK's production output and 10.5 percent of its population, Scotland's economy played a significant role in the broader British economic landscape. Despite the economic hardships, Scotland actively participated in World War I. Initially enthusiastic about the war, with Scotland contributing 22 of the 157 battalions that formed the British Expeditionary Force, concerns about the wartime threat to an export-oriented economy soon surfaced. The fear that the war would lead to disastrous conditions for industrial areas, marked by increased unemployment, subsided somewhat as the German offensive on the Western Front stalled.
However, the textile industry was immediately impacted by freight and insurance cost increases of 30 to 40 percent. Coal mining also suffered as the German and Baltic markets disappeared during the war; the German market alone had represented 2.9 million tons of demand. Enlistment led to a decline in efficiency, as the remaining miners were often less skilled, older, or in poorer physical condition. The fishing industry was severely affected, as its primary export markets in Germany and Russia were inaccessible. Furthermore, a significant number of fishermen enlisted in the Royal Naval Reserve. The industries that benefited from the war were shipbuilding and munitions. While these sectors provided a boost to employment, their production had a limited future; with the war's end in 1918, so too did the orders that had sustained the Clyde shipyards. The war left a lasting scar on the Scottish economy for years to come.
The war brought a new wave of devastation to the Scottish Highlands. Forests were felled, and death and migration decimated traditional industries. Schemes were devised for the region's restoration, including reforestation, railway construction, and the industrialization of the islands along a Scandinavian model focused on deep-sea fishing. However, the implementation of these plans hinged on continued British economic prosperity. A reorganization of the railways was deemed critically important. The newly established Ministry of Transport proposed nationalizing the railways with a separate, autonomous Scottish region. This scheme would have placed a significant strain on Scottish railways, as had been observed under wartime national control (which had led to improved maintenance and wages, but also increased expenses). A Scottish company would have been compelled to maintain these standards while handling just over half the freight volume of the English railway system. A campaign, spearheaded by a coalition of Scottish MPs from the Labour, Liberal, and Conservative parties, employed nationalist rhetoric to secure the amalgamation of Scottish and English railways.
This instance illustrates how nationalism could be intertwined with economic considerations; any perceived economic disadvantage relative to the rest of the UK could be leveraged by politicians to advocate for intervention by a devolved or independent administration. Scotland had been on the cusp of a vote on devolution before the outbreak of World War I. While economic problems were not new, they had not previously been a catalyst for nationalism. Government intervention prior to 1914 was largely social in nature, addressing issues of social welfare and the educational system. Economic interventions were not typically considered government functions before 1914.
The Scottish electorate expanded significantly from 779,012 in 1910 to 2,205,383 in 1918, largely due to the Representation of the People Act 1918, which granted voting rights to women over 30 and increased the number of male voters by 50 percent. Although the Labour Party included home rule in its platform, advocating for "self-determination for the Scottish people and the restoration of Scotland to the Scottish people," the Unionists secured 32 seats in the Commons—a substantial increase from their seven seats in 1910. The post-World War I period was marked by unprecedented economic depression, a direct consequence of the war's impact.
Economic conditions from 1922–1960
The Scottish economy was heavily reliant on international trade. A downturn in trade inevitably led to overcapacity in shipping and a decline in shipowner profits. This, in turn, resulted in fewer orders for new ships, a slump that then rippled through other heavy industries. In 1921, the shipbuilding industry was hit by a confluence of factors: the disappearance of the naval market, the surplus of production from U.S. shipyards, and the confiscation of enemy vessels.
