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Alexander Hamilton

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Alexander Hamilton

Posthumous portrait by John Trumbull, 1806, [1] from a life bust by Giuseppe Ceracchi, 1794

Personal details Born (1755-01-11) January 11, 1755 or 1757 [a] Charlestown, Colony of Nevis, [British Leeward Islands] Died July 12, 1804 (aged 47 or 49) New York City, U.S. Cause of death: Gunshot wound Resting place: Trinity Church Cemetery Nationality: American Political party: Federalist Spouse: Elizabeth Schuyler (m. 1780) Children: Philip, Angelica, Alexander, James, John, William, Eliza, Philip Relatives: Hamilton family Education: King's College Columbia College (MA) Signature:

Military service Allegiance:

Alexander Hamilton (January 11, 1755 or 1757 [a] – July 12, 1804) was an American military officer, statesman, and Founding Father who served as the first U.S. secretary of the treasury from 1789 to 1795 under the presidency of George Washington.

Born out of wedlock in Charlestown, Nevis, Hamilton was orphaned as a child and taken in by a prosperous merchant. He pursued his education at King's College (now Columbia University) in New York City. Despite his youth, he was an anonymous but prolific and widely read pamphleteer and an ardent advocate for the American Revolution. He then served as an artillery officer in the American Revolutionary War. His military service included action against the British Army in the New York and New Jersey campaign. He spent four years as aide-de-camp to Continental Army commander in chief George Washington and fought under Washington's command in the war's decisive battle, the Siege of Yorktown, which secured American victory and the independence of the United States.

Following the Revolutionary War, Hamilton represented New York as a delegate to the Congress of the Confederation in Philadelphia. He resigned to practice law and co-founded the Bank of New York. In 1786, Hamilton took a leading role at the Annapolis Convention, an assembly convened to address the weaknesses of the confederation of independent states under the Articles of Confederation. The following year, he was a delegate to the Philadelphia Convention, which drafted the U.S. Constitution and established a more centralized federal national government. He then authored 51 of the 85 installments of The Federalist Papers, essays that were instrumental in securing the Constitution's ratification by the states.

As a trusted member of President Washington's first cabinet, Hamilton served as the first U.S. secretary of the treasury. He championed a strong, energetic executive, a robust national defense, and a diversified economy with expanded industry. He successfully argued that the implied powers of the U.S. Constitution provided the legal basis for establishing the First Bank of the United States and assuming the states' war debts, financed through an import tariff and a whiskey tax. Hamilton opposed entanglement with the volatile French Revolutionary governments. In 1790, he persuaded the U.S. Congress to create the United States Revenue Cutter Service to safeguard American shipping. In 1793, he advocated for the Jay Treaty, which re-established friendly trade relations between the U.S. and the British Empire. Hamilton's political philosophy formed the bedrock of the Federalist Party, which found its primary opposition in the Democratic-Republican Party, led by Thomas Jefferson. Hamilton and other Federalists supported the Haitian Revolution, and Hamilton contributed to drafting Haiti's constitution in 1801.

After resigning his cabinet post in 1795, Hamilton resumed his legal and business pursuits and was a key figure in the movement to abolish the Atlantic slave trade. During the Quasi-War, a naval conflict between the U.S. and France from 1798 to 1800, Hamilton called for military mobilization against France, and President John Adams appointed him major general. The U.S. Army did not engage in combat during this conflict. Displeased with Adams' handling of the crisis, Hamilton opposed his 1800 presidential re-election. Jefferson and Aaron Burr tied in the electoral college for the presidency. Despite their philosophical differences, Hamilton endorsed Jefferson over Burr, whom he deemed unprincipled. When Burr ran for Governor of New York in 1804, Hamilton again opposed his candidacy, deeming him unfit for the office. Taking offense, Burr challenged Hamilton to a pistol duel. The duel occurred in Weehawken, New Jersey, on July 11, 1804. Hamilton sustained mortal wounds and was transported across the Hudson River to the home of William Bayard Jr. in Greenwich Village, New York, for medical care. He succumbed to his injuries the following day, July 12, 1804.

Scholars generally recognize Hamilton as an astute and brilliant administrator, politician, and financier, though at times impetuous. His ideas are credited with shaping the foundational principles of American finance and government. In 1997, historian Paul Johnson described Hamilton as a "genius—the only one of the Founding Fathers fully entitled to that accolade—and he had the elusive, indefinable characteristics of genius." [6]

Early life and education

Hamilton's birthdate is recorded as January 11, 1755, or 1757. [a] He was born in Charlestown, the capital of Nevis in the British Leeward Islands, where he spent his formative years. Hamilton and his elder brother, James Jr., [7] were born out of wedlock to Rachel Lavien (née Faucette), [b] who was married to Johann Lavien at the time. Rachel Faucette was of mixed descent, half-British and half-Huguenot. [c] [16] His father was James A. Hamilton, a Scotsman and the fourth son of Alexander Hamilton, the laird of Grange, Ayrshire. [17]

Rachel Lavien married Johann Lavien in Saint Croix in 1745. [18] They had one son, Peter. However, Rachel Lavien left her husband and first son in 1750, relocating to Saint Kitts, where she met James Hamilton. [18] Hamilton and Lavien moved together to Nevis, her birthplace, where she had inherited a seaside property. [2] While their mother was alive, Alexander and James Jr. received private tutoring [2] and attended a school headed by a Jewish instructor. [19] Alexander's education was further enriched by access to a personal library of 34 books. [20]

James Hamilton later abandoned Rachel Lavien and their two sons. His departure was ostensibly to "spare [her] a charge of bigamy...after finding out that her first husband intend[ed] to divorce her under Danish law on grounds of adultery and desertion." [17] Lavien then returned to Saint Croix with her two children, where she supported them by managing a small shop in Christiansted. Both she and Hamilton contracted yellow fever. Hamilton's mother died from the disease on February 19, 1768, leaving him orphaned. [21] His mother's death was a profound emotional blow to Hamilton. [22] In probate court, Lavien's first husband seized her estate [17] and claimed the few valuables she possessed, including household silver. Many of her belongings were auctioned off, but a friend purchased the family's books and returned them to Hamilton. [23]

The brothers were temporarily taken in by their cousin, Peter Lytton. However, Lytton died by suicide in July 1769, bequeathing his property to his mistress and their son. The Hamilton brothers, left without resources, were subsequently separated. [23] James Jr. was apprenticed to a carpenter, while Alexander was taken in by Thomas Stevens, a merchant from Nevis. [24]

Hamilton secured a position as a clerk at Beekman and Cruger, an import-export firm with trade relations in the Province of New York and New England. [25] Though still a teenager, Hamilton proved so competent that he was left in charge of the firm for five months in 1771 while the owner was at sea. [26] He continued to be an avid reader, developing an interest in writing and a desire for a life beyond Saint Croix. He documented a devastating hurricane that struck Christiansted on August 30, 1772, in a detailed letter to his father. [27] The letter was submitted for publication in the Royal Danish-American Gazette by the Reverend Hugh Knox, a Presbyterian minister who served as Hamilton's tutor and mentor. Biographer Ron Chernow considered the letter remarkable, noting that "for all its bombastic excesses, it does seem wondrous [that a] self-educated clerk could write with such verve and gusto." [28] The essay, described as an apocalyptic "fire-and-brimstone sermon" viewing the hurricane as a "divine rebuke to human vanity and pomposity," impressed community leaders, who raised funds to send Hamilton to the North American colonies for his education. [29]

Hamilton arrived in Boston in October 1772 and proceeded to New York City. There, he stayed with Hercules Mulligan, the Irish-born brother of a merchant known to Hamilton's benefactors. Mulligan assisted Hamilton in selling the cargo intended to finance his education and living expenses. [30] [31] To prepare for college, Hamilton sought to strengthen his academic foundation. Later that year, he began attending Elizabethtown Academy, a preparatory school in Elizabeth, New Jersey, run by Francis Barber. While there, he was introduced to William Livingston, a prominent local intellectual and revolutionary, who significantly influenced him. Hamilton lodged with the Livingstons while he studied. [32]

In the autumn of 1773, Hamilton returned to New York and enrolled in King's College (now Columbia University), Mulligan's alma mater. He initially studied privately and resided with Mulligan until formally matriculating at the college in May 1774. [33] His college roommate and lifelong friend, Robert Troup, recounted Hamilton's compelling defense of the Patriot cause against the British during the American Revolution in what marked Hamilton's first public address on July 6, 1774. [34] As students at King's College, Hamilton, Troup, and four other undergraduates formed an unnamed literary society, considered a precursor to the present-day Philolexian Society. [35] [36]

