Sunni Islam

The Arabic term sunna, from which the Sunnis derive their name, [6] [7] is a concept with roots stretching back into the pre-Islamic linguistic landscape. In those distant times, it simply referred to "the right path that has always been followed." [8] A rather straightforward and, one might argue, naive notion. Its political weight, however, ballooned dramatically following the assassination of the third caliph, Uthman (r. 644–656). It is recounted that Malik al-Ashtar, a prominent partisan of Ali, rallied troops during the tumultuous Battle of Siffin with the stark declaration that "Ali's political rival Mu'awiya kills the sunna." This, of course, paints a vivid picture of how quickly a concept of "right path" can be weaponized in political struggles. In the aftermath of that same battle, a rather optimistic agreement was reached: that "the righteous Sunnah, the unifying, not the divisive" (as-Sunna al-ʿādila al-ǧāmiʿa ġair al-mufarriqa) should be the arbiter of the conflict. The exact moment when sunna became shorthand for the much longer phrase, "Sunnah of the Prophet" (Sunnat an-Nabī), remains, rather inconveniently, lost to the sands of time. [9]

During the tumultuous Umayyad Caliphate, a period marked by significant political upheaval, various movements, notably the Shia and the Kharijites, actively rebelled against the emerging state structure. Their banners, predictably, invoked "the book of God (Qur'an) and the Sunnah of his Prophet," demonstrating the enduring power of religious legitimacy in political dissent. [10] The term Sunna acquired decidedly anti-Shi'i (or Tashayyu') connotations during the Second Civil War (680–92). It is recorded that Masrūq ibn al-Adschdaʿ (d. 683), a Mufti in Kufa, underscored the necessity of loving the first two caliphs, Abū Bakr and ʿUmar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb, and acknowledging their priority (Fadā'il). A student of Masrūq, the scholar ash-Shaʿbī (d. 721–729), initially aligned with the Shia in Kufa during the civil war. However, he eventually recoiled from their perceived fanaticism and, in a rather telling shift, decided to align himself with the Umayyad Caliph ʿAbd al-Malik. He subsequently played a significant role in popularizing the concept of Sunnah as a marker of orthodox belief. [11] It is also transmitted that ash-Shaʿbī was particularly offended by the animosity directed towards ʿĀʾiša bint Abī Bakr, deeming it a direct violation of the Sunnah. [12]

The use of the truncated term Sunna itself, as opposed to the more formal ahl as-sunna or ahl as-sunnah wa l-jamāʻah, as a collective noun for Sunnis, is a relatively recent development. It was likely Ibn Taymiyyah who first employed this shorter form. [13] Its popularization, however, can be attributed to later pan-Islamic scholars such as Muhammad Rashid Rida, particularly through his rather pointed treatise, as-Sunna wa-š-šiʿa au al-Wahhābīya wa-r-Rāfiḍa: Ḥaqāʾiq dīnīya taʾrīḫīya iǧtimaʿīya iṣlaḥīya ("The Sunna and the Shia, Or Wahhabism and Rāfidism: Religious history, sociological and reform-oriented facts"), published between 1928 and 1929. [14] In contemporary Arabic discourse, Sunnah is typically used to denote Sunni Muslims when they are explicitly contrasted with Shias. This pairing, Sunnah–Shia, has, rather predictably, found its way into Western academic literature to delineate the Sunni–Shia divide. [15]

Ahl as-Sunna

One of the earliest documented usages of the phrase ahl as-sunna can be traced to the Basran scholar Muhammad Ibn Siri (d. 728). His words are preserved in the Sahih of Muslim ibn al-Hajjaj, where he is quoted as saying: "Formerly one did not ask about the Isnad. But when the fitna started, one said: 'Name us your informants'. One would then respond to them: If they were Sunnah people, you accept their hadith. But if they are people of the Innovations, the hadith was rejected." [16] G.H.A. Juynboll, ever the meticulous scholar, posited that the fitna referenced here was not the first Civil War (665–661), which followed the assassination of ʿUthmān ibn ʿAffān, but rather the more complex Second Civil War (680–692). [17] This later conflict saw the Islamic community fragment into four distinct factions: those supporting Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr, the Umayyads, the Shia under al-Mukhtār ibn Abī ʿUbaid, and the Kharijites. In this fractured landscape, the term ahl as-sunna came to signify those who consciously abstained from the perceived heretical doctrines propagated by these various warring parties. [18]

The designation ahl as-sunna has consistently carried a laudatory connotation, a badge of honor, if you will. Abu Hanifa (d. 769), who harbored sympathies for the Murdshia, insisted that this group comprised "righteous people and people of the Sunnah" (ahl al-ʿadl wa-ahl as-sunna). [19] Josef van Ess, with his characteristic precision, suggested that this term initially conveyed nothing more profound than "honorable and righteous believing people." [20] Among early Hanafi scholars, the designations ahl as-sunna and ahl al-ʿadl (people of the righteous) were, for a considerable period, used interchangeably. For instance, the Hanafi scholar Abū l-Qāsim as-Samarqandī (d. 953), who authored a catechism for the Samanides, would fluidly employ one expression or the other to refer to his own intellectual cohort. [21]

The singular form corresponding to ahl as-sunna was ṣāḥib sunna (adherent to the sunnah). [22] This expression was notably used by ʿAbd Allāh ibn al-Mubārak (d. 797) to describe an individual who consciously distanced themselves from the doctrines of the Shia, Kharijites, Qadarites, and Murjites. [23] Furthermore, the Nisba adjective sunnī was also applied to individuals. It is recorded that the Kufic Quranic scholar Abū Bakr ibn ʿAyyāsh (d. 809) was asked how he identified as a "sunni." His remarkably insightful response was: "The one who, when the heresies are mentioned, doesn't get excited about any of them." [24] Centuries later, the Andalusian polymath Ibn Hazm (d. 1064) would categorize those who professed Islam into four distinct groups: ahl as-sunna, Mutazilites, Murjites, Shites, and Kharijites. [25] Notably, the Muʿtazilites here had, by then, largely superseded the earlier Qadarites in theological prominence.

By the 9th century, a trend emerged to embellish the term ahl as-sunna with additional, positive qualifiers. Abu al-Hasan al-Ashari, for instance, used expressions such as ahl as-sunna wa-l-istiqāma ("people of Sunna and Straightness"), ahl as-sunna wa-l-ḥadīṯ ("people of Sunnah and of the Hadith") [26] or ahl al-ḥaqq wa-s-sunna [27] ("people of Truth and of the Sunnah") to denote his own theological school. This proliferation of descriptive terms reflects an ongoing effort to define and assert a specific identity within the broader Islamic intellectual landscape.

Ahl as-Sunna wa l-Jamāʻah

The initial appearances of the more comprehensive expression, ahl as-sunna wa l-jama'ah, are, like most historical origins, shrouded in a degree of ambiguity. In his infamous Mihna edict, the Abbasid Caliph Al-Ma'mūn (reigned 813–33) rather pointedly criticized a faction of individuals who "related themselves to the sunnah" (nasabū anfusa-hum ilā s-sunna) and audaciously proclaimed themselves the "people of truth, religion and community" (ahl al-ḥaqq wa-d-dīn wa-l-jamāʿah). [28] Here, the concepts of Sunna and jamaʿah are already intertwined, suggesting a nascent connection. As a paired concept, these terms certainly surface by the 9th century. It is recorded that Harb ibn Ismail as-Sirjdshani (d. 893), a disciple of Ahmad ibn Hanbal, authored a work titled as-Sunna wa l-Jamāʿah, which later prompted a refutation from the Mutazilite Abu al-Qasim al-Balchi. [29] Al-Jubba'i (d. 916), in his Kitāb al-Maqālāt, recounts that Ahmad ibn Hanbal bestowed upon his students the appellation sunnī jamāʿah ("Sunni Community"). [30] This suggests that the Hanbalis were, perhaps, the pioneers in adopting ahl as-sunna wa l-jamāʿah as a distinct self-designation. [31]

The Karramiyya theological school, founded by Muhammad ibn Karram (d. 859), also conspicuously invoked the sunnah and the community in their doctrines. In a rather enthusiastic tribute to their founder, they circulated a hadith that supposedly predicted the emergence of a man named Muhammad ibn Karram at the end of times, who would miraculously restore the sunna and the community (as-sunna wa l-jamāʿah) and lead a Hidraj from Chorasan to Jerusalem, mirroring Muhammad's own journey from Mecca to Medina. [31] According to the testimony of the Transoxanian scholar Abu al-Yusr al-Bazdawi (d. 1099), the Kullabites (disciples of the Basran scholar Ibn Kullab [d. 855]) also identified themselves as part of the ahl as-sunna wa l-jama. [32]

Curiously, Abu al-Hasan al-Ashari himself employed the full expression ahl as-sunna wa l-jamāʿah rather sparingly, [33] often preferring alternative formulations. However, later Asharite luminaries such as al-Isfaranini (d. 1027) and Abd al-Qahir al-Baghdadi (d. 1078) embraced and frequently utilized ahl as-sunna wa l-jamāʿah in their works to unequivocally identify the doctrines of their own school. [34] Al-Bazdawi further confirmed that, during his era, all Asharites proudly proclaimed their affiliation with the ahl as-sunna wa l-jamāʿah. [32] Concurrently, the term found wide acceptance among the Hanafite Maturidites in Transoxania, with scholars like Abu al-Layth al-Samarqandi (d. 983), Abu Schakur as-Salimi (d. 1086), and al-Bazdawi himself regularly employing it. [21] They strategically used this term to differentiate themselves from their theological adversaries, [35] including certain Hanafites in the western regions who had aligned themselves with the Mutazilites. [36] Al-Bazdawī even went so far as to contrast the Ahl as-Sunnah wa l-Jamāʻah with the Ahl al-Ḥadīth, asserting that the latter "would adhere to teachings contrary to the Quran." [37]

Schams ad-Dīn al-Maqdisī (late 10th century) observed that in his time, ahl as-sunna wa l-jamāʿah served as a laudatory term, much like ahl al-ʿadl wa-t-tawḥīd ("people of Righteousness and Divine Unity") was used for Mutazilites, or indeed, general honorifics like Mu'minūn ('believer') or aṣḥāb al-hudā ('people of guidance') for Muslims considered righteous. [38] Given its inherent demand for righteous belief, ahl as-sunna wa l-jamāʿah has, in academic circles, often been translated as 'orthodox'. [39]