Scotland needed a strategic plan to navigate these challenges. In 1930, the Labour government, though the move was largely considered cosmetic, encouraged the formation of regional industrial development groups, leading to the establishment of the Scottish National Development Council (SNDC). The SNDC later paved the way for the creation of the Scottish Economy Committee (SEC). Neither of these bodies pursued nationalist political solutions to Scotland's economic woes; in fact, many of their active participants vociferously condemned any form of home rule. However, concurrently, the secretary of the SEC justified its existence by stating: "It is undoubtedly true that Scotland's national economy tends to pass unnoticed in the hands of the Ministry of Labour and the Board of Trade." As government legislation increasingly encroached upon economic matters, the importance of legal and administrative expertise grew in the interwar years. The relocation of administrative functions to St. Andrew's House was considered a significant development. While welcoming the move in 1937, Walter Elliot, the Secretary of State at the time, expressed concerns:
"[...] will not in themselves dispose of the problems whose solution a general improvement in Scottish social and economic conditions depends [...] it is the consciousness of their existence which is reflected in, not in the small and unimportant Nationalist Party, but in the dissatisfaction and uneasiness amongst moderate and reasonable people of every view or rank – a dissatisfaction expressed in every book published about Scotland now for several years".
As government intervention in the economy became more pronounced, it became easier to advocate for nationalist remedies to ensure that policy decisions were aligned with Scotland's perceived interests. As was the case before 1914, the favorable conditions of world trade after 1945 allowed Scottish industry to prosper, postponing any perceived need for drastic political interventions until the late 1950s, when Scotland's economic progress began to falter, and shipbuilding and engineering firms faced closure. Yet, even as the economic decline of the late 1950s necessitated increased government intervention, there was no evidence of significant political change. Even the Scottish Council's 1960 inquiry into the Scottish economy adopted a cautious stance: "The proposal for a Scottish Parliament [...] implies constitutional changes of a kind that place it beyond our remit although it is fair to say that we do not regard it as a solution."
Literary renaissance
While the post-1914 period appeared to be dominated by Scotland's economic challenges, it also witnessed the emergence of a Scottish literary renaissance between 1924 and 1934. The rapid industrialization that swept across Scotland in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries had overwhelmed Scottish society, which struggled to adapt to the profound changes it wrought. The Scottish intelligentsia found itself grappling with the rapid growth of the industrial revolution and the associated entrepreneurial bourgeoisie, leaving it "deprived of its typical nationalist role. [...] There was no call for its usual services."
One of the first to recognize this perceived "lack of teeth" was the poet Hugh MacDiarmid. A nationalist and a socialist, MacDiarmid viewed the perceived parochialism of Scottish literature as a symptom of English hegemony, believing it needed to be dismantled. He sought to achieve this through his poetry, utilizing his own revival of old Scots, or "Lallans" (Lowland Scots), in the tradition of Robert Burns, rather than resorting to Scots Gaelic or standard English. MacDiarmid's "crusade" inspired other writers and poets, such as Lewis Grassic Gibbon and Edwin Muir; however, this literary renaissance proved to be relatively short-lived, lasting for approximately a decade.
1960–present day
Research conducted by the Scottish Social Attitudes Survey in 1979 revealed that over 95% of Scotland's residents identified as "Scottish" to varying degrees, with more than 80% also identifying as "British" to some extent. When compelled to choose a single national identity between "Scottish" and "British," 57% opted for Scottish, while 39% chose British. British national identity experienced a sharp decline in Scotland from 1979 until the advent of devolution in 1999. By 2000, when faced with the same forced choice, 80% identified as Scottish and only 13% as British, although a significant 60% still acknowledged a degree of British identity.
Polling conducted since 2014 indicates a shift, with British national identity rising to between 31–36% in Scotland when forced to choose between "Scottish" and "British," while Scottish national identity has decreased to between 58–62%. Other national identities, such as "European" and "English," have remained relatively stable in Scotland since 1999, hovering between 1–2%.