In late 1774, the Church of England clergyman Samuel Seabury published a series of pamphlets in New York advocating the Loyalist cause, aiming to incite fear and deter the Thirteen Colonies from unified opposition to British rule. [37] Hamilton responded anonymously with his first significant political writings: A Full Vindication of the Measures of Congress and The Farmer Refuted. He published two additional pieces criticizing the [Quebec Act], [38] and is also believed to have authored the 15 anonymous installments of "The Monitor" for Holt's New York Journal. [39] While Hamilton supported the revolutionary cause prior to the war's outbreak, he disapproved of mob violence directed at Loyalists. On May 10, 1775, he is credited with saving King's College president Myles Cooper, a Loyalist, from an agitated crowd by engaging them in lengthy discourse, allowing Cooper to escape. [40] Hamilton was compelled to discontinue his studies before graduation when the college suspended operations during the British occupation of New York City, leading to his subsequent military service. [41]

Revolutionary War (1775–1782)

Early military career

• Further information: Hearts of Oak (New York militia) and New York and New Jersey campaign

Alexander Hamilton in the Uniform of the New York Artillery, a portrait by Alonzo Chappel

In 1775, following the commencement of the Revolutionary War with the Battles of Lexington and Concord, Hamilton and fellow King's College students joined a New York volunteer militia company known as the Corsicans. The company's name was a nod to the Corsican Republic, which had been suppressed six years prior and was regarded by young American patriots as a political model. [42]

Hamilton trained with the company before classes in the graveyard of the nearby St. Paul's Chapel, simultaneously studying military history and tactics independently. He was soon elected an officer. [43] Under fire from HMS Asia, and in coordination with Hercules Mulligan and the Sons of Liberty, he led his unit, renamed the "Hearts of Oak," in a successful raid to seize British cannons at the Battery. The acquisition of the cannons led to the unit's reclassification as an artillery company. [44] : 13 

Leveraging his connections with influential New York patriots, including Alexander McDougall and John Jay, Hamilton was commissioned by the revolutionary government in 1776 to raise the New York Provincial Company of Artillery, comprising 60 men. He was subsequently appointed captain. [45] The company participated in the campaign of 1776 around New York City. Serving as the rearguard for the Continental Army's retreat up Manhattan, the company saw action at the Battle of Harlem Heights shortly thereafter and at the Battle of White Plains a month later. At the Battle of Trenton, the company was positioned at the highest point in Trenton, at the intersection of present-day Warren and Broad streets, to keep the Hessian forces pinned in their Trenton barracks. [46] [47]

Hamilton also participated in the Battle of Princeton on January 3, 1777. Following an initial setback, Washington rallied the Continental Army troops and led a successful charge against the British forces. After a brief resistance, the British retreated, with some withdrawing from Princeton, while others took refuge in Nassau Hall. Hamilton directed three cannons toward the hall, firing upon the building as other troops stormed the front entrance and forced it open. The British subsequently displayed a white flag from a window; [47] 194 British soldiers emerged and surrendered, marking an American victory. [48]

George Washington's staff

• Further information: Washington's aides-de-camp

Hamilton was initially invited to serve as an aide to Continental Army general William Alexander, Lord Stirling, and another general, possibly Nathanael Greene or Alexander McDougall. [49] He declined these offers, believing his best avenue for advancement lay in battlefield glory during the Revolutionary War. Ultimately, Hamilton accepted an invitation he felt unable to refuse: to join George Washington's staff with the rank of lieutenant colonel. [50] Washington emphasized the critical need for "men of abilities" to execute the duties of aides-de-camp with "propriety and dispatch," as they were individuals requiring "entire confidence." [51]

Hamilton served as Washington's chief staff aide for four years. His responsibilities included managing correspondence with the Continental Congress, state governors, and high-ranking generals of the Continental Army. He drafted numerous orders and letters under Washington's direction and often issued orders on Washington's behalf over his own signature. [52] Hamilton was involved in a wide spectrum of high-level duties, including intelligence, diplomacy, and negotiations with senior army officers, acting as Washington's emissary. [53] [54]

During the army's winter encampment in Morristown, New Jersey from December 1779 to March 1780, Hamilton met Elizabeth Schuyler, daughter of General Philip Schuyler and Catherine Van Rensselaer. They married on December 14, 1780, at the Schuyler Mansion in Albany, New York. [55] They had eight children: Philip, [56] Angelica, Alexander, James, [57] John, William, Eliza, and another son named Philip. [58]

Hamilton formed close friendships with several fellow officers during the Revolutionary War. His correspondence with the [Marquis de Lafayette] [59] and John Laurens, characterized by the sentimental literary conventions of the late 18th century and replete with allusions to Greek history and mythology, has been interpreted by Jonathan Ned Katz as indicative of a homosocial or potentially homosexual relationship. [61] Conversely, biographer Gregory D. Massey and others dismiss such speculation as unsubstantiated, characterizing their friendship as purely platonic camaraderie and contextualizing their correspondence within the florid language of the era. [62]

Field command

• Further information: Yorktown campaign

While serving on Washington's staff, Hamilton consistently sought a field command and a return to active combat. As the war neared its conclusion, he recognized the diminishing opportunities for military distinction. Following a minor reprimand from Washington in February 1781, Hamilton insisted on leaving his staff, despite Washington's efforts to mend their relationship. [63] He officially departed in March, settling with his wife Elizabeth Schuyler near Washington's headquarters. He continued to press Washington and others for a field command, but Washington initially demurred, citing the need to appoint officers of higher rank. This persisted until early July 1781, when Hamilton submitted a letter to Washington, enclosing his commission, effectively threatening resignation if his request for command was not granted. [64]

On July 31, Washington relented and appointed Hamilton commander of a battalion composed of light infantry companies from the 1st and 2nd New York Regiments, along with two provisional companies from Connecticut. [65] In the strategic planning for the assault on Yorktown, Hamilton was assigned command of three battalions. These units were tasked with supporting the allied French troops in the capture of Redoubts No. 9 and No. 10 of the British defenses at Yorktown. Hamilton and his battalions successfully took Redoubt No. 10 using bayonets exclusively to avoid detection and potential misfires during the planned nighttime operation. The French forces also suffered significant casualties while capturing Redoubt No. 9. These actions compelled the British surrender of an entire army at Yorktown, effectively marking the war's conclusion, although minor engagements continued for two more years until the signing of the Treaty of Paris and the final withdrawal of British troops. [66] [67]

Return to civilian life (1782–1789)

Congress of the Confederation

• Main article: Congress of the Confederation

After the victory at Yorktown, Hamilton returned to New York City and resigned his commission in March 1782. He subsequently passed the bar exam in July after six months of self-study and was licensed to practice law before the Supreme Court of New York in October. [68] He also accepted an offer from Robert Morris to serve as receiver of continental taxes for the New York state. [69] In July 1782, Hamilton was appointed to the Congress of the Confederation as a representative from New York for the term commencing in November 1782. [70] Even before his congressional appointment, Hamilton had voiced significant criticisms of Congress, stating in a September 3, 1780, letter to James Duane: "The fundamental defect is a want of power in Congress ... the confederation itself is defective and requires to be altered; it is neither fit for war, nor peace." [71]

During his tenure on Washington's staff, Hamilton had grown increasingly frustrated by the decentralized structure of the wartime Continental Congress. He particularly noted its reliance on voluntary financial contributions from the states, which were frequently inadequate. Under the Articles of Confederation, Congress lacked the authority to levy taxes or compel payments from the states. This deficiency in stable funding severely hampered the Continental Army's ability to procure necessary supplies and compensate its soldiers. Throughout the war and for some time afterward, Congress relied on subsidies from France, international loans, and requests to the individual states, many of which were unable or unwilling to contribute. [72]

In February 1781, Thomas Burke proposed an amendment to the Articles granting Congress the power to levy a five percent impost on all imports. However, this required ratification by all states, a process that proved impossible after Rhode Island's rejection in November 1782. Hamilton joined James Madison in urging Congress to dispatch a delegation to persuade Rhode Island to reconsider. Their report advocating for this delegation argued for the necessity of national governmental authority not only in financial matters but also in the power to enact laws superseding those of individual states. Hamilton asserted that Congress already possessed the power to tax by virtue of its authority to determine the sums owed by each state. However, Virginia's subsequent rescission of its ratification of this amendment effectively ended the negotiations with Rhode Island. [73] [74]

Congress and the army

• Further information: Newburgh Conspiracy

While Hamilton served in Congress, discontent among the soldiers posed a growing threat to the nascent United States. The majority of the army was stationed at Newburgh, New York. Soldiers were largely responsible for funding their own supplies and had not received payment for eight months. Furthermore, following the ordeal at Valley Forge, Continental officers had been promised a pension of half their pay upon discharge in May 1778. [75] By the early 1780s, the governmental structure under the Articles of Confederation prevented Congress from raising revenue or paying its soldiers. [76] In 1782, after several months without pay, a group of officers organized to lobby Congress, led by Captain Alexander McDougall. Their demands included payment of arrears, their promised pensions, and commutation of those pensions into a lump-sum payment if Congress could not afford lifelong half-salary pensions. Congress rejected these proposals. [76]