The precise meaning of the term jama within ahl as-sunna wa l-jama has been a point of ongoing scholarly debate among Muslim thinkers. In the Sunni Creed articulated by at-Tahawi (d. 933), the term jama is repeatedly juxtaposed with the Arabic furqa ("division, sectarianism"). [40] [41] At-Tahāwī explicitly states that jama is considered truthful or right (ḥaqq wa-ṣawāb), while furqa is an aberration and a punishment (zaiġ wa-ʿḏāb). [42] Ibn Taymiyyah argued that jama, in opposition to furqa, inherently conveys the meaning of iǧtimāʿ ("coming together, being together, agreement"). He further linked it to the principle of Ijma, which constitutes the third juridical source after the Quran and the Sunnah. [43] The Ottoman scholar Muslih ad-Din al-Qastallani (d. 1495) posited that jama signified the 'path of the Sahaba' (ṭarīqat aṣ-ṣaḥāba). [44] More recently, the Indonesian theologian Nurcholish Madjid (d. 2005) interpreted jama as an inclusive concept, representing a society open to pluralism and dialogue, though he noted it doesn't explicitly emphasize such openness. [45]

The Department of Islamic Development Malaysia (JAKIM), through its Aqidah Expert Panel, convened on 28 December 2010 at the Malaysian Islamic Training Institute (ILIM) in Bangi, Selangor, and formally articulated a definition of Ahl al-Sunnah wa’l-Jama‘ah:

“A group who understands and adheres to the Qur’an and the Sunnah of the Prophet SAW through the Companions, the Tabi‘in, and the Tabi‘ al-Tabi‘in, who remained steadfast with them in the principles of creed (aqidah), law (shari‘ah), and ethics (akhlaq).” [46] [47] [48] [49] [50]

This definition is further elaborated with the following points:

a) This group comprehends and adheres to the Qur’an and the Sunnah of the Prophet (SAW) following the established methodology and approach of the salaf (pious predecessors) and khalaf (later generations, specifically the Ash‘arites and the Maturidites). This implies a historical continuity of interpretation, seeking to bridge the gap between early Islamic practice and later theological development.
b) They embody a balanced (wasatiyyah) understanding, avoiding both extremism and excessive laxity. This critical distinction serves to exclude various groups deemed outside this balanced approach, such as the Khawarij, Shi‘ah Rafidah, Qadariyyah, Jabariyyah, Mu‘tazilah, anti-hadith groups, liberal Islam, religious pluralism (in its more radical forms), and similar ideologies that depart from the perceived middle ground.
c) They prioritize Islamic unity and brotherhood over animosity, advocating for peace over conflict. Crucially, they uphold the principle of not idolizing leaders and refrain from fanatically declaring other Muslims as disbelievers (takfir) or deviants. This point underscores a commitment to internal communal harmony and a rejection of exclusionary practices within the broader Muslim ummah.

History

Masjid al-Haram, the home of the Kaaba, in Mecca is the largest and most important mosque in the world. Its centrality is a constant reminder of the unifying, yet often contested, ideals of Islam.

One might, rather carelessly, fall into the trap of assuming that Sunni Islam simply emerged as the "normative" form of Islam in the immediate aftermath of Muhammad's death, with Sufism and Shi'ism subsequently branching off from this established mainstream. [51] This narrative, while convenient, is a product of relying on highly ideological historical sources, often presented as objective accounts, and is further reinforced by the sheer numerical dominance of Sunni adherents today. The more accurate, if less tidy, truth is that both Sunnism and Shiism are the intricate end products of several centuries of intense ideological competition. Each sect, in a rather predictable human fashion, utilized the other as a foil, meticulously defining and solidifying its own distinct identity and doctrinal positions in opposition. [52]

The initial four leaders of the Muslim community, revered among Sunnis, are known as the Rāshidun, or the "Rightly-Guided Ones." This esteemed list, in Sunni reckoning, includes Abu Bakr as the first, Umar as the second, Uthman as the third, and Ali as the fourth. [53] [54] [55] [56] Sunnis continued to recognize various rulers as the caliph throughout history, though, rather tellingly, very few after Ali's assassination were ever again elevated to the revered status of the Rāshidun. [57] This system of caliphal leadership, in its formal sense, persisted until its constitutional abolition in Turkey on 3 March 1924, marking the end of a profound historical era.

Transition of caliphate into dynastic monarchy of Banu Umayya

The seeds of the caliphate's metamorphosis into a dynastic monarchy were, as the astute second caliph Umar had reportedly feared, sown remarkably early—specifically, during the tenure of the third caliph, Uthman. He, in a move that proved fateful, appointed numerous kinsmen from his own clan, the Banu Umayya, to pivotal governmental positions. This included figures like Marwān and Walid bin Uqba. This blatant act of nepotism became a primary catalyst for the widespread unrest that culminated in his assassination, leading directly to the ensuing internal strife during Ali's caliphate and the subsequent rebellion spearheaded by Muāwiya, another prominent kinsman of Uthman. This chaotic sequence of events ultimately paved the way for the firm establishment of the dynastic rule of Banu Umayya, a transition brutally cemented after Husain, Ali's younger son from Fātima and thus a grandson of the Prophet, was tragically martyred at the Battle of Karbalā.

The ascent to power of the Banu Umayya, an elite Meccan tribe that had, under the leadership of Abu Sufyān (Muāwiya's father), vehemently opposed Muhammad until the very conquest of Mecca, marked a profound shift. Their succession, initiated with Uthman's caliphate, gradually dismantled the egalitarian society that Muhammad's revolution had sought to establish. Instead, it gave rise to a society increasingly stratified between the privileged and the marginalized, a direct consequence of nepotism. As El-Hibri critically observed, this involved "the use of religious charity revenues (zakāt) to subsidise family interests, which Uthman justified as 'al-sila' (pious filial support)." [58] [59] [60]

Ali, during his regrettably brief caliphate after Uthman, made earnest efforts to revert to an austere lifestyle and painstakingly restore the egalitarian system and the supremacy of law over the ruler, ideals central to Muhammad's message. However, he was met with relentless opposition, engaging in a series of wars: first against the coalition of Aisha, Talhah, and Zubair; then against Muāwiya; and finally, against the Khārjites. After his assassination, his followers promptly elected Hasan ibn Ali, his elder son from Fātima, as his successor. Hasan, however, shortly thereafter entered into a treaty with Muāwiya, relinquishing power in favor of the latter. A key condition of this treaty, among others, stipulated that the survivor of the two would become caliph, and crucially, this caliph would not appoint a successor but would leave the selection of the caliph to the public. Tragically, Hasan was later poisoned to death, leaving Muāwiya with unchallenged authority. In a clear disregard of his treaty with Hasan, Muāwiya nominated his own son, Yazid, to succeed him. Upon Muāwiya's death, Yazid demanded allegiance from Husain, Hasan's younger brother, Ali's son, and Muhammad's grandson. Husain unequivocally refused. His small caravan was subsequently surrounded by Yazid's forces at Karbalā, where he, along with 72 male companions, was brutally killed in a day-long battle. This massacre allowed Yazid to consolidate his position as a sovereign, although it ignited a fierce public uprising against his dynasty. The Banu Umayya managed to swiftly suppress these revolts and continued to rule the Muslim world until they were eventually overthrown by the Banu Abbās. [61] [62] [63] [64] The human capacity for repeating historical mistakes, it seems, is boundless.

Caliphate and the dynastic monarchy of Banu Abbās

The era of Banu Umayya's rule, and their "caliphate," was brought to a decisive end by the Banu Abbās, a branch of the Prophet Muhammad's own tribe, Banu Hāshim. This transition, beginning in 750 CE, merely ushered in another dynastic monarchy, albeit one that also styled itself as a caliphate. This period is often regarded as foundational for Sunni Islam, as it was during this time that the eminent founders of the four major legal schools—Abu Hanifa, Malik ibn Anas, Shāfi'i, and Ahmad bin Hanbal—all flourished and developed their jurisprudential frameworks. Concurrently, Jafar al Sādiq was active, elaborating the doctrine of imāmate, which became the cornerstone of Shi'a religious thought.

The Abbasid caliphate, despite its initial promise, notoriously lacked a clear, universally accepted formula for determining succession. This perennial weakness often led to chaotic power struggles: two or three sons or other close relatives of a dying caliph would invariably emerge as contenders for the throne, each backed by their own faction of supporters. A brutal trial of strength would ensue, with the most powerful party ultimately prevailing, naturally expecting substantial favors from the caliph they had helped elevate. This cycle of internal conflict and political maneuvering continued until the death of Caliph al-Ma'mun in 833 CE, an event that marked the beginning of a new era of Turkish domination within the caliphate. [65] A pattern, one might note, that continues to plague leadership transitions even in our supposedly enlightened age.

Sunni Islam in the contemporary era

Istiqlal Mosque in Jakarta, Indonesia. Indonesia has the largest population of Muslims in the world, the majority of whom are Sunni. A rather impressive testament to demographic spread, if nothing else.

The dramatic collapse of the Ottoman Empire at the close of World War I, after six centuries as the preeminent Sunni global power, brought the institution of the caliphate to a definitive end. This seismic event triggered widespread Sunni protests, even in distant lands, exemplified by the Khilafat Movement in India. That region, upon gaining independence from Britain, was subsequently divided into the Sunni-dominated Pakistan and a secular India. Pakistan, itself once the most populous Sunni state, later saw its own partition into Pakistan and Bangladesh. The demise of the Ottoman caliphate also facilitated the rise of Saudi Arabia, an absolute dynastic monarchy that aggressively championed the reformist doctrines of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, the eponymous founder of the Wahhabi movement. [66] [67] [68] [69]

This period was followed by a considerable surge in the influence of Wahhabi, Salafiyya, Islamist, and Jihadist movements, all of which found renewed inspiration in the doctrines of the Hanbali theologian Taqi Al-Din Ibn Taymiyyah (1263–1328 CE / 661–728 AH), a fervent advocate for the traditions of the Sunni Imam Ahmad ibn Hanbal. The geopolitical exigencies of the Cold War inadvertently fueled the radicalization of Afghan refugees in Pakistan. These groups, fighting against the communist regime in Afghanistan, which was backed by USSR forces, ultimately gave birth to the Taliban movement. Following the fall of the communist regime in Afghanistan and the ensuing civil war, the Taliban seized power from various Mujahidin factions across Afghanistan and established a government under the leadership of Mohammed Omar, who was ceremoniously addressed as the Emir of the faithful – a traditional honorific for a caliph. The Taliban regime received recognition from Pakistan and Saudi Arabia until the devastating events of 9/11, orchestrated by Osama bin Laden – a Saudi national harbored by the Taliban – which triggered a global "war on terror" launched against the Taliban. [70] [71] [72]