Among the most frequently cited reasons for the surge in Scottish national identity and the corresponding decline in British national identity in Scotland between 1979 and 1999 are the premierships of Margaret Thatcher (1979–1990) and John Major (1990–1997). These Conservative Party prime ministers, despite losing the popular vote in Scotland, consistently won UK-wide elections and implemented policies, such as the deeply unpopular poll tax, which generated significant opposition in Scotland. The establishment of a devolved Scottish Parliament in 1999 and the holding of a referendum on Scottish independence in 2014 are recognized as factors contributing to a gradual resurgence of British national identity and a decline in Scottish national identity since 1999.
Devolution
Scottish National Party and Scottish independence
The Scottish National Party (SNP) is a political party advocating for Scotland's withdrawal from the United Kingdom to establish an independent state. The party had a peripheral presence in Scottish politics following its loss of the Motherwell parliamentary constituency in the 1945 general election. Its fortunes began to change with a by-election victory in the Labour stronghold of Hamilton in 1967. At the subsequent 1970 general election, the party secured its first UK parliamentary seat in the Western Isles.
In 1970, substantial oil reserves were discovered off the coast of Scotland. The SNP capitalized on this discovery with its highly effective "It's Scotland's Oil" campaign, arguing that the oil within Scotland's territorial waters would benefit an independent Scotland and help mitigate the economic recession of the 1973–75 recession. The party achieved significant electoral success in the February 1974 general election, winning 7 seats and 21.9% of the vote, followed by 11 seats and 30.4% in the October 1974 general election. However, they lost the vast majority of these seats to Labour and the Conservatives in the 1979 general election.
A referendum on Scottish devolution was held in 1979, proposing the establishment of a devolved Scottish Assembly. Despite a narrow majority in favor of devolution (52%), the referendum failed to pass due to an insufficient turnout of 32.9% of the total Scottish electorate, falling short of the 40% threshold mandated by the UK Parliament.
The establishment of a devolved Scottish Parliament in 1999 provided the SNP with a crucial platform. The party formed a minority government from 2007 until 2011, and subsequently secured a majority government from 2011 until 2016. During this period, the Scottish Parliament approved the holding of a referendum on Scottish independence from the UK, conducted with the consent of the United Kingdom government. The referendum took place on 18 September 2014, with 55.3% voting against independence and 44.7% in favor, on a remarkably high turnout of 84.6%.
The majority of those identifying their national identity primarily as "British" tend to support Scotland remaining part of the United Kingdom. Conversely, a larger majority of those identifying more strongly as "Scottish" advocate for Scottish independence. However, many independence supporters also identify as "British" to varying degrees. A majority of those describing their national identity as "More Scottish than British" lean towards supporting Scottish independence.
The SNP returned to power as a minority government in 2016. Nicola Sturgeon, First Minister of Scotland from 2014 to 2023, stated in the immediate aftermath of the 2016 UK European Union membership referendum that a second referendum on Scottish independence was "highly likely." This was in light of Scotland voting overwhelmingly to remain within the EU (62% remain to 38% leave), despite the UK-wide result favoring leaving. However, she subsequently put these plans on hold following a setback in the 2017 general election, where the SNP lost 21 of its 56 seats from 2015 and saw its vote share drop from 50.0% to 36.9%. Nevertheless, in the 2019 general election, the SNP secured 48 out of Scotland's 59 seats. The SNP's manifesto for that election explicitly stated: "It’s a vote for Scotland’s right to choose our own future in a new independence referendum."
Cultural icons
Scotland's cultural icons have evolved significantly over the centuries. The clàrsach, or Celtic harp, was initially the national instrument, only to be supplanted by the Great Highland bagpipe in the fifteenth century. Symbols such as tartan, the kilt, and bagpipes are widely recognized, though not universally embraced, by Scots. Their establishment as symbols for the entirety of Scotland, particularly in the Lowlands, dates back to the early nineteenth century, a period characterized by elaborate pageantry, exemplified by Sir Walter Scott's organization of King George IV's visit to Scotland. Scott, a staunch Unionist and Tory, was simultaneously a powerful popularizer of Scottish mythology through his prolific writings.