Several congressmen, including Hamilton, Robert Morris, and Gouverneur Morris, attempted to leverage the so-called Newburgh Conspiracy to garner support from the states and within Congress for a national funding system. They encouraged McDougall's assertive approach, hinting at unspecified consequences if demands were unmet. Simultaneously, they blocked proposals aimed at resolving the crisis without establishing general taxation, such as having the states assume the army's debt or creating an impost specifically for its repayment. [77]

Hamilton advocated for using the army's claims to pressure the states into adopting the proposed national funding system. [78] The Morrises and Hamilton contacted General Henry Knox, suggesting that he and the officers defy civil authority by refusing to disband if their grievances were not addressed. Hamilton also wrote to Washington, proposing that he covertly "take direction" of the officers' efforts to secure redress, ensuring continental funding while maintaining the army's moderation. [79] [80] Washington responded to Hamilton, declining to introduce the army into the political maneuvering. [81] Following the resolution of the crisis, Washington cautioned against using the army as a tool to gain support for the national funding plan. [79] [82]

Washington effectively diffused the Newburgh situation on March 15 by personally addressing the officers. [77] Congress officially ordered the army's disbandment in April 1783. In the same month, Congress approved a new impost measure, effective for 25 years—a proposal Hamilton voted against [83] —which again necessitated the consent of all states. This measure also included a commutation of officers' pensions to five years of full pay. Rhode Island again opposed these provisions, and Hamilton's strong assertions of national authority in his earlier correspondence were widely perceived as excessive. [84]

In June 1783, a separate contingent of disgruntled soldiers from Lancaster, Pennsylvania, petitioned Congress demanding their back pay. As they marched toward Philadelphia, Congress tasked Hamilton and two others with intercepting the group. [79] Hamilton requested militia support from Pennsylvania's Supreme Executive Council but was refused. He then instructed Assistant Secretary of War William Jackson to intercept the soldiers, but Jackson was unsuccessful. The mob reached Philadelphia, and the soldiers proceeded to demand their pay from Congress. Hamilton argued that Congress should adjourn to Princeton, New Jersey, a proposal Congress accepted, leading to their relocation. [85] Frustrated by the national government's weakness, Hamilton, while in Princeton, drafted a resolution calling for a revision of the Articles of Confederation. This draft incorporated many elements of the future U.S. Constitution, including a powerful federal government with the capacity for taxation and military recruitment. It also outlined the separation of powers into legislative, executive, and judicial branches. [85]

Return to New York

• Further information: Annapolis Convention (1786)

Hamilton resigned from Congress in 1783. [86] Following the British evacuation of New York in 1783, he established a law practice in partnership with [Richard Harison]. He frequently represented Tories and British subjects, notably in the case of Rutgers v. Waddington. In this case, he successfully defended a claim for damages against the British occupants of a brewery during the military occupation of New York. Hamilton argued for the mayor's court to interpret state law in accordance with the 1783 Treaty of Paris, which concluded the Revolutionary War. [87] [44] : 64–69  In 1784, Hamilton was instrumental in founding the Bank of New York. [88]

Deeply dissatisfied with the perceived weakness of the Articles of Confederation, Hamilton played a pivotal role in the 1786 Annapolis Convention. He drafted the convention's resolution calling for a constitutional convention, thereby advancing his long-held objective of establishing a more effective and financially stable federal government. [89]

As a member of the New York legislature, Hamilton vigorously advocated for a bill to recognize the sovereignty of the State of Vermont, despite considerable opposition regarding its constitutionality and policy implications. Consideration of the bill was postponed. From 1787 to 1789, Hamilton engaged in correspondence with Nathaniel Chipman, who represented Vermont's interests. Following the implementation of the U.S. Constitution, Hamilton remarked, "One of the first subjects of deliberation with the new Congress will be the independence of Kentucky, for which the southern states will be anxious. The northern will be glad to send a counterpoise in Vermont." [90] Vermont was admitted to the Union in 1791. [91]

In 1788, his alma mater, formerly King's College and now Columbia College, awarded him a Master of Arts degree. [92] During this post-war period, Hamilton served on the college's board of trustees, contributing to its reopening and financial stabilization. [93]

Constitution and The Federalist Papers

• Main articles: United States Constitution and The Federalist Papers

Portrait of Hamilton authoring the first draft of the U.S. Constitution in 1787

In 1787, Hamilton represented New York County in the New York State Legislature and was selected as a delegate to the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia by his father-in-law, Philip Schuyler. [94] : 191  [95] Despite Hamilton's leadership in advocating for a new Constitutional Convention, his direct influence at the Convention itself was limited. New York's other delegates, chosen by Governor George Clinton, were John Lansing Jr. and Robert Yates, both of whom opposed Hamilton's objective of a strong national government. [96] [97] Consequently, when these two delegates were present, they cast New York's vote, preventing significant alterations to the Articles of Confederation. [94] : 195 

Early in the convention, Hamilton delivered a speech proposing a president-for-life, which had no impact on the proceedings. [He proposed](/Constitutional_Convention_(United_States)) an elected president and elected senators with lifetime appointments, contingent upon "good behavior" and subject to removal for corruption. This proposal later fueled the perception of Hamilton as a monarchist sympathizer among figures like James Madison. [98] According to Madison's notes, Hamilton stated regarding the executive: "The English model was the only good one on this subject. The hereditary interest of the king was so interwoven with that of the nation, and his personal emoluments so great, that he was placed above the danger of being corrupted from abroad... Let one executive be appointed for life who dares execute his powers." [99] Hamilton further argued: "And let me observe that an executive is less dangerous to the liberties of the people when in office during life than for seven years. It may be said this constitutes as an elective monarchy ... But by making the executive subject to impeachment, the term 'monarchy' cannot apply ..." [99] Madison's interpretation of Hamilton's proposal, suggesting it favored the "rich and well born," effectively isolated Hamilton from many delegates and others who championed revolutionary ideals and liberty. [100]

Throughout the convention, Hamilton drafted a proposal for the Constitution based on the debates, though he never formally presented it. This draft incorporated most of the features found in the final Constitution. In it, the Senate was to be elected proportionally to population, with two-fifths the size of the House. The president and senators were to be chosen through complex multi-stage elections involving electoral bodies. They would hold office for life, but could be removed for misconduct. The president would possess an absolute veto. The Supreme Court would have direct jurisdiction over all cases involving the United States, and state governors would be appointed by the federal government. [101]

While Hamilton remained unsatisfied with the final Constitution, he signed it as a significant improvement over the Articles of Confederation and urged his fellow delegates to do the same. [102] As the other two New York delegates, Lansing and Yates, had already withdrawn, Hamilton was the sole signatory from New York to the United States Constitution. [94] : 206  He then played a crucial role in securing the document's ratification in New York in 1788, a critical step in its national adoption. He attempted to leverage public support for the Constitution to compel George Clinton's signature but was unsuccessful. The state convention in Poughkeepsie in June 1788 saw Hamilton, Jay, James Duane, Robert Livingston, and Richard Morris opposing the Clintonian faction led by Melancton Smith, Lansing, Yates, and Gilbert Livingston. [103]

Clinton's faction favored amending the Constitution while reserving the state's right to secede if their efforts failed. Members of Hamilton's faction opposed any conditional ratification, concerned that New York would not be admitted to the Union. During the state convention, New Hampshire and Virginia had already ratified the Constitution as the ninth and tenth states, respectively, ensuring the convention would not adjourn and necessitating a compromise. [103] [104] Hamilton's arguments during the convention largely echoed his writings in The Federalist Papers. Melancton Smith eventually conceded to ratification, driven more by necessity than by Hamilton's rhetoric. [104] The state convention ratified the Constitution by a vote of 30 to 27 on July 26, 1788. [105]

The Federalist Papers

Hamilton enlisted John Jay and James Madison to collaborate on The Federalist Papers, a series of essays advocating for the proposed Constitution. Hamilton was the principal contributor, authoring 51 of the 85 essays published. He oversaw the entire project, recruited contributors, wrote the majority of the essays, and managed the publication process. Each participant contributed based on their areas of expertise: Jay focused on foreign relations, Madison on the history of republics and confederacies and the structure of the new government, while Hamilton addressed the executive and judicial branches, aspects of the Senate, and issues of military affairs and taxation. [106] The essays first appeared in The Independent Journal on October 27, 1787. [106]

Hamilton penned the first essay under the pseudonym Publius, and all subsequent essays were also published under this name. [94] : 210  Jay contributed the next four essays, elaborating on the confederation's weaknesses and the need for unity against foreign threats and the dangers of fragmentation into rival confederacies. Except for No. 64, Jay's involvement ceased. [107] [94] : 211  Hamilton's contributions included a significant defense of the Constitution (Nos. 23–36) and discussions of the Senate, executive, and judicial branches (Nos. 65–85). Hamilton and Madison collaborated on analyzing the chaotic state of the confederation (Nos. 15–22), and their perspectives during this period were largely aligned, in contrast to their later opposition. [107] Subtle differences emerged between them regarding the necessity of standing armies. [107]

First U.S. Secretary of the Treasury (1789–1795)

A statue of Hamilton stands on the south patio of the Treasury Building in Washington, D.C.