The cascade of events throughout the 20th century has, rather predictably, generated a significant degree of resentment among certain segments of the Sunni community. This stems from the perceived loss of their historical pre-eminence in several regions that were once predominantly Sunni, including the Levant, Mesopotamia, the Balkans, the North Caucasus, and the Indian subcontinent. [73] The most recent, and arguably most audacious, attempt by a radical faction of Salafi-Jihadists to re-establish a Sunni caliphate was witnessed in the emergence of the militant group ISIL. Its leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, was proclaimed by his followers as "caliph" and Amir-al-mu'mineen, "The Commander of the Faithful." [74] This particular brand of Jihadism, it is worth noting, faces widespread opposition from within the broader Muslim community (known as the ummah in Arabic) across the globe, as evidenced, for instance, by a protest in London where almost 2% of the Muslim population rallied against ISIL. [75]

Following the puritanical interpretative approaches of scholars like Ibn Kathir and Muhammad Rashid Rida, many contemporary Tafsir (exegetical treatises) notably downplay the historical significance of Biblical material (Isrā'iliyyāt). Roughly half of modern Arab commentaries generally reject Isrā'iliyyāt, while Turkish tafsir often permits partial references to Biblical narratives. However, most non-Arabic commentators tend to dismiss them as either useless or inapplicable. [76] Intriguingly, a direct link between this rejection and the Israeli–Palestinian conflict could not be definitively established, leaving open the question of whether the refusal of Isrā'iliyyāt is primarily driven by political considerations or purely traditionalist theological thought. [76]

Another distinctive feature of modern Sunni tafsir is the increasing prevalence of tafsir'ilmi. This approach seeks to identify alleged scientific miracles within the Qur'an, based on the premise that the Qur'an contains knowledge that a 7th-century author could not possibly have possessed. Such interpretations enjoy considerable popularity among many commentators. However, some scholars, notably those from Al-Azhar University, reject this methodology. They argue that the Qur'an's primary purpose is religious guidance, not scientific exposition, and that attempting to align it with scientific theories, which are inherently subject to revision and refutation, could lead to interpreting Qur'anic passages as falsehoods should those theories be disproven. [77] Overall, modern trends in Islamic interpretation are often characterized by an effort to adapt to contemporary audiences and to "purify" Islam from perceived alterations, some of which are believed to be intentional corruptions designed to undermine its original message. [76] A rather persistent human endeavor, this quest for an "untainted" past.

Adherents

Countries by percentage of population practicing Islam. [78] Sunni

Shias

Ibadi

Sunnis, in their unwavering conviction, hold that the companions of Muhammad were reliable transmitters of the Islamic faith. This belief stems from the premise that both God and Muhammad himself affirmed their integrity. Medieval sources, in a rather strict decree, even went so far as to prohibit cursing or vilifying these companions. [79] This theological stance is underpinned by prophetic traditions, such as one narrated by Abdullah, son of Masud, in which Muhammad reportedly declared: "The best of the people are my generation, then those who come after them, then those who come after them." Support for this perspective is also, according to Sunnis, found within the Qur'an itself. [80] Consequently, the narratives and accounts transmitted by the companions are considered a trustworthy source for understanding Islamic belief. Furthermore, Sunnis assert that the companions were unequivocally true believers, a conviction reinforced by the fact that it was these very companions who were entrusted with the monumental task of compiling the Qur'an.

Unlike some other religious structures, Sunni Islam does not possess a formal, centralized hierarchy. Leadership within the Sunni tradition is largely informal, with influence accruing to individuals through diligent study and the mastery of Islamic law (sharia) or Islamic theology (Kalām). Both religious and political leadership roles are, in principle, accessible to all Muslims. [81] According to the Islamic Center of Columbia, South Carolina, anyone possessing the requisite intelligence and determination can aspire to become an Islamic scholar. During the congregational Midday Mosque services on Fridays, for instance, a well-educated individual is selected from the congregation to lead the service, a role known as a Khateeb (one who delivers the sermon). [82]

A comprehensive study conducted by the Pew Research Center in 2010, with its findings released in January 2011, estimated the global Muslim population at 1.62 billion. Of this staggering number, it was estimated that over 85–90% adhere to Sunni Islam. [84] A rather significant majority, wouldn't you agree?

Three Group Doctrines

One might think that after centuries, Muslim scholars would have reached a consensus on something as fundamental as defining "Sunni tradition." One would be wrong, of course. There is, in fact, no universal agreement among them regarding which specific dogmatic tendencies are definitively to be classified as Sunni. Since the early modern period, however, a commonly accepted notion posits that a total of three main groups fall under the Sunni umbrella:

The Ashʿarites, named after Abu l-Hasan al-Aschʿari (d. 935).
The Maturidites, named after Abu Mansur al-Maturidi (d. 941).
A third, distinct group, characterized by its traditionalistic orientation and its explicit rejection of the rationalistic discourse of Kalām, a methodology championed by both the Maturidites and Ashʿarites. The Syrian scholar ʿAbd al-Baqi Ibn Faqih Fussa (d. 1661) identified this third traditionalist group as the Hanbalites. [85] The late Ottoman thinker İsmail Hakkı İzmirli (d. 1946), who also endorsed this tripartite division of Sunnis, referred to the traditionalist group as Salafiyya, though he also used Athariyya as an alternative designation. For the Maturidiyya, he offered Nasafīyya as a potential alternative name. [86] Another term frequently employed for this traditionalist-oriented group is "people of Hadith" (ahl al-ḥadīṯ). This term, for instance, appears in the final document of the Grozny Conference. However, only those "people of the Hadith" who practice tafwīḍ – meaning they refrain from interpreting the ambiguous statements of the Quran and consign their meaning to God – are assigned to Sunnism in this particular context. [87]

Ash'ari

The Ash'ari school, founded by Abu al-Hasan al-Ash'ari (873–935), constitutes a significant theological school of Aqeedah. Its doctrines were widely embraced by numerous Muslim scholars and saw considerable development across various parts of the Islamic world throughout history. Notably, al-Ghazali, a towering figure in Islamic thought, wrote extensively on creed, engaging with and affirming many of its core principles. [88]

Ash'ari theology places a pronounced emphasis on divine revelation as paramount, often prioritizing it over human reason. In stark contrast to the Mu'tazilites, Ash'aris contend that ethics cannot be derived from human rational faculties alone. Instead, they assert that God's commands, as explicitly revealed in the Quran and the Sunnah (the practices of Muhammad and his companions, meticulously documented in traditions or hadith), serve as the exclusive and ultimate source of all morality and ethical frameworks.

Regarding the intricate nature of God and the divine attributes, the Ash'ari school fundamentally rejected the Mu'tazili position, which held that all Qur'anic references to God possessing real attributes were purely metaphorical. The Ash'aris, instead, insisted that these attributes are to be understood as they "best befit His Majesty." They recognized the semantic richness of the Arabic language, where a single word can carry multiple meanings, and therefore meticulously sought the interpretation that most appropriately glorifies God and does not contradict other clear statements in the Quran. For instance, when the Quran states, "He who does not resemble any of His creation," this is unequivocally understood to mean that God cannot be ascribed physical body parts, precisely because He is the Creator of all body parts. Ash'aris generally tend to underscore divine omnipotence while maintaining a nuanced understanding of human free will. A central tenet of their creed is the belief that the Quran is eternal and uncreated, a theological stance that has been a point of significant contention with other schools of thought.

Maturidi

The Maturidi school, established by Abu Mansur al-Maturidi (d. 944), emerged as the dominant theological tradition in Central Asia. [89] Its doctrines were primarily rooted in the Hanafi-law school, reflecting a strong regional influence. This school of thought was notably shaped by Persian interpretations of Islam, demonstrating less reliance on the traditions that had become established within Arabian culture. [90] In a distinct departure from more traditionalistic approaches, Maturidism allowed for the rejection of certain hadiths solely on the basis of reason. [91] Nevertheless, revelation retained its crucial importance, serving to inform humanity about matters beyond the scope of mere intellectual comprehension, such as the intricacies of the afterlife. Ethics, conversely, were understood by Maturidis as capable of being grasped through reason alone, without the prerequisite of prophecy or divine revelation.

One of the tribes that embraced Maturidism, the Seljuk Turks, eventually migrated westward, establishing themselves in the region that would later become Turkey. It was here that the Ottoman Empire would rise to prominence. [92] The Hanafi school of law, favored by the Ottomans, thus gained new prominence throughout their vast empire. However, Maturidi creed continued to be followed almost exclusively by adherents of the Hanafi school, while followers of the Shafi and Maliki schools within the empire typically adhered to the Ash'ari and Athari schools of thought. Consequently, wherever one finds Hanafi followers, one is likely to encounter the Maturidi creed. [93] [94] A rather tidy geographical and theological correlation, wouldn't you agree?

Athari

Traditionalist, or Athari, theology represents a distinctive movement among Islamic scholars. It is characterized by a fundamental rejection of rationalistic Islamic theology, known as kalam, in favor of a strict textualist approach when interpreting the Qur'an and sunnah. [95] The very name "Athari" is derived from "tradition," understood in its technical sense as a translation of the Arabic word hadith. This school of thought is also occasionally referred to by various other names, including Athari.

Adherents of traditionalist theology firmly believe that the zahir (the literal, apparent) meaning of the Qur'an and the hadith possesses sole authority in matters of both belief and law. They explicitly forbid the use of rational disputation, even if such discourse ostensibly aims to verify the truth. [96] :36 They engage in a literal reading of the Qur'an, consciously eschewing ta'wil (metaphorical interpretation). Instead, they make no attempt to rationally conceptualize the meanings of the Qur'an, believing that the true realities of these texts should be consigned to God alone, a practice known as tafwid. [96] :36–37 In essence, the text of the Qur'an and Hadith is accepted bi-la kaifa, "without asking how" or "without modality."

Traditionalist theology initially emerged among scholars of hadith, who eventually coalesced into a movement known as ahl al-hadith under the intellectual leadership of Ibn Hanbal. [97] In matters of faith, they found themselves in direct opposition to the Mu'tazilites and other theological currents, condemning many points of their doctrine as well as the rationalistic methods they employed in their defense. [97] In the 10th century CE, al-Ash'ari and al-Maturidi sought to forge a middle ground, a rather ambitious synthesis between Mu'tazilite rationalism and Athari literalism. They ingeniously adopted the rationalistic methods championed by the Mu'tazilites to defend the majority of traditionalist doctrines. [98] [99] While the primarily Athari scholars who rejected this synthesis remained a minority, their emotionally resonant, narrative-based approach to faith continued to wield significant influence among the urban masses in certain regions, most notably in Abbasid Baghdad. [96] :35

Despite Ash'arism and Maturidism frequently being labeled as the Sunni "orthodoxy," traditionalist theology has not merely survived but thrived alongside them, consistently laying its own rival claims to being the authentic orthodox Sunni faith. [100] In the modern era, Salafism represents a powerful continuation and revival of the Athari school in Islamic theology. It steadfastly maintains its commitment to the textualist interpretation of revelation and its rejection of speculative kalām, all while artfully adapting its discourse to resonate within contemporary religious and social contexts. [101] [102] [103] A testament, perhaps, to the enduring human preference for straightforward answers, even when the questions are anything but.

Narrow definition

It seems that even within the broad expanse of Sunni tradition, some scholars felt the need for further categorization, or perhaps, exclusion. There were, in fact, Muslim scholars who sought to restrict the definition of "Sunni" solely to the Ash'arites and Māturīdites. For instance, Murtadā az-Zabīdī (d. 1790), in his commentary on al-Ghazali's monumental work, Iḥyāʾ ʿulūm ad-dīn, explicitly stated: "When (sc. the term) ahl as-sunna wal jamaʿa is used, the Ashʿarites and Māturīdites are meant." [44] This precise stance was notably adopted by the Egyptian Fatwa Office in July 2013, effectively endorsing this narrower interpretation. [104] During the Ottoman era, considerable efforts were expended to foster harmony and intellectual coherence between the teachings of the Ashʿarīya and the Māturīdīya, suggesting a deliberate attempt to consolidate these two schools as the mainstream. [104]

Furthermore, there were even scholars who regarded the Ashʿarites alone as the true Sunnis. The Moroccan Sufi Ahmad ibn ʿAdschiba (d. 1809), in his commentary on Fatiha, declared: "As far as the Sunnis are concerned, it is the Ashʿarites and those who follow in their correct belief." [105] This, of course, implies a rather exclusive club.

Conversely, some scholars found reason to exclude the Ashʿarites from the Sunni fold altogether. The Andalusian polymath Ibn Hazm (d. 1064), for example, controversially asserted that Abu l-Hasan al-Ashʿarī belonged to the Murji'a, a group he considered particularly distant from the Sunnis in terms of faith. [106] In the 20th century, the Syrian-Albanian Athari Salafi theologian Muhammad Nasir al-Din al-Albani, while acknowledging fundamental differences between Atharis and Ash'aris, rejected the extreme position of completely excluding Ash'aris from Sunni Islam. He maintained that not every Ash'ari should be considered outside Ahl al-Sunna wal Jama'ah, unless they openly repudiated the doctrines of the Salaf (mad'hab as-Salaf). Albani's nuanced, if still critical, perspective is evident in his statement:

"I do not share [the view of] some of the noble scholars of the past and present that we say about a group from the [many] Islamic groups that it is not from Ahlus-Sunnah due to its deviation in one issue or another… as for whether the Ash’aris or the Maaturidis are from Ahlus-Sunnah wal-Jamaa’ah, I say that they are from Ahlus-Sunnah wal-Jamaa’ah in many things related to aqidah but in other aqidah issues they have deviated away from Ahlus-Sunnah wal-Jamaa’ah… I don't hold that we should say that they are not from Ahlus-Sunnah wal-Jamaa’ah whatsoever." [107]

A rather diplomatic, if still critical, assessment, demonstrating the ongoing, intricate nature of these theological distinctions.

Sunnism in general and in a specific sense

The distinguished Hanbali scholar Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 1328), with his characteristic precision, introduced a crucial distinction in his seminal work, Minhāj as-sunna. He differentiated between Sunnis in the general sense (ahl as-unna al-ʿāmma) and Sunnis in the special sense (ahl as-sunna al-ḫāṣṣa). In his broader definition, Sunnis in the general sense encompassed all Muslims who recognized the legitimacy of the caliphate of the first three caliphs: Abū Bakr, ʿUmar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb, and ʿUthmān ibn ʿAffān. By this criterion, he included virtually all Islamic groups, with the notable exception of the Shiite Rafidites. However, Sunnis in the more restrictive, special sense, according to Ibn Taymiyyah, were exclusively the "people of the hadith" (ahl al-ḥadīṯ). [108] This intellectual partitioning highlights the internal debates over who truly belongs to the "orthodox" fold.

İsmail Hakkı İzmirli, building upon Ibn Taymiyyah's framework, also adopted this distinction between a broader and narrower circle of Sunnis. He posited that the Kullabiyya and the Ashʿarīyya represented Sunnis in the general sense, while the Salafiyya embodied Sunnis in the specific, more exclusive sense. Regarding the Maturidiyya, he merely noted that they were closer to the Salafiyya than the Ashʿariyya, attributing this proximity to their greater emphasis on Fiqh (jurisprudence) rather than Kalām (dialectical theology). [86] Similarly, the Saudi scholar Muhammad Ibn al-ʿUthaimin (d. 2001), who also differentiated between these two categories of Sunnis, explicitly excluded the Asharites from the narrower circle, asserting that only the pious ancestors (as-salaf aṣ-ṣāliḥ) who had universally agreed on the Sunnah belonged to this privileged group. [109]

Classification of the Muʿtazila

The Muʿtazilites are, almost universally, not considered part of the Sunni tradition. Ibn Hazm, for example, in his comprehensive heresiographic work al-Faṣl fi-l-milal wa-l-ahwāʾ wa-n-niḥal, explicitly contrasted them with the Sunnis, treating them as a distinct and separate group. [106] This clear differentiation is echoed in numerous medieval texts originating from the Islamic East, where the ahl as-sunna are consistently distinguished from the Muʿtazilites. [110] More recently, in 2010, the Jordanian fatwa office issued a ruling explicitly stating that the Muʿtazilites, much like the Kharijites, represent a doctrine fundamentally contrary to Sunnism. [111]

Interestingly, Ibn Taymiyya, despite his often stringent classifications, argued that the Muʿtazilites could be considered Sunnis in the general sense (his broader category) because they did, in fact, recognize the caliphate of the first three caliphs. [112] A rather pragmatic inclusion, demonstrating the flexibility of even rigid intellectual frameworks when applied to historical realities.

Mysticism

There is a rather broad, if sometimes begrudging, agreement that the Sufis also fall within the expansive purview of Sunnism. This perspective finds an early proponent in the Shafi'ite scholar Abu Mansur al-Baghdadi (d. 1037). In his heresiographical work, al-Farq baina l-firaq, he meticulously categorized Sunnis into eight distinct types (aṣnāf) of people:

Theologians and Kalam Scholars.
Fiqh scholars (jurists).
Traditional and Hadith scholars.
Adab and language scholars.
Koran scholars (exegetes).
The Sufi ascetics (az-zuhhād aṣ-ṣūfīya).
Those who perform the ribat (frontier defense) and jihad against the enemies of Islam.
The general populace. [113] According to this comprehensive classification, Sufis are simply one of eight specialized groups within Sunnism, defined by their particular religious specialization.

The Tunisian scholar Muhammad ibn al-Qāsim al-Bakkī (d. 1510) likewise included Sufis within the Sunni framework. He further subdivided Sunnis into three groups based on their mode of knowledge (istiqrāʾ):

The people of Hadith (ahl al-ḥadīṯh): Their foundational principles are anchored in hearing-based evidence, namely the Book (the Qur'an), the Sunnah, and Ijmāʿ (scholarly consensus). They prioritize the transmitted texts and traditions.
The people of theory and the intellectual craft (ahl an-naẓar wa-ṣ-ṣināʿa al-fikrīya): This group encompasses the Ashʿarites and the Hanafis, with the latter acknowledging Abū Mansūr al-Māturīdī as their intellectual master. They find common ground in rational principles for all questions where no explicit hearing-based evidence exists, and in hearing-based principles for everything that reason deems possible. They also agree on both rational and hearing-based principles for all other questions. They generally converge on all dogmatic issues, with the notable exceptions of the question of takwīn (creation) and the concept of Taqlīd (adherence to a legal school).
The people of feeling and revelation (ahl al-wiǧdān wa-l-kašf): These, naturally, are the Sufis. Their principles, in the initial stages, align with those of the other two groups. However, in their ultimate development, they rely on direct spiritual revelation (kašf) and inspiration (ilhām), transcending purely intellectual or textual approaches. [114]

Similarly, Murtadā az-Zabīdī, in another section of his commentary on Ghazzali's Iḥyāʾ ʿulūm ad-dīn, asserted that the Sunnis comprised four distinct groups (firaq): the hadith scholars (muḥaddiṯhūn), the Sufis, the Ashʿarites, and the Māturīdites. [115]

However, not everyone was so inclusive. Some ulema (religious scholars) sought to explicitly exclude Sufis from the Sunni fold. The Yemeni scholar ʿAbbās ibn Mansūr as-Saksakī (d. 1284), in his doxographic work al-Burhān fī maʿrifat ʿaqāʾid ahl al-adyān ("The evidence of knowledge of the beliefs of followers of different religions"), rather pointedly stated concerning Sufis: "They associate themselves with the Sunnis, but they do not belong to them, because they contradict them in their beliefs, actions and teachings." According to as-Saksakī, what distinguished Sufis from Sunnis was their pronounced orientation towards the hidden, inner meaning of the Qur'an and the Sunnah. In this, he argued, they bore a resemblance to the Bātinites. [116] The final document of the Grozny Conference, in a more contemporary attempt at delineation, stipulated that only those Sufis who embody "people of pure Sufism" (ahl at-taṣauwuf aṣ-ṣāfī) – in their knowledge, ethics, and internal purification, following the Method practiced by al-Junaid Al-Baghdadi and the "Imams of Guidance" (aʾimma al-hudā) who followed his path – are to be considered Sunnis. [87] A rather specific set of criteria, no doubt.