In 1789, President George Washington, the first president of the United States, appointed Hamilton as Secretary of the Treasury, acting on the recommendation of Robert Morris, Washington's initial choice for the role. [108] Hamilton was nominated and confirmed by the Senate on September 11, 1789, [109] and sworn into office the same day as the first United States secretary of the treasury. [110]

Report on Public Credit

• Main article: First Report on the Public Credit

Prior to the House's adjournment in September 1789, Congress requested Hamilton to prepare a report by January 1790 outlining proposals for improving public credit. [111] Hamilton had expressed the view as early as 1781 that establishing public credit was essential to achieving national independence. [111] His report drew upon the works of French figures such as Jacques Necker and Montesquieu, as well as British writers including David Hume, Thomas Hobbes, and Malachy Postlethwayt. [112] While drafting the report, he also solicited input from contemporaries like John Witherspoon and Madison. Although they agreed on the need for additional taxes, such as those on distilleries, imported liquors, and land, Madison expressed concern that government debt securities might fall into foreign ownership. [113] [94] : 244–245 

Hamilton categorized the national debt into foreign and domestic components, and also distinguished between national and state debts. While there was consensus on managing the foreign debt, particularly with France, the handling of the national debt held by domestic creditors generated considerable debate. During the Revolutionary War, affluent citizens had invested in government bonds, and war veterans had been compensated with promissory notes and IOUs that significantly depreciated in value during the Confederation period. Consequently, these securities were often sold by veterans to speculators at fractions of their face value, sometimes as low as fifteen to twenty cents on the dollar. [112] [114]

Hamilton argued that the proceeds from these bonds should benefit the speculators who had purchased them, rather than the soldiers who had demonstrated a lack of faith in the nation's future. The logistical challenges of identifying original bondholders and the potential for the government to discriminate among different classes of creditors also factored into Hamilton's reasoning. Regarding state debts, Hamilton proposed consolidating them with the national debt, labeling the entirety as federal debt for national administrative efficiency. [112]

In his report, Hamilton contended that securities should be fully redeemed by their legitimate owners, including those who bore the financial risk of purchasing government bonds that many believed would never be repaid. He posited that liberty and property security were intrinsically linked and that honoring contracts was fundamental to both public and private morality. Hamilton believed that proper management of the national debt would also enable America to secure loans at favorable interest rates and stimulate economic growth. [112]

The report's final section addressed debt retirement through a sinking fund designed to redeem five percent of the debt annually until it was fully paid. Given that bonds were trading below their face value, these purchases would benefit the government as the securities' prices appreciated. [115] : 300  Upon submission to the House of Representatives, the report faced immediate opposition. Critics argued that programs resembling British practices were inherently corrupt and would shift the balance of power from the legislature to the executive. William Maclay suspected that several congressmen were involved in government securities, perceiving an "unholy league" between Congress and New York speculators. [115] : 302  Congressman James Jackson also voiced opposition, alleging that speculators were attempting to defraud those who had not yet received news of Hamilton's report. [115] : 303 

The involvement of individuals connected to Hamilton, such as Schuyler, William Duer, James Duane, Gouverneur Morris, and Rufus King, as speculators further fueled opposition to the report. While Hamilton himself did not personally own or trade debt securities, these connections were detrimental to his proposals. [115] : 304  [94] : 250  Madison eventually opposed the report in February 1790. While not against current holders of government debt profiting, he believed the windfall should accrue to the original holders, asserting that they had sold their securities out of desperation rather than a loss of faith in the government. [115] : 305  The compromise was viewed as unacceptable by both Hamiltonian supporters and opponents like Maclay, and Madison's proposal was defeated by a vote of 36 to 13 on February 22. [115] : 305  [94] : 255 

The debate over federal assumption of state debts proved more protracted, lasting over four months. During this period, Alexander White requested information from Hamilton regarding the allocation of resources for state debt payments, but Hamilton was unable to provide the necessary details by March 3. Despite preparing a report the following day, which proposed additional duties to cover interest on state debts, his own supporters postponed its consideration. [94] : 297–298  Duer resigned as Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, and the assumption bill was narrowly defeated by a vote of 31 to 29 on April 12. [94] : 258–259 

During this critical period, Hamilton largely bypassed the growing issue of slavery in Congress. Following a petition for abolition from the Quakers, he addressed the matter the following year.

Another significant issue involving Hamilton was the temporary relocation of the nation's capital. Tench Coxe engaged with Maclay to negotiate the capital's temporary move to Philadelphia. This required securing a single vote in the Senate and five in the House for the bill to pass. [94] : 263  Years later, Thomas Jefferson recalled a conversation with Hamilton around this time concerning the capital's relocation to Virginia via a "pill" that would be "peculiarly bitter to the Southern States, and that some concomitant measure should be adopted to sweeten it a little to them." [94] : 263  The bill passed the Senate on July 21 and the House by a vote of 34 to 28 on July 26, 1790. [94] : 263 

Report on a National Bank

• Further information: History of central banking in the United States

The First Bank of the United States in Philadelphia, commissioned by Hamilton, facilitated the nation's adoption of a unified currency.

Hamilton's Report on a National Bank elaborated on his earlier Report on the Public Credit. Although Hamilton had conceived of a national bank as early as 1779, [94] : 268  he had been refining these ideas for over a decade. His proposals drew upon theories from Adam Smith, [117] extensive studies of the Bank of England, analysis of the failures of the Bank of North America, and his experience in establishing the Bank of New York. [118] He also incorporated insights from American contemporaries such as James Wilson, Pelatiah Webster, Gouverneur Morris, and his assistant secretary, Tench Coxe. [118] He believed this national bank could provide crucial support during financial crises. [119]

Hamilton proposed that Congress charter the national bank with a capitalization of $10 million. The government would contribute one-fifth of this amount, financed through a loan from the bank itself, to be repaid over ten years in equal installments. [44] : 194  The remaining capital was to be made available to private investors. [120] The bank's governance was to be entrusted to a twenty-five-member board of directors, representing a substantial majority of private shareholders, which Hamilton considered essential for its private direction. [94] : 268  Hamilton's bank model bore significant similarities to the Bank of England, with the notable exception that Hamilton aimed to prevent government involvement in public debt. Instead, he sought to provide a substantial, stable, and elastic money supply to support normal business operations and economic development. [44] : 194–195  The revenue to fund the bank's establishment was to come from increased duties on imported spirits, including rum, liquor, and whiskey, consistent with his earlier proposals. [44] : 195–196 

The bill encountered minimal opposition in the Senate but faced increased criticism upon reaching the House of Representatives. Critics generally argued that Hamilton's proposed bank primarily served the interests of the Northeast, [121] and would not benefit those engaged in agrarian pursuits. [94] : 270  Among these critics was James Jackson of Georgia, who attempted to refute the report by citing passages from The Federalist Papers. [94] : 270  Madison and Jefferson also opposed the bank bill. A significant factor in their opposition was the potential for the capital to remain in Philadelphia if the bank was established there, a prospect that caused anxiety for both men due to actions taken by Pennsylvania congress members to retain the capital. [44] : 199–200  The Whiskey Rebellion later highlighted the social stratification resulting from financial policies, where the wealthy disproportionately benefited from taxes. [122]

Madison warned Pennsylvania congress members of his intention to challenge the bill's constitutionality in the House, a threat he followed through on. Madison argued against the bank's constitutional basis, but failed to sway House members, and his constitutional authority was questioned by several. [44] : 200–201  The bill ultimately passed by a significant margin of 39 to 20 on February 8, 1791. [94] : 271 

President Washington expressed hesitation regarding the bill, having received objections from Attorney General Edmund Randolph and Thomas Jefferson. Jefferson dismissed the Necessary and Proper Clause as justification for a national bank, asserting that the enumerated powers "can all be carried into execution without a bank." [94] : 271–272  Washington's reluctance was also influenced by his involvement in the capital relocation debate. [44] : 202–203  In response to the constitutional objections, Hamilton argued that "Necessary often means no more than needful, requisite, incidental, useful, or conductive to," and that the bank served as a "convenient species of medium in which [taxes] are to be paid." [94] : 272–273  Washington eventually signed the bill into law. [94] : 272–273 

Hamilton's push for a national bank was part of a broader, sustained effort to establish a central banking system in the United States, a vision that ultimately contributed to the creation of the Federal Reserve. [123] While Hamilton's proposals laid the groundwork for a structured financial system, the concept of centralized banking has remained a contentious issue in American economic discourse, drawing both strong criticism and fervent support. [124] [125]

Establishing the mint

• Main article: United States Mint

The Turban Head eagle, one of the initial gold coins minted under the Coinage Act of 1792.