By the 11th century, Sufism, which had previously existed as a more fluid and less "codified" expression of Islamic piety, began a process of "ordering and crystallization" [117] into distinct Tariqahs (orders). These orders, many of which persist to this day, [117] were typically founded by a major Sunni Islamic saint. Among the largest and most widespread were the Qadiriyya (following Abdul-Qadir Gilani [d. 1166]), the Rifa'iyya (after Ahmed al-Rifa'i [d. 1182]), the Chishtiyya (after Moinuddin Chishti [d. 1236]), the Shadiliyya (after Abul Hasan ash-Shadhili [d. 1258]), and the Naqshbandiyya (after Baha-ud-Din Naqshband Bukhari [d. 1389]). [117] Contrary to popular, and often misguided, Orientalist portrayals, [118] neither the founders of these venerable orders nor their followers ever considered themselves anything other than orthodox Sunni Muslims. [118] Indeed, many of the most eminent defenders of Islamic orthodoxy, such as 'Abd al-Qadir Jilani, Al-Ghazali, and Sultan Ṣalāḥ ad-Dīn Al-Ayyubi (Saladin), were themselves deeply connected with Sufism. [119] However, it is important to note that the Salafi and Wahhabi strands of Sunnism, with their more puritanical interpretations, explicitly reject many of the mystical practices and veneration of saints commonly associated with contemporary Sufi orders. [120] A perpetual tension, it seems, between the esoteric and the exoteric.

Jurisprudence

The intricate process of interpreting Islamic law and deriving specific rulings – for instance, the precise methodology of prayer – is formally known as Islamic jurisprudence. The various schools of law, in a testament to the diversity of human interpretation, each possess their own distinct traditions for approaching this jurisprudence. These schools, rather than being rigid, static entities, represent clearly articulated methodologies for interpreting Islamic law. Consequently, while the underlying methodology within each school has remained remarkably consistent, the specific rulings and their applications have, by their very nature, allowed for a degree of variation. Historically, conflicts between these schools could, rather unfortunately, be quite violent. [121] However, in the modern era, the four principal Sunni schools generally recognize each other's legitimacy and have engaged in centuries of constructive legal debate, demonstrating a capacity for coexistence, if not always complete agreement. [122] [123]

Schools

The Great Mosque of Kairouan (also known as the Mosque of Uqba) in the city of Kairouan, Tunisia, served as an exceptionally important center of Islamic learning, particularly from the 9th to the 11th century. Its intellectual life was characterized by a strong emphasis on the Maliki Madh'hab. [124]

Within the expansive realm of Shari'ah (Islamic law), there exist numerous intellectual traditions, commonly referred to as Madh'habs (legal schools). These diverse traditions reflect differing viewpoints on certain laws and obligations within the broader framework of Islamic law. What one school might deem a religious obligation, another might classify as merely optional. Crucially, these schools are not considered sects in the divisive sense; rather, they represent legitimate, albeit distinct, perspectives on matters that are not considered core tenets of Islamic belief. Historians, in their perpetual quest for categorization, have offered varying delineations of these schools based on their underlying jurisprudential principles.

Many traditional scholars historically categorized Sunni Islam into two broad intellectual camps: Ahl al-Ra'y, or "people of reason," who emphasized scholarly judgment and rational discourse; and Ahl al-Hadith, or "people of traditions," who prioritized restricting juristic thought strictly to what is found in scripture. [125] Ibn Khaldun, the renowned polymath, offered a tripartite classification of the Sunni schools: the Hanafi school, which he saw as representing reason; the Ẓāhirīte school, representing strict adherence to tradition; and a more encompassing, middle school that included the Shafi'ite, Malikite, and Hanbalite schools. [126] [127]

During the Middle Ages, the Mamluk Sultanate in Egypt, in a move of rather decisive categorization, officially recognized only the Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi'i, and Hanbali schools as acceptable Sunni madhhabs, pointedly excluding the Ẓāhirī school. [128] Later, the Ottoman Empire reaffirmed the official status of these four schools, a strategic decision partly motivated by their ideological and political rivalry with the Shiite character of the Persian Safavids. [121] In the contemporary era, figures such as former Prime Minister of Sudan Al-Sadiq al-Mahdi, as well as the influential Amman Message issued by King Abdullah II of Jordan, have recognized the Ẓāhirīs, thus expanding the number of officially acknowledged Sunni schools to five. [129] [130] A clear demonstration that even "official" recognition can shift over time.

Barelvism

Barelvism stands as a significant Sunni revivalist movement, firmly adhering to the Hanafi school of jurisprudence and the Maturidi school of theology. It boasts hundreds of millions of followers globally, [131] [132] representing a moderate form of Islam that has been practiced by Muslims in South Asia for centuries. [133] This movement is a broad tent, encompassing a diverse array of Sufi orders, including the Chistis, Qadiris, Suhrawardis, and Naqshbandis, alongside numerous other Sufi orders and sub-orders. Barelvis consider themselves the direct continuation of Sunni Islamic orthodoxy, predating the emergence of Salafism and the Deobandi Movement. [134]

The Barelvi movement's geographical reach is truly global, with millions of adherents, thousands of mosques, and numerous institutions and organizations spanning India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Afghanistan, Sri Lanka, the United Kingdom, South Africa and other parts of Africa, Europe, the Caribbean, and the United States. [135] Its contemporary following now exceeds 200 million individuals worldwide. [136] [137]

At its heart, the movement claims to revitalize the Sunnah, as it is embodied in the Qur’an and the vast body of traditional literature (Hadith), arguing that people had, over time, drifted away from the authentic Prophetic traditions. Consequently, scholars within the movement took it upon themselves to remind Muslims to return to what they perceive as the 'ideal' way of Islam. [138] [139] The movement draws intellectual inspiration from the Sunni doctrines of Shah Abdur Rahim (1644–1719), the founder of Madrasah-i Rahimiyah and one of the compilers of Fatawa-e-Alamgiri. Notably, Shah Abdur Rahim was the father of Shah Waliullah Dehlawi. Further inspiration is derived from Shah Abdul Aziz Muhaddith Dehlavi (1746–1824) and Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi (1796–1861), the founder of the Khairabad School. [140] Fazle Haq Khairabadi, a prominent Islamic scholar and a leader of the 1857 rebellion, famously issued fatwas from Delhi in 1825 against the Wahabi scholar Ismail Dehlvi for his controversial doctrine of God's alleged ability to lie (Imkan-e-Kizb). [141] Ismail Dehlvi is, rather ironically, considered an intellectual forebear of the Deobandi movement. [142]

The Barelvi movement places significant emphasis on personal devotion to, and the absolute oneness of, God (Tawheed), coupled with a firm belief in the finality of prophethood. It advocates strict adherence to Sharia and, in Fiqh, follows the four established schools. Furthermore, it embraces Ilm al-Kalam (dialectical theology) and various Sufi practices, including the veneration of saints, among other aspects associated with Sufism. [131] Consequently, its adherents are often referred to as Sunni Sufis. The movement self-identifies as the most authentic representative of what is known as Sunnī Islam, thus adopting the generic moniker, Ahl-i-Sunnat wa-al-Jamāʿat (The people who adhere to the Prophetic Tradition and preserve the unity of the community). [137] A rather grand claim, but one consistently upheld by its vast following.

Pillars of iman

The doctrines of the Sunnis, in their characteristic pursuit of systematization, are meticulously recorded in various creeds. These creeds succinctly summarize the most crucial theological points, often in the pedagogical format of a catechism. The specific teaching points articulated in these creeds can, however, vary subtly depending on the author's affiliation with a particular teaching tradition. Among the most historically significant creeds that explicitly claim to represent the teachings of the Sunnis (ahl as-sunna wal-jama or similar) are:

The foundational text attributed to Ahmad ibn Hanbal, in which he precisely defined "the characteristics of the believer of the Sunnis" (sifat al-Mu'min min ahl as-Sunna wa-l-jama). This text has been preserved in two distinct versions within the monumental work Ṭabaqāt al-Ḥanābila by the Hanbali Qadi Ibn Abi Yaʿla (d. 1131). The first version originates from a treatise on the Sunnah by Ahmad ibn Hanbal's disciple Muhammad ibn Habib al-Andarani, while the second is based on the teachings of Ahmad's disciple Muhammad ibn Yunus al-Sarachhi. [143]
The two creeds articulated by Abu l-Hasan al-Ashʿarī in his seminal works, Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn [144] and Kitāb al-Ibāna ʿan uṣūl ad-diyāna. [27] The former is presented as the teaching of ahl al-ḥadīṯ wa-s-sunna, while the latter is introduced as the teachings of the ahl al-ḥaqq wa-s-sunna.
The profound confession of the Egyptian Hanafi scholar at-Tahāwī (d. 933), widely known under the title Bayān as-sunna wa-l-ǧamāʿa ("Presentation of Sunna and Community"). This creed has garnered extensive commentaries from the 13th century onward, indicating its enduring theological importance. [145]
The "Qadiritic Creed" (al-iʿtiqād al-Qādirī), documented in the world chronicle al-Muntaẓam by Ibn al-Jawzī. This creed is attributed to the Abbasid caliph al-Qādir (d. 1031) and was reportedly read aloud by Caliph al-Qā'im before an assembly of ascetics and scholars in the caliph's palace in the year 433 Hijra (1041/42 CE). It concludes with the emphatic declaration that it represents the "Doctrine of the Sunnis" (qaul ahl as-sunna wal-jama). [146]
The comprehensive creed presented by al-Ghazālī (d. 1111) in the second book of his encyclopedic religious work, Iḥyāʾ ʿulūm ad-dīn. It is aptly titled "The Sunni Creed in the Two Phrases of the Shahāda" (ʿAqīdat ahl as-sunna fī kalimatai aš-šahāda) and systematically addresses the doctrine of God before moving on to other critical doctrinal points. [147]
The influential confession al-ʿAqīda al-Wāsiṭīya by Ibn Taimīya (1263–1328), [148] which later gained particular prominence among the Wahhabis and the Ahl-i Hadīth. This text has been translated into French by Henri Laoust, [149] into English by Merlin Swartz, [150] and into German by Clemens Wein. [151]

The majority of these aforementioned branches unequivocally affirm six principal articles of faith, universally recognized as the six pillars of imān (Arabic for "faith"). These pillars are considered absolutely essential to belief. [152] These six articles are broadly accepted by present-day Sunnis, spanning from adherents of traditional Sunnism to those who follow more recent movements. In addition to these, classical Sunni Islam, since the 8th century, meticulously outlined numerous other cardinal doctrines, as exemplified by the aforementioned Creed of Tahāwi. Traditionally, these Sunni articles of faith have encompassed the following:

Belief in the Oneness of God
Belief in the Angels of God
Belief in Holy Books
Belief in the Prophets of God
Belief in Resurrection after Death and the Day of Judgment
Belief in Preordainment (Qadar)

God

Main article: God in Islam

Unity

At the very heart of the Sunni creed lies Tawhid, the unequivocal belief in the absolute oneness of God. God is a singular (fard) entity, besides whom there exists no other deity. [153] He is uniquely single (munfarid), possessing no partner (šarīk), no opposite (nidd), no counterpart (maṯīl), and no adversary (ḍidd). [154] He has neither taken a companion nor begotten children, [153] nor was He conceived or brought into existence Himself. [146]

God is the sole Creator of all existence: the years and times, day and night, light and darkness, the heavens and the earth, and every conceivable creature inhabiting land and sea, whether living, dead, or inanimate. Prior to His act of creation, He existed in absolute solitude, with nothing else alongside Him. [146] In stark contrast to His creation, God possesses a timeless nature. He is beginningless (azalī), having existed for all eternity with nothing preceding Him, and He is endless (abadī), continuing to exist without interruption for all eternity. As stated in the Quran (Sura 57:3), He is "the First and the Last." [155] God brought forth creation not out of any inherent need, but rather to manifest His boundless power and to actualize His eternal will and primordial speech. [156] God is the Creator, yet He is utterly devoid of needs. He requires no sustenance, [157] experiences no loneliness, and maintains no company with anyone. [146] A rather self-sufficient entity, wouldn't you agree?