In 1791, Hamilton submitted his Report on the Establishment of a Mint to the House of Representatives. His proposals for this report drew from European economic theories, resolutions from the 1785 and 1786 Continental Congress meetings, and the ideas of figures such as Robert Morris, Gouverneur Morris, and Thomas Jefferson. [44] : 197  [126]

Given that Spanish currency was the most widely circulated coin in the United States at the time, Hamilton proposed minting a United States dollar with a weight nearly equivalent to the Spanish peso as the most straightforward approach to introducing a national currency. [127] Hamilton diverged from European monetary policymakers in his preference for overvaluing gold relative to silver, believing this would ensure a consistent influx of silver from the West Indies. [44] : 197  Despite his personal inclination towards a monometallic gold standard, [128] he ultimately advocated for a bimetallic currency with a fixed ratio of 15:1 (silver to gold). [44] : 197  [129] [130]

Hamilton proposed that the U.S. dollar should incorporate fractional coinage using decimals, rather than the eighths common in Spanish coinage. [131] This innovation was initially suggested by Superintendent of Finance Robert Morris, with whom Hamilton corresponded after examining one of Morris's Nova Constellatio coins in 1783. [132] He also advocated for the minting of small denomination coins, such as silver ten-cent pieces and copper cent and half-cent pieces, to reduce the cost of living for the less affluent. [44] : 198  [118] A primary objective was to foster public familiarity with handling money regularly. [44] : 198 

By 1792, Hamilton's principles were enacted by Congress through the Coinage Act of 1792, establishing the mint. The act authorized the coining of a ten-dollar gold Eagle, a silver dollar, and fractional denominations ranging from one-half to fifty cents. [128] The minting of silver and gold coins commenced by 1795. [128]

Revenue Cutter Service

• Main article: United States Revenue Cutter Service

A 19th-century depiction of a Revenue Marine cutter, possibly the USRC Massachusetts or its successor, the Massachusetts II.

Smuggling along American coastlines presented a significant challenge both before and after the Revolutionary War. Compounding this issue were the lack of shipping oversight, rampant piracy, and a revenue imbalance. [133] In response, Hamilton proposed the establishment of a naval police force, termed revenue cutters, to patrol maritime waters and assist customs collectors in confiscating contraband. [134] This initiative was also intended to bolster tariff enforcement, stimulate the American economy, and promote the merchant marine. [133] His apprenticeship experience with Nicholas Kruger is believed to have influenced this decision. [135]

Regarding the operational details of the System of Cutters, [136] Hamilton envisioned the deployment of the initial ten cutters to various locations across the United States, from New England to Georgia. [134] [137] Each cutter was to be equipped with ten muskets and bayonets, twenty pistols, two chisels, one broad-ax, and two lanterns. The sails were to be manufactured domestically, [134] and provisions were made for the crew's sustenance and boarding etiquette. [134] Congress officially established the Revenue Cutter Service on August 4, 1790, an event considered the genesis of the United States Coast Guard. [133]

Whiskey as tax revenue

• See also: Whiskey Rebellion

Hamilton in 1792, painted by John Trumbull

A primary revenue source that Hamilton successfully advocated for in Congress was an excise tax on whiskey. In his initial Tariff Bill of January 1790, Hamilton proposed raising the necessary three million dollars for government operating expenses and debt servicing through increased duties on imported wines, distilled spirits, tea, coffee, and domestic spirits. This proposal was rejected, with Congress approving most recommendations except for the excise tax on whiskey. That same year, Madison amended Hamilton's tariff to include only imported duties; it was passed in September. [138]

In pursuit of revenue diversification, as three-quarters of government revenue originated from trade with Great Britain, Hamilton revisited the excise tax on both imported and domestic spirits in his 1790 Report on Public Credit. [139] [140] The tax rate was graduated based on whiskey proof, and Hamilton aimed to equalize the tax burden on imported and domestic spirits. [140] Alternatively, producers could pay 60 cents per gallon of dispensing capacity, with an exemption for small stills used exclusively for domestic consumption. [140] He recognized the unpopularity of the tax in rural areas but considered taxing spirits more equitable than land taxes. [139]

Initial opposition emerged from Pennsylvania's House of Representatives, protesting the tax. William Maclay observed that even Pennsylvania legislators had struggled to enforce excise taxes in the state's western regions. [139] Hamilton anticipated potential difficulties and granted inspectors the authority to search buildings designated for spirit storage and to confiscate contraband from suspected illegal storage sites with a warrant. [141] Although inspectors were prohibited from searching private residences and warehouses, they were required to make twice-daily visits and submit detailed weekly reports. [139] Hamilton advised against expedited judicial proceedings, favoring jury trials for alleged offenders. [141] As early as 1791, locals began to shun or threaten inspectors, viewing the inspection methods as intrusive. [139] Inspectors also faced incidents of being tarred and feathered, blindfolded, and whipped. Hamilton attempted to appease opposition by reducing tax rates, but this measure proved insufficient. [142]

Strong resistance to the whiskey tax from cottage producers in remote, rural areas culminated in the Whiskey Rebellion in 1794. In Western Pennsylvania and western Virginia, whiskey was a primary export product and fundamental to the local economy. In response to the rebellion, believing adherence to laws was crucial for establishing federal authority, Hamilton accompanied President Washington, General Henry "Light Horse Harry" Lee, and a substantial federal military force—larger than Washington had typically commanded during the Revolution—to the rebellion's site. [143] This overwhelming display of force effectively intimidated the insurrection leaders, quelling the rebellion with minimal bloodshed. [144]

Manufacturing and industry

• Further information: Report on Manufactures

The Great Falls of the Passaic River in Paterson, New Jersey, which Hamilton envisioned powering new factories.

Hamilton's next significant report was his Report on Manufactures. Although Congress requested this report on January 15, 1790, with the aim of expanding U.S. independence, it was not submitted until December 5, 1791. [94] : 274, 277  In the report, Hamilton referenced The Wealth of Nations and drew upon the French physiocrats to critique agrarianism and physiocratic theory, respectively. [44] : 233  Hamilton also refuted Adam Smith's concept of non-interference by government, arguing it would be detrimental to international trade. [44] : 244  Hamilton believed that the United States, primarily an agrarian nation, would be at a disadvantage in its dealings with Europe. [145] Addressing detractors who favored agriculture, Hamilton argued that the interests of farmers would be advanced by manufacturing, and that agriculture was as productive as manufacturing. [44] : 233  [94] : 276 

Hamilton advocated for industrial policy to foster a modern manufacturing sector in the United States. [146] [147] He proposed several government measures to support manufacturing, including financial assistance to "infant industries" to achieve economies of scale. This would be accomplished through protective tariffs on imported foreign goods that were also manufactured domestically, [148] the removal of duties on raw materials essential for domestic manufacturing, [94] : 277  [148] and pecuniary incentives. [94] : 277  He also encouraged immigration as a means to strengthen the American workforce. [148] [149] Congress shelved the report without substantial debate, save for Madison's objection to Hamilton's interpretation of the general welfare clause. Hamilton viewed this clause broadly as a legal basis for his comprehensive programs. [150]

In 1791, Hamilton, alongside Coxe and several entrepreneurs from New York City and Philadelphia, established the Society for the Establishment of Useful Manufactures, a private industrial corporation. In May 1792, the directors resolved to assess the Great Falls of the Passaic River in New Jersey as a potential site for a manufacturing center. On July 4, 1792, the society's directors met with Philip Schuyler at [Abraham Godwin]'s hotel on the Passaic River, where they conducted a tour to scout the area for the national manufactory. Initial proposals suggested digging mile-long trenches and constructing factories away from the falls, but Hamilton deemed this approach too costly and labor-intensive. [151]

The site at the Great Falls of the Passaic River in New Jersey was chosen for its accessibility to raw materials, dense population, and the water power provided by the falls. [44] : 231  The factory town was named Paterson in honor of Governor William Paterson of New Jersey, who signed the charter. [44] : 232  [152] The company's projected profits were derived from specific corporate ventures rather than national or public benefits, a departure from the report's recommendations. [153] Hamilton proposed the initial stock offering at 500,000,withplanstoincreaseitto500,000, with plans to increase it to 1 million, and welcomed subscriptions from both state and federal governments. [94] : 280  [153] However, the company ultimately failed due to numerous shareholder defaults and bankruptcies. William Duer, the company's governor, was imprisoned for debt and subsequently died. [154] Despite Hamilton's efforts to mitigate the disaster, the company dissolved. [152]

Jay Treaty

• Main article: Jay Treaty

When France and Britain entered into war in early 1793, all four Cabinet members were consulted on the appropriate course of action. They, along with Washington, unanimously agreed to maintain neutrality and requested the recall of the French ambassador, Edmond-Charles Genêt, who was organizing privateers and mercenaries on American soil. [155] : 336–341  However, in 1794, policy toward Britain became a significant point of contention between the emerging political parties. Hamilton and the Federalists favored increased trade with Britain, the United States' principal trading partner. Conversely, the Republicans viewed monarchist Britain as a primary threat to republicanism and advocated for a trade war instead. [94] : 327–328 

To avert conflict, Washington dispatched Chief Justice John Jay to negotiate with the British, with Hamilton largely dictating the terms of Jay's instructions. The resulting treaty was denounced by the Republicans, but Hamilton mobilized widespread support across the nation. [156] The Jay Treaty secured Senate approval in 1795 by the required two-thirds majority. The treaty resolved outstanding issues from the Revolution, prevented war, and facilitated ten years of peaceful trade between the United States and Great Britain. [155] : Ch 9  Historian George Herring notes the treaty's "remarkable and fortuitous economic and diplomatic gains." [157]

Several European states formed the Second League of Armed Neutrality to counter infringements on their neutral rights. The Cabinet was consulted on whether the United States should join this alliance and decided against it. This decision was kept confidential, but Hamilton privately disclosed it to George Hammond, the British minister to the United States, without informing Jay or anyone else. This revelation remained unknown until Hammond's dispatches were examined in the 1920s. While the disclosure may have had limited impact on the negotiations, Jay did threaten to join the League at one point, though the British had other reasons for not viewing the alliance as a significant threat. [155] : 411–412  [158]

Resignation from public office

• See also: Second Report on Public Credit

Hamilton's wife experienced a miscarriage [159] while he was away suppressing the Whiskey Rebellion. [160] In light of this personal event, Hamilton submitted his resignation on December 1, 1794, providing Washington with two months' notice. [161] Before concluding his term on January 31, 1795, Hamilton presented the [Report on a Plan for the Further Support of Public Credit] to Congress, aiming to address the national debt. Hamilton had grown dissatisfied with the perceived lack of a comprehensive strategy to manage the public debt. He advocated for new taxes and the permanent establishment of existing ones, proposing that any surplus from the excise tax on liquor be allocated to reducing the public debt. Congress incorporated his proposals into legislation shortly after his departure from the Treasury. [162] Several months later, Hamilton resumed his law practice in New York to remain closer to his family. [163] After Jay resigned as Chief Justice in June 1795 to become Governor of New York, Attorney General William Bradford urged Hamilton to accept the position, but Hamilton declined, choosing to focus on New York state politics. [164]

Emergence of political parties

• Further information: Federalist Party and Democratic-Republican Party

• See also: Relationship of Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson A 1791 portrait of Hamilton's political rival Thomas Jefferson

Hamilton's vision faced challenges from Virginia agrarians Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, who established the Democratic-Republican Party. They favored strong state governments rooted in rural America and defended by state militias, in contrast to a powerful national government supported by a national army and navy. They criticized Hamilton as insufficiently committed to republicanism, overly aligned with Britain, and too focused on urban centers, industry, and banking. [165]

The two-party system began to materialize as political factions coalesced around competing interests. A congressional caucus, led by Madison, Jefferson, and William Branch Giles, emerged as an opposition group to Hamilton's financial programs. Hamilton and his allies began to identify as the Federalists. [166] [167]

Hamilton organized a national coalition to support the administration, endorsing its expansive financial programs and, notably, the president's policy of neutrality in the European conflict between Britain and France. Hamilton publicly condemned French minister Genêt, who had commissioned American privateers and recruited Americans for private militias to attack British ships and colonial territories of British allies. Ultimately, even Jefferson joined Hamilton in advocating for Genêt's recall. [168] Hamilton believed that for his vision of an administrative republic to succeed, Americans needed to first identify as citizens of a nation and experience an administration that demonstrated strength and upheld the principles of the Constitution. [169] While the Federalists did implement some direct internal taxes, they largely avoided the more ambitious elements of Hamilton's administrative republic, deeming them too risky. [170]

The Republicans opposed banks and urban development and supported the series of unstable revolutionary governments in France. They constructed their own national coalition to counter the Federalists. Both sides garnered support from local political factions and established partisan newspapers. Noah Webster, John Fenno, and William Cobbett served as energetic editors for the Federalists, while Benjamin Franklin Bache and Philip Freneau were prominent Republican editors. All their newspapers were characterized by intense personal attacks, significant exaggerations, and fabricated claims. In 1801, Hamilton founded the daily newspaper, the New York Evening Post, and appointed William Coleman as its editor. [171] The incompatibility between Hamilton and Jefferson was exacerbated by their unacknowledged rivalry to be Washington's principal and most trusted advisor. [172]

An additional source of partisan friction for Hamilton was the 1791 United States Senate election in New York, which resulted in the election of Democratic-Republican candidate Aaron Burr over Federalist candidate Philip Schuyler, Hamilton's father-in-law and the incumbent. Hamilton attributed this outcome directly to Burr, and negative characterizations of Burr began appearing in his correspondence thereafter. Despite this, the two men occasionally collaborated on various projects, including Hamilton's army in 1798 and the [Manhattan Water Company]. [173]

1796 presidential election

• Main article: 1796 United States presidential election

Hamilton's resignation as secretary of the treasury in 1795 did not end his public involvement. As he resumed his law practice, he remained a close advisor and friend to Washington. Hamilton influenced the composition of Washington's farewell address by drafting versions for Washington's review, although Washington had consulted Madison for a similar drafting purpose in 1792 when contemplating retirement. [174] [175]

In the 1796 election, the Constitution stipulated that each presidential elector cast two votes for different individuals from different states. The candidate with the most votes would become president, and the second-highest vote-getter would become vice president. This system was not designed for the operational realities of political parties, which were generally viewed with suspicion. The Federalists planned to manage this by having all their electors vote for John Adams, the incumbent vice president, with all but a select few also voting for Thomas Pinckney. [176]

Adams harbored resentment towards Hamilton's influence with Washington and considered him overly ambitious and morally questionable in his private life. Hamilton, in turn, viewed Adams unfavorably compared to Washington, believing him to be too emotionally volatile for the presidency. [177] Hamilton saw the election as an opportunity: he urged all northern electors to vote for both Adams and Pinckney to prevent Jefferson's election. Simultaneously, he collaborated with Edward Rutledge to ensure South Carolina's electors voted for Jefferson and Pinckney. This strategy aimed for Pinckney to secure more votes than Adams, thus making Pinckney president and Adams vice president. However, the plan failed. Northern Federalists, alerted to the scheme, voted for Adams but withheld votes from Pinckney, resulting in Pinckney finishing third and Jefferson becoming vice president. [178] Adams resented this political maneuvering, feeling his own national service far exceeded Pinckney's contributions. [179]

Reynolds affair

• Main article: Hamilton–Reynolds affair

James Monroe, a Democratic-Republican congressman and Hamilton's political adversary.

In the summer of 1797, Hamilton became the first prominent American politician embroiled in a public sex scandal. [180] Six years earlier, in the summer of 1791, the 34-year-old Hamilton began an affair with 23-year-old Maria Reynolds. According to Hamilton's account, Maria approached him at his Philadelphia residence, claiming her husband, James Reynolds, was abusive and had abandoned her, and that she needed funds to return to her family in New York. [94] : 366–369  Hamilton provided her address and subsequently delivered $30 to her boarding house, where she led him to her bedroom, initiating an affair that continued intermittently until June 1792. [181]

James Reynolds was aware of his wife's infidelity and likely orchestrated the situation from the outset. He continually supported the affair to extort regular blackmail payments from Hamilton. While the conventional response for men of similar social standing involved a duel, Reynolds, belonging to a lower social class and recognizing the potential ruin for Hamilton if the affair became public, resorted to extortion. [182] After an initial demand of 1,000, [183] which Hamilton met, Reynolds invited Hamilton to continue visiting his wife "as a friend," [184] only to subsequently demand forced "loans" after each visit, solicited through Maria's letters, suggesting collusion between the couple. The total blackmail payments amounted to over 1,300, including the initial sum. [94] : 369  Hamilton may have realized by this point that both spouses were involved in the blackmail scheme [185] and readily complied with James Reynolds' final request to end the affair. [181] [186]