Transcendence

To meticulously absolve God of any hint of anthropomorphism, the Qur'anic statements affirming that "God sat on the throne" (istawā ʿalā l-ʿarš; Surah 7:54; 20:5) receive considerable attention in Sunni creeds. The creed attributed to al-Qādir emphatically asserts that God did not establish Himself upon the throne (ʿarš) "in the manner of the rest of the creatures," and that He created this throne despite having no intrinsic need for it. [146] Al-Ghazali, in his profound articulation of faith, clarifies that this "sitting down" is utterly devoid of physical contact (mumāssa) with the throne. It is not the throne that supports God; rather, the throne and its bearers are sustained by the sheer grace of His power. [158] According to al-Ashʿari, the Sunnis declare that God is upon His throne, but they do so "without asking how" (bi-la kaifa), consigning the modality of this reality to divine knowledge alone. [159] Even though God has no need for the throne or anything beneath it, as He spatially encompasses all, including that which is above Him, the throne and the stool (kursī) are nevertheless affirmed as concrete realities. [160]

Names and attributes

The Sunnis, in a direct rebuttal to the assertions of Muʿtazilites and Kharijites, affirm that the names of God are not merely descriptive labels distinct from God Himself. [161] Rather, they teach that there exist correlating, real attributes (ṣifāt) that are inherent in each of the names of God mentioned in the Quran. Thus, God is alive through His attribute of life (ḥayāh), knowing through His attribute of knowledge (ʿilm), mighty through His attribute of power (ʿqudra), willing through His attribute of will (irāda), hearing through His attribute of hearing (samʿ), seeing through His attribute of sight (baṣar), and speaking through His attribute of Speech (kalām). [162] These attributes are neither identical to God, nor are they something entirely separate from Him. [163] Only those attributes are ascribed to God which He has ascribed to Himself (in the Quran) or which His Prophet has ascribed to Him. And every attribute that He or His Prophet has ascribed to Him is understood as a real attribute, not merely a figurative one. [164] A rather precise, if somewhat abstract, theological framework.

Angels and other spirits

Muhammed accompanied by the archangels Gabriel, Michael, Israfil und Azrael. Turkish Siyer-i-Nebi-work, 1595. A rather vivid depiction of the unseen, wouldn't you say?

Sunnis, in their comprehensive belief system, affirm the existence of angels. [153] God, in His infinite wisdom, has veiled these angels from the ordinary perception of humans; thus, they are typically invisible. However, on rare and special occasions, God may choose to unveil them for specific individuals. A prime example is when the archangel Gabriel manifested himself to Muhammad, once in his majestic true form, possessing 600 wings and filling the entire horizon, and another time appearing among the circles of the Sahaba in the guise of a white-clothed traveler. [165]

Angels are not idle beings; they diligently fulfill the various duties assigned to them by God. The angel Gabriel is entrusted with the momentous mission of transmitting God's revelations to chosen Prophets. The angel Michael is appointed over rain and vegetation, overseeing the earth's sustenance. The angel Israfil is designated to blow the trumpet, a cosmic signal for both thunder and the cataclysmic Day of Resurrection. [166] Furthermore, among the angelic host are the recording angels, who meticulously supervise human actions, and the angel of death, who is responsible for taking the souls (or spirits) of all inhabitants of the world. [167]

In contrast to the Mu'tazilites and the Jahmites, [168] Sunnis firmly believe that Satan actively whispers doubts into human hearts and afflicts them, as explicitly stated in the Quran. [169] However, it is a core tenet that humans, jinn, angels, and devils are all creations of God's power and are entirely bound by His will. Even if all humans, jinn, angels, and devils were to conspire to move or halt a single atom, they would utterly fail without God's explicit will. [170] A rather humbling thought, highlighting the ultimate power dynamic in the universe.

Books of God

Historic Quran of Old Dhaka, Bangladesh. A tangible piece of divine guidance, if you subscribe to that sort of thing.

The Sunnis further profess belief in the divinely revealed books, which were transmitted to the envoys of God. [171] [153] These sacred texts include, but are not limited to, the Quran, the Torah, the Gospel, and the Psalms. [162]

The Quran, according to Sunni theological understanding, is the literal speech of God. Anyone who listens to it and, in their hubris, regards it as mere human speech is, according to the Sunni Creed articulated by at-Tahāwī, deemed an infidel. [172] The Quran, as the unadulterated speech of God, was brought down by the "trustworthy Spirit" (ar-rūḥ al-amīn; surah 26:193) and meticulously taught by Muhammad. [171] God sent it down as divine inspiration (wahy) upon His Messenger. [172] The journey of God's speech from its divine origin to the community of Muslims is understood as a multi-stage process: God pronounced it, the angel Gabriel heard it, Mohammed repeated it, Mohammed then relayed it to his companions, and finally, the Ummah (the Muslim community) transmitted it through generations. [164]

As the very speech of God, the Quran is, according to Sunnism, uncreated and eternal. The controversial doctrine asserting the creation of the Quran is unequivocally rejected by Sunnis. [171] Indeed, anyone who espouses this teaching is regarded as an unbeliever. [173] The Quran, though recited with the tongue, inscribed into physical books, and memorized by the heart, remains the uncreated speech of God. This is because it is considered indivisible and cannot be fragmented or altered by its transmission from the heart to paper. [162] At-Tahāwī further clarifies that the Quran is not created in the same manner as human speech. Rather, it originated from God in an inexplicable way as a word (qaul). [172] Ibn Taymīya concisely explains that the Quran originated from God and will, at the end of times, return to Him. [174] A rather profound and circular journey for a sacred text.

Prophets

Messages

Confessing belief in the Prophets of God is an integral component of the Sunni faith. [153] The first among these esteemed prophets is Adam. [175] The primordial covenant (mīṯāq) that God established with Adam and his descendants, as described in surah 7:172–173, is considered a tangible reality according to Sunni belief. [176] God, in His divine prerogative, elevated Abraham to the status of a friend (ḫalīl) and spoke directly to Moses. [177] The final prophet in this illustrious lineage is, of course, Mohammed, hailing from the tribe of the Quraish. [178] The Sunnis, in their adherence to the unity of prophetic messages, do not differentiate between the messengers of God by rejecting any of them; instead, they accept everything they brought as truth. [179]

God, in His wisdom, called these prophets and authenticated their truthfulness through manifest miracles. These prophets conveyed God's explicit commands and prohibitions, His solemn promise and threat, and it is incumbent upon humanity to believe in the veracity of their message. [178] God has prescribed for people acts of obedience (ṭāʿa) and forbidden acts of opposition (maʿṣiya). [180] God's right to the acts of obedience is not merely an obligation discernible through human intellect alone (bi-muǧarrad al-ʿaql), but it is also made a duty through the explicit oral transmission of His prophets. [178]

Muhammad

Muhammad, from the venerable tribe of the Quraish, is not merely the seal of the prophets (ḫātam al-anbiyāʾ); [172] rather, God elevated him above all other prophets and designated him as the Lord of men (saiyid al-bašar). [178] He is recognized as God's chosen servant (ʿabd), Messenger, the Imam (leader) of the godly (imām al-atqiyāʾ), and the beloved of the Lord of the Worlds (ḥabīb rabb al-ʿālamīn). He was dispatched with truth (ḥaqq), guidance (hudā), and light (nūr). God sent him with his message to both Arabs and non-Arabs, and to the entirety of the jinn and human beings. Furthermore, with his Sharia, he abrogated all earlier religious laws, save for those he explicitly confirmed. [178] An essential aspect of the Sunni path is the internal and external adherence to the traditions (āṯār) of Muhammad, prioritizing his guidance above all others. [181]

Muhammad's prophethood is substantiated by numerous miracles (muʿǧizāt), such as the miraculous splitting of the moon. However, the most profound and undeniable miracle is the Quran's intrinsic inimitability. [182] Any subsequent claim to prophethood after him is unequivocally regarded as an error or a mere delusion, as Muhammad is definitively the last prophet. [172] Another cornerstone of Sunni belief is the belief in Muhammad's Ascension (miʿrāǧ). [169] This account describes Muhammad undertaking a nocturnal journey during which his physical person was transported to heaven while he was fully awake, and from there, ascended to celestial heights "which God has chosen." During this profound experience, God bestowed upon him what He had chosen for him and delivered His revelation. God has also blessed Muhammad abundantly, both in his otherworldly existence and in this temporal life. [172]

Eschatology

The human obsession with what comes next is, predictably, well-documented in Sunni eschatology.

In the grave

According to Sunni doctrine, upon death, individuals are subjected to questioning in their graves by the fearsome pair of Munkar and Nakir. [167] These two terrifying, colossal figures cause the deceased person to sit upright in their grave, both in mind and body, and then proceed to interrogate them regarding the oneness of God and the prophethood of Muhammad. Their piercing questions are: "Who is your master? What is your religion? Who is your prophet?" These two are the grave's inspectors, and their interrogation constitutes the first trial (fitna) that humans face after death. [178] The believer, in this crucial test, will confidently respond: "God is my Lord, Islam is my religion, and Mohammed is my prophet." The doubter, however, will falter, stammering: "Oh dear, I don't know. I heard people say something, and that's how I said it." Consequently, the doubter is struck with an iron club, emitting a scream so loud that it can be heard by all creation, save for humans and jinn. If humans were to hear it, they would, quite understandably, lose consciousness. [183] This grave interrogation extends even to children, as well as to those who have vanished, drowned, or been consumed by predatory animals. [184] Deceased Muslims, furthermore, benefit from the supplication offered for them and the Sadaqa (charity) given in their name, which are considered a favor for them. [169]

Sign of the hour

Another critical point of belief revolves around the "signs of the hour" (ašrāṭ as-sāʿa), which are believed to precede the cataclysmic Day of Resurrection. These signs include the emergence of the infamous Dajjal (Antichrist), the sun rising from the west, the emergence of the Dabba (Beast of the Earth) from the ground, [185] and the appearance of Gog and Magog. Jesus, the son of Mary, is believed to descend from heaven [186] and ultimately slay the Dajjal. [187] A rather dramatic sequence of events, designed to keep one on edge.