In November 1792, James Reynolds and his associate Jacob Clingman were arrested for counterfeiting and speculating in unpaid Revolutionary War veterans' wages. Clingman, released on bail, informed Democratic-Republican congressman James Monroe that Reynolds possessed evidence implicating Hamilton in illicit activities as Secretary of the Treasury. Monroe conferred with congressmen Muhlenberg and Venable regarding appropriate actions. The congressmen confronted Hamilton on December 15, 1792. [181] Hamilton refuted suspicions of financial speculation by disclosing his affair with Maria Reynolds and presenting letters from both Reynoldses as proof that his payments to James Reynolds were for blackmail related to adultery, not Treasury misconduct. The three men pledged their honor to maintain the utmost confidentiality of the documents. [94] : 366–369 

However, five years later, in the summer of 1797, the journalist James T. Callender, known for his "notoriously scurrilous" publications, released A History of the United States for the Year 1796. [44] : 334  The pamphlet contained accusations based on documents from the December 15, 1792 confrontation, presented out of context, suggesting James Reynolds had acted as Hamilton's agent. On July 5, 1797, Hamilton wrote to Monroe, [187] Muhlenberg, [188] and Venable, [189] requesting confirmation that his actions as Secretary of the Treasury had not compromised his integrity. All three complied except Monroe, leading to a confrontation between Hamilton and Monroe that nearly resulted in a duel, but was averted by Aaron Burr. [190] [191] Hamilton then published a 100-page booklet, commonly known as the [Reynolds Pamphlet], detailing the affair with explicit detail for the era. Hamilton's wife, Elizabeth, eventually forgave him but never forgave Monroe. [192] Despite facing criticism from the Democratic-Republican faction, Hamilton maintained his readiness for public service. [44] : 334–336 

Quasi-War

• Main article: Quasi-War

During the military expansion preceding the Quasi-War with France, and with strong backing from Washington, Adams reluctantly appointed Hamilton a major general in the army. At Washington's insistence, Hamilton was given the senior major general position, leading Henry Knox, who had served as United States Secretary of War and previously as a Continental Army major general, to decline the appointment, viewing service subordinate to Hamilton as degrading. [193] [194]

Hamilton served as inspector general of the United States Army from July 18, 1798, to June 15, 1800. As Washington was unwilling to leave Mount Vernon unless to command an army in the field, Hamilton effectively led the army, much to Adams's considerable displeasure. Hamilton argued that, in the event of full-scale war with France, the army should conquer the Spanish colonies in North America bordering the United States. [195] Hamilton was prepared to march the army through the Southern United States if necessary. [196]

To finance the army, Hamilton corresponded regularly with Oliver Wolcott Jr., his successor at the Treasury, Representative William Loughton Smith, and U.S. Senator Theodore Sedgwick. He urged them to enact a direct tax to fund the war effort. Smith resigned in July 1797; Hamilton criticized him for delays and advised Wolcott to tax houses rather than land. [197] The eventual funding package included taxes on land, houses, and slaves, with varying rates across states, necessitating property assessments. It also included a stamp tax similar to the British precedent, although this time Americans were taxing themselves through their elected representatives. [198] This policy provoked resistance in southeastern Pennsylvania, primarily led by figures like John Fries, who had previously joined Washington's forces against the Whiskey Rebellion. [199]

Hamilton provided significant support in all aspects of the army's development. Following Washington's death, he held the position of senior officer of the United States Army from December 14, 1799, to June 15, 1800. The army was intended to defend against a potential French invasion. However, Adams preempted any war plans by initiating negotiations with France, which led to peace. [200] Consequently, the army under Hamilton's command faced no direct threat. [201] Adams discovered that key members of his cabinet, namely Secretary of State Timothy Pickering and Secretary of War James McHenry, were more loyal to Hamilton than to him; Adams dismissed them in May 1800. [202]

1800 presidential election

• Main article: 1800 United States presidential election

Before his bid for Governor of New York, Hamilton's rival Aaron Burr was excluded from President Jefferson's administration and the Democratic-Republican Party.

In November 1799, following the enactment of the Alien and Sedition Acts, only one Democratic-Republican newspaper remained operational in New York City. When the New Daily Advertiser reprinted an article alleging Hamilton's attempt to purchase the [Philadelphia Aurora] to cease its publication, and suggesting the funding originated from "British secret service money," Hamilton urged the New York Attorney General to prosecute the publisher for seditious libel. This action compelled the newspaper's owner to close it down. [203]

In the 1800 presidential election, Hamilton actively worked to defeat both the Democratic-Republicans and his own party's nominee, John Adams. [94] : 392–399  Aaron Burr had secured New York for Jefferson in May through legislative elections, as the legislature determined the state's electors. Hamilton subsequently proposed a direct election system with carefully drawn districts, where voters in each district would choose an elector, thereby enabling Federalists to split New York's electoral vote. Governor Jay, having resigned from the Supreme Court, inscribed on the back of a letter, "Proposing a measure for party purposes which it would not become me to adopt," and declined to respond. [204]

Adams was running this time with Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, the elder brother of former vice presidential candidate Thomas. Hamilton toured New England, again urging northern electors to support Pinckney to prevent Jefferson's victory. He also engaged in similar maneuvering in South Carolina. [44] : 350–351  Hamilton's strategy involved encouraging moderate Federalists to withdraw support for Adams if Pinckney lacked backing, and writing to Adams's more hesitant supporters regarding his alleged presidential misconduct. [44] : 350–351  Hamilton anticipated that southern states like the Carolinas would cast their votes for Pinckney and Jefferson, resulting in Pinckney outpolling both Adams and Jefferson. [94] : 394–395 

In line with these plans, and following a recent personal rift with Adams, [44] : 351  Hamilton authored a pamphlet titled Letter from Alexander Hamilton, Concerning the Public Conduct and Character of John Adams, Esq. President of the United States. This document was highly critical of Adams, though it concluded with a lukewarm endorsement. [94] : 396 

Jefferson defeated Adams. However, both Jefferson and Aaron Burr received 73 electoral votes, resulting in a tie. Under the electoral laws of the time, the U.S. House of Representatives was tasked with choosing between the two candidates. [44] : 352  [94] : 399  Several Federalists who opposed Jefferson supported Burr, and for the first 35 ballots, Jefferson failed to secure a majority. Prior to the 36th ballot, Hamilton shifted his support to Jefferson, endorsing an arrangement proposed by James A. Bayard Jr. of Delaware. This plan involved five Federalist representatives from Maryland and Vermont abstaining from voting, thereby allowing their state delegations to cast votes for Jefferson, resolving the deadlock and electing Jefferson president over Burr. [44] : 350–351 

Despite his significant dislike for Jefferson and disagreement on numerous issues, Hamilton viewed Jefferson as the "lesser of two evils." [205] Hamilton characterized Jefferson as "by far not so a dangerous man" and Burr as a "mischievous enemy" to the key policies of the previous administration. [205] It was for these reasons, along with Burr being a northerner rather than a Virginian, that many Federalist representatives voted for him. [206] [contradictory]

Hamilton dispatched numerous letters to congressional allies, urging them to reconsider their support for Burr. [44] : 352  [94] : 401  Ultimately, Burr became vice president after losing the election to Jefferson. [207] However, according to several historians, the Federalists rejected Hamilton's critical assessment of Burr as grounds for not supporting him. [44] : 353  [94] : 401  Historian John Lamberton Harper, in his book American Machiavelli: Alexander Hamilton and the Origins of US Foreign Policy, suggested that Hamilton might have "perhaps" contributed "to a degree" to Burr's defeat. [208] Conversely, Ron Chernow asserted that Hamilton "squelched" Burr's presidential aspirations. [209] When it became evident that Jefferson harbored reservations about Burr and would not support his return to the vice presidency, [207] Burr sought the governorship of New York in 1804 with Federalist backing, challenging the Jeffersonian candidate Morgan Lewis, but was defeated, partly due to Hamilton's opposition. [210]

Duel with Burr and death

• Main article: Burr–Hamilton duel

A 1901 illustration depicting Burr fatally wounding Hamilton during their 1804 duel in Weehawken, New Jersey. Hamilton's tomb in Trinity Church Cemetery in Lower Manhattan.