Day of resurrection

On the momentous Day of the Resurrection, the resurrection (baʿṯ) of all beings and the retribution for their deeds will take place. [188] Initially, the bodies of all people, animals, and jinn will be reassembled and brought back to life. [189] Their souls will be reunited with their bodies, and people will rise from their graves, barefoot, naked, and uncircumcised. The sun will draw perilously close to them, causing them to sweat profusely. [190]

A colossal set of scales will be erected to meticulously weigh the deeds of humanity. These scales will possess two pans and a single tongue, and will be of such immense size as to span several layers of heaven and earth. The weights used will be as precise as atoms and mustard seeds, ensuring the absolute accuracy of God's righteousness. Leaves bearing good deeds (ḥasanāt) will be cast in a beautiful form into the scales of light, weighing down the balance through the sheer grace (faḍl) of God. Conversely, leaves containing bad deeds (saiyiʾāt) will be thrown into the scales of darkness in an ugly form, reducing the weight of the balance through the unimpeachable justice (ʿadl) of God. [191]

The vision of God in the hereafter

The teachings of the Sunnis also encompass the profound concept of the vision of God (ruʾyat Allāh) in the hereafter, a notion that bears striking similarities to the visio beatifica in the Christian tradition. [192] Through this teaching, Sunnis distinguish themselves from the Muʿtazilites, the Zaidiyyah, and certain philosophers who deem the vision of God intellectually impossible. [193]

Among Sunni scholars, there are, predictably, differing views concerning the precise timing and nature of this divine vision. Al-Ashari asserts that God will be seen on the Day of Resurrection, but exclusively by believers, while unbelievers will be denied this vision, being kept away from God. [194] At-Tahāwī, on the other hand, held the opinion that the vision of God is a tangible reality for the inhabitants of Paradise. [195] Ibn Taimīya, in his characteristic thoroughness, posits a dual vision of God: people will see God while still in the places of resurrection, and then again after they have entered Paradise. [196]

Regarding the how of seeing God, al-Ashari and Ibn Taimiyah both emphasized its visual characteristics. Al-Ashari maintained that God will be seen with the eyes, much as one sees the moon on the night of the full moon. [194] Ibn Taimīya further elaborated that the vision of God will be as clear as seeing the sun on a cloudless day. [196] In the ʿAqīda at-Tahāwīs, however, the transcendence of God is underscored: the vision, though real, cannot be comprehended or described, for none of creation is like God. [197] According to al-Ghazālī's creed, the pious in the hereafter will perceive the very essence of God, devoid of any substance or accidents. [162] The creed of an-Nasafī, in its meticulous detail, states that God will be seen neither in a specific place, nor in any direction or distance, and there will be no connection to rays of light. [198] A rather nuanced, and perhaps deliberately obscure, explanation of the ineffable.

Release of the monotheists from hell and intercession

According to Ibn Taimīya's creed, the Umma of Muhammad will be the first religious community to enter Paradise. [199] However, other religious communities are not entirely excluded; God, through the boundless grace of His mercy, will lead entire peoples (aqwām) out of hellfire. [200] Ahmad ibn Hanbal and al-Ghazālī, in their respective creeds, explicitly declare that the monotheists (al-muwaḥḥidūn) will eventually be released from hell after undergoing a period of punishment. [201] Al-Ghazālī further elaborates that, through the sheer grace (faḍl) of God, no monotheist will remain in hell for all eternity. [202]

At-Tahāwī's creed, however, specifies that this promise primarily applies to the serious sinners from Muhammad's ummah: they will indeed enter hell, but not forever, provided they were monotheists at the time of their death. Their ultimate fate rests solely with God: if He wills, He may forgive them through His grace (faḍl); if He wills, He may punish them in His justice (ʿadl) and then, through His mercy (raḥma) and the intercession of those who obey Him, bring them out of hell and into the Paradise Garden. [203]

The concept of intercession (šafāʿa) by the Messenger of God, and its profound effect on those within his ummah who have committed serious sins, is a firmly established tenet of the Sunni faith. [204] Muhammad, it is believed, specifically reserved his intercession for these individuals. [205] According to al-Ghazālī, the Sunni believer can anticipate the intercession of the prophets, then the scholars, then the martyrs, and finally, the other believers, all in accordance with their dignity and rank in God's eyes. Those believers who, through no fault of their own, have no advocate, will ultimately be brought out of hell by the grace of God. [202] A rather comforting thought for the flawed, wouldn't you say?

The predestination

Extent of the predestination

According to Sunni doctrine, every event that transpires does so through God's deliberate decision (qadāʾ) and His meticulous predestination (Qadar), or His precise determination (taqdīr). [206] This predestination encompasses both good and ill, the sweet and the bitter aspects of existence. [179] God, in His omnipotence, has meticulously measured (qadar) the fate of all creatures and precisely determined their allotted lifespan. [207] He is the one who causes sickness and provides healing, who orchestrates death and grants life, while the creatures themselves possess no inherent power over these fundamental processes. [146] God allows them to die without fear and brings them back to life without exertion. [208] The individual who dies, even if killed, does so precisely on their appointed date. [169]

God has inscribed all things predestined for His creatures upon the well-preserved tablet (al-lauḥ al-maḥfūẓ). The pen with which this inscription was made was the very first thing God created. God commanded it to meticulously record everything that would come to pass until the Day of Resurrection. This pen has long since dried, and the scrolls are irrevocably rolled up. [209] Everything written therein in ancient times is immutable and unchangeable. [210]

God is inherently righteous in His judgments (aqḍiya), yet His righteousness cannot be comprehended through analogy with human concepts of justice. This is because unjust actions, for humans, are only conceivable in relation to someone else's property or rights. God, however, encounters no such external property or rights, thus making it impossible for Him to act unfairly towards anyone. [211] The principle of predestination remains God's profound mystery concerning His creatures. No archangel and no prophet has been fully informed of its intricacies. Reflecting excessively on predestination is, therefore, considered a path to destruction and a step towards rebellion against God, precisely because He has deliberately concealed this knowledge from humanity. [212] A rather convenient way to quell excessive philosophical inquiry, one might note.

The Blessed and the Damned

It is, rather simply, made easy for everyone to fulfill the purpose for which they were created. Blessed are those who are saved by God's judgment (qaḍāʾ Allāh), and condemned are those who are condemned by His judgment. [213] God, in His eternal wisdom, created Paradise and Hell before all else; subsequently, He created the people destined for them. He has designated some, out of sheer generosity (faḍlan), for Paradise, and others, out of His impeccable justice (ʿadlan), for Hell. [214] God has always known the precise number of those destined for Paradise and those for Hell. This number is neither subject to increase nor decrease. [213] When God forms the body of an embryo, He dispatches an angel to it, who meticulously records its livelihood (rizq), the exact hour of its death, its deeds, and whether it is ultimately damned (šaqī) or blessed (saʿīd). [215]

A true Sunni does not harbor doubts about their own belief. [216] Humans, however, remain ignorant of how they are recorded by God (whether as believers or unbelievers), and equally, they do not know their ultimate end. [217] God is also recognized as the "converter of hearts" (muqallib al-qulūb). [218] Therefore, it is recommended to utter the Istit̲h̲nā, or exception: [219] "A believer, if God is willing" or "I hope that I am a Believer." Such an expression does not render one a doubter, as it merely acknowledges that one's otherworldly fate and ultimate destiny remain hidden from human knowledge. [217] Sunnis, typically, refrain from making definitive pronouncements about anyone's ultimate destiny in either Paradise or Hell, provided that person prays towards the direction of the Kaaba, [220] regardless of their specific good deeds or sins committed. [221] A pragmatic approach to the unknowable, perhaps.

Sunni view of hadith

Hagia Sophia in Istanbul. A monument to shifting religious and political tides, if ever there was one.

The Quran, in its current textual form as a compiled book, was meticulously assembled by Muhammad's companions within mere months of his passing. This compilation is universally accepted by all sects of Islam. [222] However, many matters of fundamental belief and the intricate details of daily life were not explicitly prescribed within the Quran itself. Instead, these were practices and actions observed directly from Muhammad and the early Muslim community. Subsequent generations, in their understandable desire for guidance, diligently sought out oral traditions pertaining to the early history of Islam, and especially the practices of Muhammad and his first followers. These traditions were then carefully recorded, ensuring their preservation for posterity. These documented oral traditions are collectively known as hadith. [223] Muslim scholars, throughout the ages, undertook the monumental task of sifting through this vast body of hadith, meticulously evaluating the chain of narrations (isnad) for each tradition. This rigorous process involved scrutinizing the trustworthiness and integrity of the narrators, and consequently, judging the strength and authenticity of each hadith. [224]

Kutub al-Sittah

The Kutub al-Sittah, or "The Six Books," represent six revered collections of hadiths that form a cornerstone of Sunni Islamic scholarship. Sunni Muslims universally accept the hadith collections compiled by Bukhari and Muslim as the most authentic (sahih). While acknowledging the authenticity of all hadiths verified as such, they grant a slightly lesser, though still highly respected, status to the collections of other recorders. These four additional hadith collections are also held in particular reverence by Sunni Muslims, completing the set of six:

Sahih al-Bukhari by Muhammad al-Bukhari
Sahih Muslim by Muslim ibn al-Hajjaj
Sunan al-Sughra by Al-Nasa'i
Sunan Abu Dawud by Abu Dawood
Jami' at-Tirmidhi by Al-Tirmidhi
Sunan Ibn Majah by Ibn Majah

Beyond these six canonical collections, numerous other hadith compilations exist, many of which also contain a multitude of authentic hadith and are frequently utilized by scholars and specialists for deeper study. Examples of these supplementary collections include:

Musannaf of Abd al-Razzaq by 'Abd ar-Razzaq as-San'ani
Musnad by Ahmad ibn Hanbal
Mustadrak by Al Haakim
Muwatta by Imam Malik
Sahih Ibn Hibbaan
Sahih Ibn Khuzaymah by Ibn Khuzaymah
Sunan al-Darimi by Al-Darimi

A rather extensive library of wisdom, if you have the time and inclination to sift through it all.

Sunni State institutions

TRT Diyanet kurumsal logo

Among the most pivotal teaching institutions of Sunni Islam globally is the venerable Azhar in Egypt. Article 32b, paragraph 7 of the Egyptian Azhar Law of 1961 explicitly mandates that the Azhar "follows the path of the Sunnis" (manhaǧ ahl as-sunna wa-l-jamāʿa), adhering to the foundational principles of religion and the applications of fiqh as agreed upon by the Umma, encompassing its four disciplines. Only those who steadfastly adhere to these paths of science and conduct are eligible to become a "Member of the Council of Great Scholars" (haiʾat kibār al-ʿulamāʾ), from among whom the esteemed Grand Imam of al-Azhar is elected. [225] Other historically recognized institutions of Islamic learning, such as Zitouna University in Tunisia and the University of al-Qarawiyyin in Morocco, are also acknowledged. These, along with the Azhar, are notably mentioned in the final document of the Sunni Conference in Grozny. [87]

Another influential body that purports to speak on behalf of Sunnism is the Council of Senior Religious Scholars, established in Saudi Arabia in 1971. This committee has, in the past, issued several fatwas concerning the Sunni affiliation of particular Islamic groups. In 1986, it controversially published a fatwa explicitly excluding the Ahbāsh community from Sunnism. [226] The Islamic World League in Mecca, also financially supported by Saudi Arabia, adopted a resolution in 1987 asserting that it regards Sunnism as the pure teachings from the time of the Messenger and upholding the rightful existence of the Caliphate. [227] However, it is a rather open secret that the Council of Senior Religious Scholars operates largely under the influence and control of Wahhabi scholars, [228] which, of course, colors its pronouncements.

The Turkish Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı) continues to implement the religious policy inherited from the Ottoman Empire, providing a distinctly Sunni interpretation of Islam. [229] Efforts by the National Unity Committee in the 1960s to transform the Diyanet into a non-denominational institution, one that would even integrate the Alevis, ultimately failed due to strong resistance from conservative Sunni clergy, both within and outside the Diyanet authority. [230] Since the 1990s, the Diyanet has attempted to present itself as an institution that transcends denominational divides (mezhepler üstü). [229] Nevertheless, the religious education organized by the authority in Turkish schools remains exclusively based on a Sunni understanding of Islam. [231] A rather persistent, if understandable, bias.

Self-image of the Sunnis

Humans, in their endless capacity for self-aggrandizement, often develop rather grand self-images. The Sunnis are, predictably, no exception.

As the "saved sect"

A widely known hadith, which can, rather pragmatically, be interpreted as a vaticinium ex eventu (a prophecy after the event), states that the Muslim Umma will fragment into 73 distinct sects, only one of which will ultimately be "saved." [232] The Sunnis, with a predictable sense of self-assurance, have adopted the belief that they are this very "saved sect" (firqa nā niya). For instance, Abu Mansur al-Baghdadi (d. 1037), at the very outset of his heresiographical work, al-Farq baina l-firaq ("The difference between the sects"), meticulously explains that there are 20 Rafiditic sects, 20 Kharijite sects, 20 Qadaritic sects, 3 Murjiite sects, 3 Nadjāritic sects, 3 karramitic sects, and furthermore, the Bakriyya, Dirariyyya, and Jahmīya. These, he concludes, constitute the 72 erring sects. The 73rd sect, the "saved sect," are, naturally, the Sunnis (ahl as-sunna wa-l-jamaʿa). According to al-Baghdadi, this saved sect is composed of two primary groups: the followers of the Ra'y (reason) and the followers of the hadith. He asserts that they are in fundamental agreement on the core principles of religion (uṣūl ad-dīn). Any differences, he argues, exist only in the derivations (furūʿ) from the norms concerning what is permitted and what is forbidden. These differences, in his view, are not so profound as to warrant declaring each other as having strayed from the right path. [233] A rather convenient way to define orthodoxy, wouldn't you say?

As center of Muslims

Later Sunni scholars, in a somewhat less exclusive but equally self-aggrandizing vein, also present the Sunnis as the very center of the Muslim community. This idea, in a nascent form, already appears in the Ashʿarite scholar ʿAbd al-Qāhir al-Baghdādī, who, on several dogmatic questions, emphasizes that the Sunnis occupy a middle position between the extreme stances of other Islamic groups. [234] A classic example is the contentious issue of predestination (Qadar), where, according to the Kasb theory, Sunnis maintain a precise middle ground between the two extreme positions of the Jabriyya (who deny human free will) and the Qadariyya (who assert absolute human free will).

Even the Hanbali scholar Ibn Taymiyya (d. 1328), typically renowned for his uncompromising stance, subscribed to this "middle path" view. He famously declared that the Sunnis represent "the middle among the sects of the Umma" (al-wasaṭ fī firaq al-umma), just as the Islamic Umma itself occupies the middle ground among other religious communities. He illustrates this with several illuminating examples:

Regarding the attributes of God, the Sunnis stand precisely in the middle, avoiding the Jahmiyya, who completely divest God of attributes, and the Muschabbiha, who anthropomorphize God to resemble creation.
In matters concerning the works of God, they position themselves between the Qadariyya and the Jabriyya.
On the contentious question of God's threat (waʿid Allah), they navigate a middle course between the Murdschi'a (who emphasize God's mercy to the exclusion of punishment) and the Waʿīdiyya, a subgroup of the Qadariyya (who emphasize punishment to the exclusion of mercy).
When it comes to the complex issues of faith and religion, they find their balance between the Haruiyya (= Kharijites) and Muʿtazila on one hand, and the Murji'a and Jahmiyya on the other.
And finally, with respect to the Companions of the Prophets, they occupy the middle ground between the extreme positions of the Rafidites (who often disparage certain companions) and the Kharijites (who criticize early caliphs). [235]

The Hanafi scholar ʿAlī al-Qārī (d. 1606) later elaborated on this idea. In his anti-Shiite polemic, Šamm al-alawāriḍ fī ḏamm ar-rawāfiḍ, he quotes a tradition attributed to ʿAlī ibn Abī Tālib himself: "Two kinds of people perish on me: the exaggerated lover and the exaggerated hater." Al-Qārī clarifies that the "exaggerated lover" refers to the Rafidites, while the "exaggerated hater" refers to the Kharijites. The Sunni, on the other hand, holds ʿAlī in high esteem but maintains a balanced middle ground (al-wasaṭ allaḏī huwa al-qisṭ). Al-Qārī connects this balanced approach to the Qur'anic sura 2:143, which states that God made the Muslims "a community standing in the middle" (umma wasaṭ). Because the Sunnis steadfastly avoid the exaggerations described in the traditional ʿAlī saying, al-Qārī concludes that they are, in fact, the true "Party of ʿAlīs" (šīʿat ʿAlī). [236] A rather clever rhetorical maneuver, wouldn't you say, to claim the very name of your rivals?

As the essential bearers of Islamic science and culture

ʿAbd al-Qāhir al-Baghdādī, in his work al-Farq baina l-firaq, paints a rather flattering, if not entirely objective, picture of Sunnis as the fundamental custodians and purveyors of Islamic science and culture. He asserts that Sunnis hold a predominant share in all the sciences, knowledge, and endeavors of which Muslims can justly be proud. [237] In the concluding chapter of his book, al-Baghdadi even extends this claim to the realm of architectural and infrastructural development in Islamic lands. He contends that Sunnis, through their construction of mosques, madrasas, palaces, factories, and hospitals, have achieved an unparalleled position, arguing that none of the non-Sunnis have rendered comparable services. [238] A rather bold claim, perhaps, but one that certainly reinforces a sense of communal achievement.

Contemporary Ashʿarī – Salafī relations

Since the latter half of the 20th century, a rather predictable and fierce internal struggle has erupted within the Sunni camps, specifically between Ashʿarites on one side and Salafiyya on the other. Both factions, in a rather human display of territoriality, often seek to exclude the other from the legitimate bounds of Sunnism itself. In Indonesia, for instance, the Ashʿarite scholar Sirajuddin Abbas (d. 1980), in the 1960s, authored several books explicitly arguing for the exclusion of the Ahl as-salaf from Sunnism. His reasoning, among other points, was that no distinct Salafi madhhab (school of thought) existed during the first 300 years of Islam. From this premise, he rather logically deduced that those who exhorted other Muslims to adhere to the Salafi madhhab were, in effect, promoting a school of thought that had no historical basis. [239] In Abbas's view, only the Ashʿarites represented the true Sunnis. These books by Abbas subsequently served as the theological foundation for robust anti-Salafist campaigns in Aceh in 2014. [240] During these campaigns, several Salafist schools in Aceh were, rather decisively, closed by the provincial government. [241]

The Permanent Committee for Scholarly Research and Ifta in Saudi Arabia, in 1996, issued a fatwa unequivocally stating that Salafis are indeed Sunnis. [242] Much like many Ashʿarites, Salafis are convinced that their teachings embody the only true form of Sunnism, and consequently, they often reject the Asharites and Maturidites as legitimate components of Sunnism. [243] A prime example is the Saudi scholar al-ʿUthaymīn, who, in his 2001 commentary on Aqīda Wāsiṭīya by Ibn Taimiyya, explicitly stated that Ash'arites and Māturīdites should not be counted among the Sunnis. His rationale was that their doctrine of attributes fundamentally contradicted the doctrine upheld by Muhammad and his companions. For this reason, he argued, the very notion that three distinct groups belong to Sunnism should be rejected. In his stringent view, only those who are salaf in their belief are true Sunnis. [244]

The rather pointed accusation by some Wahhabis that the Ashʿarites were not Sunnis became the subject of a significant fatwa issued by the "Egyptian Fatwa Office" in July 2013. In its ruling, the office firmly rejected this accusation, reaffirming that the Ashʿarites continue to represent the "multitude of scholars" (jumhūr al-ʿulamāʾ). It emphasized that it was the Ashʿarites who, historically, had effectively countered the arguments of atheists (šubuhāt al-malāḥida). The fatwa concluded with a stern warning: anyone who declares them to be unbelieving or who casts doubt upon their orthodoxy should, rather gravely, "fear for their religion." [245] On the very same day, the fatwa office further clarified, in another fatwa, that, according to their understanding, the Ahl as-Sunna wa-l-jama exclusively refers to those Muslims who are either Ashʿarites or Maturidites. [104]

This enduring rivalry between Ashʿarīyya and Salafiyya dramatically resur