Shortly after Lewis's gubernatorial victory, the Albany Register published letters from Charles D. Cooper, citing Hamilton's opposition to Burr and alleging that Hamilton had expressed "a still more despicable opinion" of the vice president at a dinner party in Upstate New York. [211] [212] Cooper claimed the letter was intercepted while relaying the information but stated he was "unusually cautious" in recalling the details from the dinner. [213]

Sensing an attack on his honor and recovering from his defeat, Burr demanded a written apology. Hamilton responded but ultimately refused, stating he could not recall the specific instance of insulting Burr. Hamilton was also accused of cowardice for recanting Cooper's letter. [94] : 423–424  After several unsuccessful attempts to resolve their differences, a duel was arranged through intermediaries on June 27, 1804. [94] : 426 

The concept of honor was central to Hamilton's self-perception and his vision for the nation. [214] Historians note that Hamilton had previously participated in seven "affairs of honor" as a principal and three as an advisor or second, underscoring the importance of honor in his value system. [215] Such affairs were often concluded before reaching the final stage of a duel. [215]

Before the duel, Hamilton penned an explanation of his decision to participate while simultaneously intending to "throw away" his shot. [216] His desire to remain available for future political engagements also influenced this decision. [211] A week prior to the duel, Hamilton and Burr attended the annual Independence Day dinner hosted by the Society of the Cincinnati. Accounts confirm Hamilton was uncharacteristically effusive, while Burr was notably withdrawn. Reports also indicate Burr became agitated when Hamilton, also uncharacteristically, sang a favored song, which recent scholarship suggests was "How Stands the Glass Around", a military anthem about combat and sacrifice. [217]

The duel commenced at dawn on July 11, 1804, on the west bank of the Hudson River, on a rocky ledge in Weehawken, New Jersey. [218] Both participants were rowed from Manhattan separately from different locations, as the duel site was inaccessible from the west due to steep cliffs. Coincidentally, the duel took place near the location where Hamilton's eldest son, Philip Hamilton, had died three years earlier. [219] Lots were drawn for positions and for the second who would initiate the duel. Both were won by Hamilton's second, who selected the upper ledge position for Hamilton, facing the city and the rising sun to the east. [220] After the seconds measured the paces, Hamilton, according to both William P. Van Ness and Burr, raised his pistol "as if to try the light" and put on his glasses to ensure clear vision. [221] Hamilton also declined the more sensitive hairspring setting for the dueling pistols offered by Nathaniel Pendleton; Burr was unaware of this option. [222]

Burr shot Hamilton, inflicting a fatal wound, while Hamilton apparently "deloped", as stated in his prior letter; his shot flew well above Burr's head, striking a tree branch. The seconds, Pendleton and Van Ness, [223] disagreed on who fired first. [222] Subsequent measurements and triangulation of the shots could not definitively determine the angle from which Hamilton fired. Biographer Ron Chernow posits that Burr fired second after taking deliberate aim. [224] Biographer James Earnest Cooke, however, believes Burr aimed carefully and fired first, with Hamilton firing while falling after being struck by Burr's bullet. [225]

The shot struck Hamilton in the lower abdomen, above his right hip. The ball fractured his second or third false rib, causing significant internal damage, particularly to his liver and diaphragm, before lodging in his first or second lumbar vertebra. [94] : 429  [226]

The incapacitated Hamilton was immediately attended by the same surgeon who had treated his son Philip. Hamilton was transported to Greenwich Village and the residence of his friend William Bayard Jr., who was waiting at the dock. [227] On his deathbed, Hamilton requested holy communion from the Episcopal Bishop of New York, Benjamin Moore. [228] Moore initially declined, citing the mortal sin of participating in a duel and Hamilton's lack of membership in the Episcopalian denomination, despite his apparent sincerity. [229] After leaving, Moore was persuaded by Hamilton's friends to return later that afternoon. Upon receiving Hamilton's solemn assurance that he had no intention of shooting Burr and repented his involvement in the duel, Moore administered communion. [229]

After final visits from his family and friends, and enduring considerable suffering for at least 31 hours, Hamilton died at two o'clock the following afternoon, July 12, 1804, [227] [230] at Bayard's home, located below present-day Gansevoort Street in Greenwich Village, New York City. [231] Business in the city was suspended at noon two days later for Hamilton's funeral. The procession, spanning approximately two miles and organized by the Society of the Cincinnati, attracted such a large and diverse crowd that it took hours to complete and received extensive national media coverage. [232] Bishop Moore conducted Hamilton's funeral service at Trinity Church, located at present-day 89 Broadway in Manhattan. [228] Gouverneur Morris delivered the eulogy and secretly established a fund to support Hamilton's widow and children. [233] Hamilton was interred in the church's cemetery. [234]

Religion

Religious faith

As a youth in the West Indies, Hamilton was an devout and conventional Presbyterian, adhering to the New Lights tradition. He was mentored by a former student of John Witherspoon, who represented a moderate faction within the New School. [235] Hamilton authored two or three hymns, which were published in the local newspaper. [236] Robert Troup, his college roommate, noted that Hamilton habitually prayed "on his knees night and morning." [237] : 10 

However, during the American Revolution, Hamilton's religious observance shifted. He became "a conventional liberal with theistic inclinations who was an irregular churchgoer at best," according to Brown University historian [Gordon S. Wood]. In his final years, Hamilton returned to his Protestant faith, [238] identifying as Episcopalian. Historian Ron Chernow observed:

[H]e was not clearly affiliated with the denomination and did not seem to attend church regularly or take communion. Like Adams, Franklin, and Jefferson, Hamilton had probably fallen under the sway of deism, which sought to substitute reason for revelation and dropped the notion of an active God who intervened in human affairs. At the same time, he never doubted God's existence, embracing Christianity as a system of morality and cosmic justice. [239]

During the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in May 1787, anecdotes circulated about Hamilton's remarks concerning God. When asked by a Presbyterian minister why God was not mentioned in the Constitution, Hamilton reportedly replied, "Indeed, Doctor, we forgot it." When Benjamin Franklin proposed that each convention session begin with prayer, Hamilton is said to have responded that there was no need for "foreign aid." [240] Hamilton adopted a pragmatic approach to religion during the [French Revolution], using it for political advantage, notably by characterizing Thomas Jefferson as "the atheist" and asserting the incompatibility of Christianity and Jeffersonian democracy. [240] : 316  After 1801, Hamilton expressed his Christian beliefs, proposing the establishment of a Christian Constitutional Society in 1802 to harness "some strong feeling of the mind" for electing "fit men" to office and advocating for "Christian welfare societies" to aid the poor.

Following his wounding in the duel with Aaron Burr on July 11, 1804, Hamilton spoke of his belief in God's mercy. [d] On his deathbed, Hamilton requested holy communion from the Episcopal Bishop of New York, Benjamin Moore. [228] Moore initially declined for two reasons: that participating in a duel constituted a mortal sin, and that Hamilton, despite his apparent sincerity, was not a member of the Episcopalian denomination. [229] After departing, Moore was persuaded by Hamilton's friends to return later that day. After receiving Hamilton's solemn assurance that he had no intention of firing at Burr and repented his role in the duel, Moore administered communion. [229] Bishop Moore returned the following morning, remained with Hamilton until his death, and officiated at his funeral service at Trinity Church. [228]

Relationship with Jews and Judaism

Hamilton's birthplace, Nevis, hosted a significant Jewish community, comprising approximately a quarter of Charlestown's white population by the 1720s. [2] He frequently interacted with Jewish individuals; as a young boy, he was tutored by a Jewish schoolmistress and learned to recite the Ten Commandments in Biblical Hebrew. [237]

Hamilton demonstrated a notable respect for Jews, described as "a lifelong reverence." [241] He attributed Jewish achievements to divine providence:

• The state and progress of the Jews, from their earliest history to the present time, has been so entirely out of the ordinary course of human affairs, is it not then a fair conclusion, that the cause also is an extraordinary one—in other words, that it is the effect of some great providential plan? The man who will draw this conclusion, will look for the solution in the Bible. He who will not draw it ought to give us another fair solution. [242]

Based primarily on the phonetic similarity between Lavien and common Jewish surnames, it has been suggested that Johann Lavien, Hamilton's mother's first husband, was of Jewish descent. [243] This contested notion contributed to rumors that Hamilton himself was born Jewish, a claim that gained traction in the early 20th century [244] and was seriously considered by at least one contemporary historian. [245] The belief that Lavien was Jewish was popularized by Gertrude Atherton in her 1902 novel The Conqueror, a fictionalized biography of Hamilton that first asserted Hamilton's Jewish heritage. [246] [247] However, the prevailing consensus among mainstream scholars and historians is that Hamilton was not Jewish. [248]

Legacy

• Part of a series on Conservatism in the United States

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Literature

• The Federalist Papers (1788)

• Democracy in America (1835–1840)

• Notes on Democracy (1926)

• I'll Take My Stand (1930)

• Our Enemy, the State (1935)

• The Managerial Revolution (1941)

• Ideas Have Consequences (1948)

• God and Man at Yale (1951)

• The Conservative Mind (1953)

• The Conscience of a Conservative (1960)

• A Choice Not an Echo (1964)

• A Conflict of Visions (1987)

• The Closing of the American Mind (1987)

• The Death of the West (2001)

• Hillbilly Elegy (2016)

• The Benedict Option (2017)

• Why Liberalism Failed (2018)

• The Age of Entitlement (2020)

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Other

• Blaze Media

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Other organizations

Congressional caucuses

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Economics

• ATR

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• NFIB

• [NTU